•~1 

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ACO 


INDUSTRIAL  PROBLEMS 
AND  DISPUTES 


INDUSTRIAL  PROBLEMS 
AND  DISPUTES 


BY  LORD  ASKWITH 


NEW  YORK 
HARCOURT,  BRACE  AND  COMPANY 

1921 


FOREWORD 

IN  publishing  this  work,  I  have  no  ambition  to  be  a  prophet 
of  the  future  relations  between  Capital  and  Labour,  but  to 
state,  however  imperfectly,  facts  within  my  own  knowledge, 
with  some  views  upon  certain  of  the  problems  which 
have  arisen. 

These  facts  may  help  in  some  small  measure  to 
throw  light  upon  events  of  the  present  day  and  the 
problem  of  industrial  peace.  We  have  no  guide  to  the 
future  except  our  experience  of  the  past. 

I  would  like  to  record  my  gratitude  to  the  staff  who 
worked  so  hard  and  loyally  with  me  for  long  years  and 
through  the  War — men  and  women.  Mr.  I.  Haig  Mitchell 
and  Mr.  D.  Cummings,  as  chief  lieutenants,  with  Mr. 
Sidney  Clarke,  my  first  private  secretary,  and  Mr.  H.  J. 
Wilson,  who  succeeded  him,  worked  with  me  through  many 
strenuous  days,  of  which  these  pages  give  some  record. 

There  are,  too,  many  conciliators  and  arbitrators,  men 
like  Sir  W.  W.  Mackenzie,  Sir  William  Robinson,  the  late 
Mr.  T.  Smith,  and  Professor  J.  B.  Baillie,  as  well  as  my 
colleagues  on  the  Committee  on  Production,  who  have 
given  unwearying  service  to  the  cause  of  industrial  peace. 
I  should  add  that  Professor  Baillie  materially  aided  me 
with  the  chapters  on  Socialism  and  Syndicalism. 

ASKWITH. 


CONTENTS 

OHAPTHK  P1GH 

I.  THE  LAD       .          .         .         .         .         .         .         1 

The  zest  of  a  boy — Choosing  a  career — Questions  to  be  answered — 
Occupations  to  be  entered — Character  of  occupations. 

II.  THE  LAD  IN  EMPLOYMENT      .         .         .         .  "      8 

Evils  of  blind-alley  work — Chances  in  a  workshop — Difficulty  of 
promotion — Growth  of  opposition  to  employers — Suspicion. 

III.  THE  EMPLOYER    ......       13 

Aims  of  the  employers — Production  their  business,  and  not 
teaching — Ties  of  business — Combines  not  favourable  to  mutual 
interest  between  employer  and  employed — More  education  and  less 
opportunity  hinder  mutual  interest. 

IV.  EDUCATION  .         .         .         .         .         .         .18 

Increase  of  educated  youths — Limitations  of  industrial  training — 
Necessity  of  continued  education — Effects  of  specialisation — 
Reasons  for  completion  of  industrial  training  and  changed  methods 
of  workshop  handling — Guidance  to  vocations — Importance  of 
giving  a  chance. 

V.  TRAINING  AND  SERVICE 28 

Types  of  training — Results  to  be  desired — Examples  of  methods 
— Y.M.C.A.  clubs — The  prefect  system — Importance  of  general 
education — Charts  of  careers  for  boys — The  building  trades — Print- 
ing and  bookbinding — Shop  assistants — The  grocery  trade — En- 
gineering— An  insurance  office. 

VI.  Two  CAMPS  ...         .         .         ,         .       66 

Capital  and  Labour — Importance  of  unity — The  failure  of  em- 
ployers and  labour  leaders — Absence  of  a  policy. 

VII.  THE  DOCKERS'  DISPUTE  OF  1889.         .         .       71 

Reasons  for  the  present  position — Conditions  prior  to  the  dock 
strike  of  1889 — Outburst  of  the  dockers — Effects  of  the  dockers' 
strike — Casualisation  still  prevalent. 

VIII.  THE  CONCILIATION  ACT,  1896      .         .         .       76 

Clauses  of  the  Act — Small  powers  given  by  the  Act — The  North- 
Eastern  Railway  arbitration — The  Penrhyn  Quarry  dispute — A 
Scottish  conciliation  case — Later  results. 


CONTENTS  vii 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

IX.  THE   TAFF  VALE    RAILWAY    CASE    AND    THE 

TRADE  DISPUTES  ACT,  1906         .         .       84 

Minor  eases — London  compositors'  dispute — A  tinplate  dispute — 
Origin  of  the  Taff  Vale  Railway  dispute — Beasley  v.  Bell — Decisions 
of  the  Courts  of  Law — Royal  Commission  on  Trade  Disputes — The 
Trade  Disputes  Act. 

X.  ARMY  BOOTS  AND  NOTTINGHAM  LACE     .         .       97 

The  army  boot  strike — The  Raunds  district — Nottingham  lace — 
Reconstruction  of  an  industry — Piecework  statements. 

XI.  THEATRES  OF  VARIETIES       ....     108 

Theatres  of  varieties  as  they  were — An  unexpected  strike — A 
series  of  awards — The  barring  system — Progress  of  the  industry. 

XII.  BELFAST,  1907     .         .         .          .          .         .109 

Riots  in  Belfast — Carters,  coal  porters,  and  dockers — Mr.  Larkin 
and  the  carters — Appearance  of  Belfast  after  the  strike — Tariff  of 
carters'  wages. 

XIII.  RAILWAYS,  1907         .         .         .         .         .     115 

Low  railway  wages — The  All  Grades  Programme — Attitude  of  the 
companies — Settlement  of  the  dispute — Progress  of  conciliation — 
Establishment  of  Conciliation  Boards. 

XIV.  SCOTTISH  MINERS,  1909   ....  126 

The  minimum  wage — Support  of  the  English  miners — Mr.  Smillie's 
attitude — A  general  coal  strike  avoided — A  souvenir  of  the  dispute. 

XV.  COTTON,  BOILERMAKERS,  AND  COAL,  1910       .     134 

Difficulties  of  cotton  disputes — The  Brooklands  Agreement — A  one- 
man  difficulty — Mode  of  settlement — A  missing  clause  in  the  Agree- 
ment— The  boilermakers'  difficulty — The  heart  of  the  difficulty — 
Mode  of  settlement — The  Cambrian  dispute — Abnormal  places  and 
a  disputed  seam — Insistence  of  the  miners — Return  to  work. 

XVI.  TRANSPORT  WORKERS,  1911         .          .          .     148 

General  outbreak  in  1911 — The  seamen's  programme — Southamp- 
ton— Hull — Manchester — Effects  of  a  mutual  pledge — Leeds—- 
London— Results  in  London — Sailing  barges. 

XVII.  RAILWAY  STRIKE,  1911     .          .          .          .160 

The  railway  men's  ultimatum — Attitude  of  the  companies  and  the 
Government — Negotiations  through  the  Government — A  Royal 
Commission  on  grievances — Resolution  of  the  House  of  Commons — 
The  parties  meet — Final  settlement. 

XVIII.  JUTE,  1911 170 

Manchester — Liverpool — Dundee — A  hurried  journey — A  Christ- 
mas settlement — Character  of  the  1911  disputes. 


viii  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

XIX.  THE  INDUSTRIAL  COUNCIL,  1911          .         .     178 

Proposals  for  avoidance  of  disputes — Sir  Charles  Macara's  plan — 
Appointment  of  the  Industrial  Council  and  the  Chief  Industrial 
Commissioner — Hindrances  to  the  success  of  the  Council — Mr. 
Buxton's  opening  speech — Difficulty  of  conciliation  by  a  committee — 
Names  of  the  members. 

XX.  LANCASHIRE    COTTON   AND   CLYDE   DOCKER, 

1912 187 

Non-unionists  in  the  cotton  mills — Long  conferences — A  question 
of  principle — Time  for  reflection  and  common  sense — Loss  by  the 
stoppage — Dockers  on  the  Clyde — Non-unionists  again — Settle- 
ment of  a  tariff — The  ore  trade. 

XXI.  COAL,  1912         .         .         .         .         .         .201 

Claim  for  a  minimum  wage— Failure  of  negotiations — Action  by 
the  Industrial  Council — Letter  by  the  Prime  Minister — Origin  of  the 
claim — The  claims  in  detail — Hearing  by  Cabinet  Ministers — Miners' 
ultimatum — Renewed  conferences— Coal  Mines  (Minimum  Wage) 
Bill — Prime  Minister's  speech — Result  of  the  strike. 

XXII.  TRANSPORT  WORKERS,  1912       .         .         .220 

Non-unionism  and  the  federation  ticket  in  London — Interven- 
tion of  Ministers — Sir  Edward  Clarke's  inquiry — Passive  resistance 
of  the  employers — Attempted  extension  of  the  strike — Lord  Devon- 
port's  interview — Results  of  the  dispute — Press  comments  on 
Ministers — Mr.  Ben  Tillett. 

XXIII.  INDUSTRIAL  AGREEMENTS,  1912         .         .     234 

The  reference  to  the  Industrial  Council — Mr.  Lloyd  George's  views 
— Difficulties  of  enforcing  industrial  agreements — Report  by  the 
Industrial  Council — Inefficacy  of  monetary  penalties — Value  of  an 
interpretation  clause — Proposed  legislation — Inaction  of  the  Govern- 
ment. 

XXIV.  CANADA,  1912          .         .         .         .         .242 

My  mission  to  Canada — Extent  of  the  journey — Trade  Union 
Congress  at  Guelph  and  conference  at  Vancouver — Report  on  the 
Lemieux  Act — Value  of  inquiry  and  report — Inaction  of  the  Govern- 
ment— Differences  between  Great  Britain  and  Canada — Scots  in 
Canada. 

XXV.  THE  MIDLANDS,  1913        .         .         .         .252 

Strike  at  Dudley — Extension  to  Birmingham  and  the  Midlands — 
Midland  Employers'  Federation — The  firebrick  trade — March  to 
London — Provisions  of  the  settlement. 

XXVI.  LARKIN,  1913 259 

Sudden  outbreak  in  Dublin — The  sympathetic  strike — A  Court  of 
Inquiry — Report  of  the  Court — Task  before  the  Court — Murphy  and 
Larkin — Delegates  from  the  trade  unions — Failure  of  the  strike 
— Larkin's  views — One  big  union. 

XXVII.  LABOUR  EXCHANGES       ....     272 

Origin  of  the  Bill — Exchanges  in  London  and  Germany — Pro- 
posed objects  of  the  Exchanges — A  disintegrating  force — An  incen- 
tive to  unemployment — Expensive  officialdom. 


CONTENTS  ix 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

XXVIII.  TRADE  BOARDS    .         .         .  *  ,282 

Evils  of  sweating — Committee  of  the  House  of  Lords — Arguments 
for  a  change — Objects  of  the  Boards — Unity  of  employers  and  em- 
ployed— Necessity  for  legislation — House  of  Commons  Committee— 
The  Trade  Boards  Acts. 

XXIX.  PROPAGANDA  AND  CA'  CANNY  .         .     294 

Methods  of  persuasion — Absence  of  counter-arguments — Aggres- 
sive influences — The  disease  of  ca'  canny — The  spread  of  the 
disease — Examples  of  the  disease — Necessity  for  a  common  purpose. 

XXX.  UNEMPLOYMENT         .         .          .  .     805 

Ca'  canny  one  of  the  causes — Importance  of  decasualisation — 
Failure  of  relief  works  and  colonies — Evils  of  doles — Importance  of 
production — Possible  paths  of  remedy — Unemployment  as  a  charge 
on  each  industry. 

XXXI.  SOCIALISM        .         .         .  .         .313 

Co-partnership — Its  difficulties — Forms  of  socialism — The  inten- 
tion   of    socialism — Materialistic    character — Claims    for    equality — 
Claims  of    socialism  in    relation    to  trade  unions,    co-operative 
societies,  the  State,  communism,  and  anarchism. 

XXXII.  MARXISM  —  SYNDICALISM — GUILD     SOCI- 

ALISM   .......  327 

Marxian  socialism — Comparison  with  Syndicalism  and  Guild 
Socialism — Marx's  Manifesto  and  book  on  Capital — Marx's  conten- 
tions— Criticisms  on  his  contentions — The  violence  of  Syndicalism — 
Direct  action — Guild  Socialism — Theory  of  the  future — Balance  of 
power  between  Guild  and  State. 

XXXIII.  THE  POSITION  BEFORE  THE  WAR,  1913-14    347 

Beginning  of  1914 — The  spirit  of  unrest — Apathy  of  the  Govern- 
ment— Reasons  for  the  unrest — The  Labour  Party  in  Parliament — 
Feeling  against  Capitalism — Materialism  of  the  country. 

XXXIV.  THE  BEGINNING  OF  THE  WAR        .          .356 

Prospects  for  the  autumn — Strike  at  Woolwich  Arsenal — Declara- 
tion of  war — Cessation  of  disputes — The  King's  message — Shortage 
of  labour — The  leather  trade — Wool — Cotton — Production,  restric- 
tions, and  shortage  of  men — Lack  of  co-ordination — Trade  union 
rules — The  Committee  on  Production. 

XXXV.  THE  SPRING  OF  1915      .          .          .          .367 

Problems  to  be  settled — Conferences  in  the  shipbuilding  trade — 
Reports  of  the  Committee  on  Production — Appointment  of  arbitra- 
tion tribunal — Outburst  on  the  Clyde — Increase  of  disputes — Pro- 
fiteering— A  note  on  labour  unrest — The  Shells  and  Fuses  Agree- 
ment— The  Treasury  Agreement. 

XXXVI.  THE  MUNITIONS  OF  WAR  ACT,  1915  .     383 

Increase  of  arbitrations — Equality  of  treatment — Terms  of  the 
Munitions  Act — Tribunals — The  Welsh  coal  dispute — Mr.  Lloyd 
George  yields — Non-unionism  at  Southampton — Issue  of  the  dispute 
— Unrest  on  the  Clyde. 


x  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

XXXVII.  1916   .          .          .          .          .          .          .     400 

New  Munitions  of  War  Act — Women's  wages — Special  arbitration 
tribunals — Difference  between  arbitration  and  conciliation — Re- 
quirements of  conciliation — Non-unionist  question  in  South  Wales — 
Second  cycle  of  wages — Pressure  of  new  cases — Scottish  National 
Building  Code — Government  and  departmental  interference. 

XXXVIII.  NEW  MINISTRIES         .         .         .         .     414 

The  Ministry  of  Labour — Clashing  of  claims  and  settlements — 
The  Engineering  agreement  for  periodical  revisions  of  wages — 
Extension  of  the  agreement — Alterations  in  the  Tribunals — Conflict 
of  new  departments — Complaints  of  lack  of  co-ordination — Proposal 
for  one  authority. 

XXXIX.  TWELVE  AND  A  HALF  PER  CENT.  .         .     426 

Commissioners'  inquiry  on  industrial  unrest — Leaving  certificates 
and  wages  of  skilled  time-workers — Third  Munitions  of  War  Act —  • 
Committee  on  time-workers — Danger  of  sectional  advances — The  Coal 
Controller — Grant  of  the  12J  per  cent. — Extension  of  the  grant — 
Government  Labour  Committee — Bonus  on  the  railways — Claim  by 
the  electricians — Decision  of  the  War  Cabinet  on  pieceworkers — 
Criticism  of  the  order — Award  to  electricians — Extension  to  piece- 
workers— Final  settlements. 

XL.    1918   .          ,          .         V        ,    •      «  .        .          .      446 

The  building  trade — The  Metropolitan  Police  and  the  Fire  Brigade 
— Fire  Brigade  award — The  Whitley  Committee—Joint  Industrial 
Councils — The  pottery  industry — Future  of  industrial  councils. 

XLI.    THE  ARMISTICE  AND  NATIONALIZATION        .     460 

Dispute  in  the  cotton  trade — Weavers'  settlement — Difficulties 
with  the  spinners — Wages  (Temporary  Regulation)  Act — Changes 
at  the  Ministry  of  Labour — The  eight-hour  day — Mr.  Clynes's 
warning — Revival  of  labour  claims — Nature  of  the  disputes — Mr. 
Smillie  and  Nationalization — Vague  use  of  the  term — Necessity  for 
explanation — Objections  to  the  proposed  plan. 

XLII.    GOVERNMENT     METHODS      AND      CONCLU- 
SIONS .         »         .         .         .         .         .     478 

The  Coal  Commission — Opportunism  of  the  Prime  Minister  and 
the  Government — No  unity  of  purpose — Criticism  of  the  methods 
used — Outcry  against  expenditure — The  railway  strike — Direct 
action — New  men — Present  position — Necessity  for  greater  know- 
ledge and  unified  effort — Unity  the  aim  of  conciliation. 

INDEX  v  490 


INDUSTRIAL  PROBLEMS 
AND  DISPUTES 


CHAPTER  I 

THE   LAD 

LET  any  man  imagine  himself  a  boy  again,  and  throw  back 
his  thoughts  to  those  days  of  which  the  memory  remains 
so  keen  and  vivid  throughout  the  whole  of  life.  He  will 
remember  his  ambition  to  excel  in  games  or  in  work ;  his 
desire  for  the  goodwill  and  friendship  of  others,  possibly 
of  all  with  whom  he  comes  in  contact ;  his  hope  for  enjoy- 
ment of  life  ;  his  interest  in  every  plan  he  makes.  Every 
day  all  that  he  does  seems  to  result  in  something  of  direct 
and  immediate  interest  to  himself.  He  is  always  going 
forward,  in  mind  as  in  age  and  strength ;  and  even  though 
he  may  never  pause  to  sum  up  results,  he  feels  and  senses 
them,  and  acts  upon  the  experience  gradually  coming  to 
him.  In  great  or  little  measure  education  gives  him  know- 
ledge. Some  things  he  is  told  that  it  is  necessary  for  him 
to  learn,  and  as  all  the  other  boys  and  girls  are  learning 
them,  he  follows  the  rule  and  finds  results.  According  to 
his  nature,  the  influence  and  skill  of  his  teachers,  and  the 
incentive  of  competition,  he  may  achieve  some  success. 
Spurred  on  by  results,  he  becomes  a  leader  of  others,  and 
may  discover,  almost  without  knowing  it,  fitness  for  par- 
ticular kinds  of  learning  or  pursuits  beyond  the  general 
knowledge  commonly  impressed  on  all. 

Most  lads  are  full  of  life  and  hope,  eager  to  succeed, 
without  much  prevision  or  any  knowledge  of  the  different 
lines  of  life  which  may  be  open  to  them  ;  but  they  do  find 
that  effort  produces  results  and  that  the  results  affect 

1 


2  THE    LAD 

them  individually.  Their  zest  is  not  thrown  away  ;  they 
become  eager  to  follow  the  paths  of  success.  Other  lads, 
of  course,  there  are  who  do  not  wish  through  their  sur- 
roundings even  to  arrive  at  a  basis  of  a  general  education 
or  to  apprenticeship  of  any  kind.  "  The  laddie  was  terrible 
against  being  made  a  gentleman,"  as  Sir  James  Barrie  says, 
"  and  when  he  saw  the  kind  o'  life  he  would  hae  to  lead — 
clean  hands,  clean  dickies,  and  no  gutters  on  his  breeks — 
his  heart  took  mair  scunner  at  genteelity  than  ever,  and 
he  ran  hame." 

One  may  turn  to  the  parents  of  these  young  people. 
Whatever  standard  of  life  the  parents  may  have  reached, 
they  are  anxious  that  their  children  should  not  fail  to  have 
at  least  as  good  a  standard.  For  years,  now,  more  and 
better  education  has  been  called  for.  Vast  sums  have 
been  spent  by  successive  Governments  in  improving  and 
extending  education,  and  at  the  present  time  wide  schemes 
are  before  the  country.  Parents  have  spent  their  means 
and  harassed  their  minds  in  the  endeavour  to  obtain  the 
best  possible  result  for  their  children.  They  want  them 
to  learn  as  much  as  possible  and  to  have  their  intelligence 
developed  with  a  view  to  success  in  life  and  improvement 
of  their  condition.  Year  by  year  thousands  and  thousands 
of  young  people  are  thus  being  educated,  and  have  to  start 
out  on  some  means  of  earning  their  own  living  and  reaching 
a  position  which  will  enable  them  to  marry  and  have 
children  of  their  own. 

It  is  extraordinary  that,  with  all  this  yearning  desire  for 
advancement,  there  is  at  the  present  day  so  little  a  know- 
ledge of  the  possibilities  of  different  careers  both  among  old 
and  young,  and  such  little  guidance  as  to  careers.  A  lad's 
chance  of  choice  is  generally  so  narrow  that  he  is  very  likely 
to  take  up  some  form  of  unsuitable  work.  When  the  time 
comes,  lads  start  on  what  they  can  get,  some  following  their 
father's  trade,  some  taking  the  first  employment  which 
offers  itself,  some  joining  a  trade  which  their  friends  may 
be  seeking  to  follow,  or  which  happens  to  be  the  main  trade 
of  the  district  in  which  they  live.  The  selected  work  may 
be  work  for  which  the  lad  is  mentally  and  physically  un- 
fitted, or  work  which  offers  few  opportunities  of  a  satis- 
factory career.  How  can  any  lad  know  that  there  are 
more  than  sixty  main  occupations,  each  with  many  sub- 
divisions, and  in  each  subdivision  employment  for  workers, 


CHOOSING  A  CAREER  8 

whether  skilled,  semi-skilled,  or  unskilled  ?  It  is  at  least 
one  step  forward  if  that  fact  is  realised  by  a  lad  before  he 
considers  or  examines  several  of  them  with  a  view  to 
selection  of  the  most  suitable.  The  most  suitable  will 
probably  be  that  occupation  where  the  good  and  not 
the  weak  qualities  which  he  possesses  will  be  most 
useful :  in  that  direction  the  best  chances  of  his  success 
will  lie. 

If  he  has  a  strong  interest  in  anything,  the  idea  will  come 
to  him,  with  little  examination,  which  callings  may  pos- 
sibly be  entered.  If  he  has  no  strong  interests,  he  may  be 
equally  fitted — or  perhaps  it  should  be  said,  not  unsuitable 
— for  several  kinds  of  employment,  and  may  try  to  ascertain 
what  occupations  are  open,  and  examine  as  best  he  can, 
by  reading  or  by  talking  to  persons  engaged  in  the  work, 
or,  if  possible,  seeing  the  place  of  work,  the  nature  of  the 
work  which  he  proposes  to  undertake.  For  both  classes 
of  lads  knowledge  alone,  forethought  alone,  can  give 
some  glimpse  of  the  chances  of  the  future.  Few  can  find 
out  much  by  themselves  before  taking  the  leap  in  the 
dark. 

Many  are  the  questions  that  might  be  asked,  both  as  to 
occupations  and  as  to  the  circumstances  of  occupations. 
Some  occupations  are  given  in  a  list  at  the  end  of  this 
chapter.  Is  such  a  list  or  choice  often  brought  before  a 
lad  ?  Useful  questions  are  also  given.  Are  such  ques- 
tions ever  asked,  when  a  random  choice  is  hinted  at  by 
lads  necessarily,  by  their  age,  without  any  experience  of 
actual  facts  or  future  possibilities,  or  any  power  of  wise 
judgment  ?  If  lads  cannot  get  the  answers  for  themselves, 
it  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  educational  authorities, 
boys'  clubs  or  associations,  or  even  employers,  may  well 
prepare  information  that  can  be  readily  accessible  to  those 
who  desire  to  know.  Every  boy  kept  from  an  unsuitable 
occupation  is  likely  to  be  a  more  contented  citizen.  Guid- 
ance and  encouragement  in  using  any  available  training 
facilities  and  exercising  judgment  will  not  be  thrown 
away. 

It  seems  to  be  very  usually  supposed  that  general 
remarks  about  the  value  of  education  are  sufficient  for 
lads — sermons  on  their  duty  and  the  usefulness  of  know- 
ledge. As  a  matter  of  fact,  they  are  of  little  or  no  use. 
It  has  to  be  brought  home  to  the  lad  as  an  individual  that 


4  THE    LAD 

self-improvement  is  an  advantage  to  himself  before  he 
will  be  prepared  to  make  much  effort  to  obtain  it.  As 
Solomon  very  truly  wrote,  "  The  beginning  of  wisdom 
is  the  desire  for  discipline."  The  first  thing  is  to 
establish  the  desire.  When  desire  exists,  opportunities 
may  be  more  easily  seen  and  more  quickly  taken.  The 
ground  is  prepared  for  advice  on  the  course  of  training  to 
be  followed  and  for  information  on  the  occupations  in 
which  a  boy  is  interested.  The  boy  will  be  in  a  position  to 
consider  for  himself  such  vital  questions  as  whether  he  is 
suited  for  the  work,  whether  the  wages  are  satisfactory, 
whether  the  employment  is  regular,  and  whether  there  are 
fair  chances  of  promotion.  All  these  four  questions  are 
elementary  questions  which  every  boy  should  have 
brought  before  him  and  should  try  to  exercise  his  intelli- 
gence in  answering.  He  should  know  that,  if  he  is  an  appren- 
tice or  learner  in  commerce  and  industry,  his  path  is  more 
or  less  defined,  but  that  if,  as  a  boy,  he  joins  the  army  of 
unskilled  workers  in  works,  offices,  or  factories,  or  starts 
in  employments  which  lead  nowhere,  blind-alley  employ- 
ments, he  may  be  amongst  the  few,  the  very  few,  who 
reach  as  adults  the  ranks  of  skilled  industry ;  he  may  be 
absorbed  among  the  unskilled  or  semi-skilled  who  are 
attached  to  an  industry ;  or  he  is  very  likely  to  have  to 
leave  and  seek  other  employment,  because  there  is  no  room 
in  that  industry  for  his  services  as  an  adult.  It  is  an  out- 
standing feature  of  employment  in  the  unskilled  and  blind- 
alley  employments  that  after  a  time  the  lad  must  leave 
and  seek  other  employments  for  which  he  has  had  little 
or  no  training.  The  remedy  lies  in  preparation  and  train- 
ing, only  too  difficult  to  obtain  and  too  slightly  given. 
A  generation  of  lads  is  now  growing  up,  many  of  whom, 
owing  to  the  war,  have  not  had  the  control  of  fathers  or 
elder  brothers,  and  often  not  of  mothers.  In  their  hands 
will  lie  the  decisions  and  work  of  the  future,  the  fate  of  the 
nation.  There  is  available  at  our  very  doors  a  vast  field 
for  effort  and  service.  The  world  urgently  needs  effective 
workers,  and  offers  them  good  rewards.  Conditions  in  a 
workshop  or  an  office  are  so  exacting  that  none  but  intelli- 
gent persons  with  knowledge  of  their  work  can  hope  for 
success.  General  intelligence  is  the  chief  requisite,  know- 
ledge beyond  the  small  piece  of  work  a  man  may  first  be 
engaged  on  is  the  second,  if  a  lad  is  to  have  a  real  chance  of 


OCCUPATIONS  OF  THE  WORLD  5 

advancement  and  promotion.  It  is  a  platitude  that  educa- 
tion to  an  intelligent  man  never  ceases  during  his  life,  that 
every  addition  to  his  knowledge  is  an  asset  of  advantage  or 
pleasure  to  himself.  It  is  at  no  period  of  life  more  im- 
portant than  in  the  period  of  his  youth  that  this  lesson 
should  be  learned,  and  that  teachers  should  bring  it  before 
the  individual  lad.  And  yet  how  seldom  is  it  done  !  Lord 
Rosebery  is  reported  to  have  said  that  there  was  one  thing 
which  age  could  never  teach — experience.  If  the  implica- 
tion is  that  the  young  must  and  will  find  out  for  themselves, 
the  saying  may  have  truth  when  applied  to  some  facts  of 
life  ;  but  at  least  it  must  be  qualified  by  saying  that  there 
are  facts  in  life,  the  whole  career  of  a  man,  on  which  it  is 
desirable  to  raise  and  encourage  curiosity,  and  for  which 
experience  may  give  guiding  lights  of  value. 

The  industrial  problems  of  the  present  day,  the  problems 
of  years  past,  are  closely  connected  with  the  use  which  we 
make  of  our  lads ;  the  chances  we  give  them  to  advance, 
and  by  advancing  to  assist  others  by  service  and  example ; 
the  avoidance  of  putting  them  in  wrong  places ;  their  oppor- 
tunity of  getting  a  fair  chance  according  to  their  efforts 
and  brains,  and  of  understanding  the  position  of  others 
and  not  seeking  or  imagining  misunderstanding. 

Women  may  well  say,  "  We  are  giving  you  sons  year  by 
year.  What  are  you  doing  with  them  ?  " 


OCCUPATIONS  OF  THE  WORLD 

AGRICULTURE. — General  farmer,  stock  farmer,  dairy 
farmer,  fruit  farmer,  poultry  farmer,  gardener. 

COMMERCE. — Wholesale  and  Retail  Shopkeepers. — Bakers 
and  confectioners  ;  booksellers ;  butchers  and  meat  sales- 
men ;  chemists  and  druggists  ;  drapery,  wholesale  and 
retail ;  dealers  in  dress  :  boot  and  shoe  dealers,  hosiers 
and  haberdashers,  outfitters  and  clothiers  ;  fishmongers  ; 
poulterers  ;  game  dealers  ;  florists  ;  greengrocers  ; 
fruiterers  ;  grocery  ;  ironmongery  and  hardware  ;  hair- 
dressers and  barbers  ;  milk-sellers  and  dairymen  ;  news- 
agents ;  oil  and  colour  men  ;  pawnbrokers  ;  stationers  ; 
tobacconists  ;  warehousemen.  Offices. — Banks  ;  insurances ; 
shipping  ;  railways ;  carriers  ;  agencies  ;  counting-houses  ; 
manufacturing  works. 


6  THE    LAD 

INDUSTRY. — Building  trades  ;  engineering  ;  textiles  ; 
mining  ;  metal -working  ;  precious  metal  and  instrument  - 
making  ;  glass  ;  chemicals  ;  paper  and  printing  ;  pottery  ; 
woodworking  and  furniture  ;  leather,  skin,  and  hair. 

PROFESSIONS. — Minister  ;  doctor  ;  dentist ;  teacher  ; 
lawyer  ;  architect ;  army  ;  navy  ;  police. 

PUBLIC  SERVICES. — Civil  service  ;  municipal  service  ; 
gas ;  electricity ;  water-supply ;  tramways  ;  roads  ; 
sanitation ;  health. 

There  are  more  than  sixty  main  occupations,  most  of 
them  with  many  divisions,  open  to  young  people  leaving 
school. 


WHAT  A  BOY  SHOULD  KNOW  ABOUT  AN  OCCUPATION  HE 
WISHES  TO  ENTER 

1.  The  size  and  importance  of  the  occupation. 

2.  Is  the  occupation  growing  or  diminishing  ?    (E.g.,  is 
it  becoming  mainly  work  for  semi-skilled,  or  is  it  actually 
decreasing  in  importance  ?) 

3.  Is  the  occupation  crowded,  or  is  there  a  scarcity  of 
high-class  workers  ? 

4.  Is  the  occupation  stable,  or  is  it  subject  to  frequent 
changes  ? 

5.  What  is  the  length  of  the  working-day  ?  Is  overtime 
frequent,  and  is  it  paid  for  ? 

6.  Is  payment  by  time  or  by  the  piece  ? 

7.  What  are  the  different  kinds  of  work  in  the  occupa- 
tion ?  He  should  know  the  names  of  the  different  branches, 
the  kind  of  work,  and  the  pay  in  each  branch. 

8.  Is  it  an  occupation  which  employs  a  large  proportion 
of  boy-labour  ?  If  this  is  so,  the  boy  should  know  that  he 
will  probably  be  dismissed  when  he  reaches  seventeen  or 
eighteen  years  of  age. 

9.  Is  the  occupation  a  healthy  one,  and  is  it  carried  on 
under  good  conditions  ? 

10.  The  average  age  of  entry. 

11.  Is  there  any  need  of  training  before  entrance  ? 

12.  Where  this  training  can  be  obtained. 

18.  The  wages  at  entrance.     Are  they  small  at  first  and 
slowly  increasing  to  high  wages,  or  comparatively  high  at 


TYPES   OF  OCCUPATIONS  7 

first,  with  a  small  rate  of  increase — the  maximum  reached 
in  a  few  years  ? 

14.  Have  all  beginners  the  opportunity  to  learn  more 
than  one  operation  or  process  ? 

15.  What  is  the  number  of  apprentices  or  learners  ? 

16.  How  are  the  skilled  workers  recruited  ? 

17.  What  are  the  opportunities  for  technical  training  ? 


CHAPTER   II 

THE   LAD    IN   EMPLOYMENT 

ONE  of  the  first  results,  when  a  lad  enters  employment, 
is  apt  to  be  the  disillusionment  of  youth.  I  am  not  speaking 
of  blind-alley  employments,  such  as  messenger,  errand- 
and  van-boys,  newsboys  and  street-sellers,  into  which  a 
boy  may  have  drifted  by  the  necessity  of  earning  money  or 
ignorance  of  the  danger  of  starting  in  blind-alley  work. 
In  such  work  fairly  good  wages  may  be  obtainable  at  the 
start,  but  lads  will  generally  find  that  they  have  to  give 
place  to  others  before  they  become  men,  and  must  change 
their  occupation  when  it  is  too  late  to  learn  more  skilled 
work.  After  several  years  of  blind-alley  work,  a  youth  of 
eighteen  is  generally  unfitted  for  learning  skilled  work. 
He  cannot  apply  himself  to  the  task  or  will  not  submit  to 
the  discipline  and  control  necessary  for  learning  a  trade. 
He  will  not  take  a  boy's  job,  and  cannot  get  a  man's  job  ; 
and  a  few  weeks  spent  in  looking  for  a  job  is  often  sufficient 
to  make  him  degenerate  into  a  casual  worker  or  a  loafer.  At 
most  he  may  as  a  young  man  be  able  to  get  work  in  an 
unskilled  trade,  with  the  prospect  before  him  that  in  times 
of  trade-depression  the  unskilled  workmen  are  the  first  to 
be  dismissed,  and  the  last  to  be  taken  on,  and  by  force 
of  circumstances  have  to  be  the  chief  applicants  for 
relief. 

Even  in  these  occupations,  at  the  most  impressionable 
period  of  their  life,  when  the  general  education  which  they 
have  received  might  be  a  basis  on  which  to  build,  they  enter 
a  new  school,  and  are  left  to  shift  for  themselves. 

In  a  lesser  degree,  the  same  principle  appertains  in  the 
skilled  trades,  and  will  appertain  in  those  trades  and  under 
those  employers  where  the  worker  is  only  regarded  as  a 
mere  element  in  the  cost  of  production  :  with  the  system 
of  restriction  to  one  machine  or  one  process,  and  no  train- 

8 


RESTRICTIONS   ON  ADVANCE  9 

ing  in  his  industry  or  in  several  sections  of  his  industry. 
The  young  lad,  on  entering  a  workshop  or  taking  up  almost 
any  form  of  manual  labour,  finds  his  position  curiously 
changed.  He  may  not  realise  it  at  first,  but  it  cannot 
be  long  before  the  fact  is  borne  in  upon  him,  either  by  his 
own  experience  or  the  instruction  of  his  colleagues.  Instead 
of  everything  being  done  for  them,  with  parents  harassing 
themselves  to  give  them  the  best  possible  education  and 
insurance  for  progress,  and  teachers  endeavouring  to  get 
the  best  results  from  the  development  of  their  brains,  these 
young  lads  are  only  too  often  put  in  a  position  where 
development  is  curtailed.  They  have  been  full  of  zeal  and 
ambition,  underrating  difficulties,  believing  that  the  world 
was  before  them,  and  that,  given  a  good  education,  fair 
brain,  and  hard  work,  they  must  be  able  to  make  their  way. 
Perhaps  at  school  they  had  gained  prizes  and  were  en- 
couraged to  believe  that  progress  and  advancement  were  not 
only  possible,  but  even  easy.  But  they  find  out  that  in  the 
new  world  this  is  not  so.  They  may  begin  by  making  every 
effort  to  get  on  and,  by  conscientious  work,  try  to  get  out 
of  the  ruck.  It  is  not  to  be  done.  There  is  no  ladder,  no 
open  door.  In  the  majority  of  cases  they  never  have  a 
chance.  As  trainers  say  of  young  horses  when  spurred  to 
greater  effort  than  they  can  accomplish,  "  Their  hearts  are 
broken."  Good  work  and  bad  work,  steady  effort  or 
slacking,  lead  to  no  result,  no  difference  in  their  remunera- 
tion, no  real  chance  for  the  future. 

The  lads  are  not  taught  a  trade  or  how  to  take  interest 
in  a  trade,  but  only  a  process  or  part  of  a  process.  They 
are  encouraged  to  become  proficient  in  one  or  a  few  opera- 
tions, not  to  gain  a  general  knowledge  of  a  trade  or  its 
interest.  They  are  not  taught  the  continuance  of  educa- 
tion or  how  to  effect  it,  but  become  an  element  in  the  costs 
of  production.  Occasionally  some  may  be  promoted  and 
may  rise,  but  the  majority  find  the  door  closed  to  them. 
Their  efforts  are  restrained  to  becoming  machines  graded 
to  produce  a  particular  type  of  article,  but  nothing  else, 
with  no  direct  interest  in  their  work  or  the  result  of  their 
work.  They  are  against  a  wall  which  they  cannot  climb, 
and  are  not  encouraged  to  try  to  climb.  Why  ?  The 
answer  is  obvious.  The  lad  is  out  of  the  hands  of  teachers 
whose  business  it  is  to  expand  and  develop  his  growing 
mind  and  intelligence,  and  who  make  their  livelihood  by 


10  THE   LAD    IN   EMPLOYMENT 

following  that  pursuit  or  business.  The  lad  is  transferred 
to  the  custody  of  persons  whose  business  it  is  to  produce, 
not  to  continue  general  training.  Their  business  is  to  make 
the  best  use  of  the  factors  within  their  reach,  and  they  do 
not  want  to  spend  their  time,  energy,  and  money  in  teaching. 
Teaching  of  that  kind  might  be  philanthropic,  but  it  is  not 
their  business,  any  more  than  to  teach  young  children. 
Proficiency  of  a  narrow,  specialised  kind  is  most  conducive 
to  their  undertakings,  and,  so  they  think,  to  their  produc- 
tion. As  individuals  they  select  what  they  require  for  pro- 
duction; and  as  production  is  their  business,  no  blame 
should  be  attached  to  them  for  that  reason.  They  have 
started  with  that  object ;  they  have  directed  their  brains 
and  their  money,  large  or  small  in  amount  as  it  may  be, 
to  that  object ;  and  they  wish  to  make  use  of  every  oppor- 
tunity and  of  every  person  whom  they  can  employ  in 
furtherance  of  that  object.  What  is  the  result  ?  The 
young  lad  leaving  his  general  school-training  finds  that  the 
specialised  operations  common  in  workshops  are  to  be  his 
lot  in  life.  His  hopes  may  be  great,  his  ambition  may  be 
soaring.  For  some  time  he  may  trust  in  possibilities.  He 
does  not  like  to  admit  to  himself  that  he  is  not  being  trained 
as  an  engineer,  a  ship-builder,  or  a  house-builder,  but  to 
become  an  operative.  But  in  a  brief  time  to  the  majority 
comes  disillusionment;  and  when  once  a  man  is  disillu- 
sioned, bitterness  is  a  very  natural  result,  and  antagonism 
to  the  system  which  he  deems  to  be  the  cause.  He  has  to 
turn  elsewhere,  and  in  place  of  a  business  career  he  may  see 
the  chief  prizes  are  to  be  got  by  becoming  a  leader  amongst 
his  fellows  and  by  finding,  in  opposition  to  the  system,  a 
career  which  does  not  lead  to  production  from  which  he 
gains  his  daily  or  weekly  wage,  but  which  does  lead  to  direct 
results  to  himself,  with  possibilities  of  high  advancement. 
Slowly  or  quickly  he  finds  himself  opposed  to  the  employer, 
and  opposed  to  the  very  prospects  which  that  employer 
holds  most  dear.  His  hopes  of  success  lie  in  bleeding  the 
employer  rather  than  in  joint  effort  to  increase  production 
and  gain  the  best  possible  results  for  both. 

In  the  workshops  the  lad,  who  was  led,  while  at  school, 
to  believe  that  all  was  possible  and  within  his  reach,  finds 
himself  in  an  atmosphere  where  he  soon  discovers  that  the 
belief  exists  that  his  chances  lie  not  in  prospects  of  success 
in  his  trade  and  co-operation  with  his  employer,  but  in 


RESULTS   OF  RESTRICTIONS  11 

something  outside  and  in  opposition  to  that  employer.  If 
he  has  served  an  apprenticeship  in  the  trade,  and  spent 
years  and  money  in  learning  two  or  three  processes,  he  will 
soon  realise  that  the  knowledge  of  such  processes  is  his 
trade  possession,  and  is  all  he  knows.  Jealously  will  he 
guard  the  very  pigeonhole  in  which  he  finds  himself — any 
infringement  of  rules  or  restrictions,  rates  or  methods,  he 
will  resent  and  fight  against,  because,  as  far  as  trade  is  con- 
cerned, he  is  fighting  for  his  sole  possession,  his  only  vested 
interest ;  and  he  will  thus  aid  in  maintaining  those  trade 
union  restrictions  which  are  so  continually  denounced  by 
those  who  consider  them  to  be  a  bar  to  production.  Then, 
again,  lads  cannot  desire  that  any  in  the  same  state  as 
themselves  should  do  work  which  would  raise  the  level 
which  they  are  expected  to  reach.  As  soon  as  the  day's 
work  is  over  they  are  only  too  ready  to  put  on  their  coats 
and  leave,  however  important  the  result  of  their  work  may 
be  to  their  employers.  They  will  band  together  and 
support  any  movement  which  shows  a  chance  of  the  general 
level  of  their  remuneration  being  raised.  They  will  listen 
to  any  teaching  which  holds  out  a  prospect  of  taking  some- 
thing from  somebody  else,  and  of  sharing  in  greater  measure 
the  supposed  results  of  the  production  of  goods  or  the  sup- 
posed capital  embarked  in  the  support  of  an  enterprise. 
Some  will  accept  the  position  and,  engaged  in  domestic 
affairs,  or  games,  or  betting,  or  simply  from  want  of  enter- 
prise, will  follow  what  others  suggest  in  the  matter  of  trade 
movements,  and  agree  with  the  behests  of  delegates  either 
elected  or  self-constituted.  Others  will  take  no  interest 
until  cost  of  living  or  some  requirement  of  their  lives  stings 
them  to  support  claims  which  they  would  otherwise  regard 
with  apathy.  Others,  who  cannot  reconcile  themselves 
to  the  lack  of  opportunity,  seek  it  in  obtaining  leadership 
over  their  colleagues,  in  active  support  of  their  trade  union 
meetings,  and  in  the  endeavour  to  become  trade  union 
leaders,  or  leaders  of  any  movement  which  interests  their 
minds  and  shows  direct  results  for  themselves.  And 
against  whom  or  what  are  their  efforts  directed  ?  Their 
claims,  their  promotion,  the  use  of  their  education,  the 
chance  of  advancement  in  new  and  untried  paths,  all  appear 
to  them  to  be  blocked  by  the  employers  who  have  placed 
them  in  particular  work,  and  keep  them  at  that  work  and 
that  work  only,  and  to  be  hampered  by  the  system  which 


12  THE    LAD    IN    EMPLOYMENT 

has  that  result  and  fixes  in  particular  ways  the  distribution 
of  the  results  of  their  toil.  The  result  is  that  there  is 
suspicion  and,  from  time  to  time,  war  :  suspicion  and  war 
continuously  fostered  by  propaganda. 

Women  might  again  ask :    "Is  this  what  you  are  doing 
with  the  sons  we  are  giving  to  you  ?  " 


CHAPTER   III 

THE   EMPLOYER 

THE  boy  who,  by  succession,  education,  or  wealth,  becomes 
in  the  ordinary  course  of  events  an  employer  or  manager 
knows  little  or  nothing,  and  as  a  rule  thinks  little,  of  the  fate 
that  is  in  store  for  him.  He  is  occupied  with  the  interests 
and  aims  of  a  boy's  life,  and  acquiring  information  on 
various  items  of  a  general  education.  If  he  shows  any 
liking  for  the  Army  or  Navy  or  the  University,  his  parents, 
if  well  enough  off,  may  endeavour  to  satisfy  him  and  help 
him  to  the  career  of  a  profession.  In  any  event  most 
parents  will  strain  to  send  him  to  the  best  school  they  can 
manage.  The  ever-increasing  lists  of  boys  to  be  entered 
for  our  public  schools  show  the  earnest  desire  for  educa- 
tion, and  preferably  for  that  which  is  supposed  to  give  good 
schooling,  in  addition  to  the  advantages  derived  from 
membership  of  a  great  institution,  comradeship  in  thought 
and  games,  and  friendships  lasting  throughout  life.  When 
the  time  comes  to  leave  school,  it  is  the  parent  who  looks 
round  and  consults  others  as  to  what  he  can  do  for  his  boy. 
If  he  has  a  business  himself,  in  nine  cases  out  of  ten  the  boy 
goes  into  it  as  a  natural  path  where  the  resistance  is  least  : 
or  he  is  placed  in  a  similar  business  run  by  a  friend.  Then, 
under  the  eye  of  a  trusted  clerk  or  with  some  watching  by 
his  father,  he  proceeds  to  learn  as  much  as  he  can  of  the 
working  of  it,  in  an  eager  or  desultory  way  according  to  his 
inclinations  and  the  nature  of  his  tuition.  He  may  loathe 
it  from  the  first  day  of  his  entrance,  but  it  is  difficult  to 
break  away,  and  he  is  continually  told,  and  feels,  that  he 
has  no  experience,  and  that  he  must  earn  his  own  liveli- 
hood, and  perhaps  livelihood  for  others.  If  the  business  is 
run  in  a  particular  groove,  he  has  to  follow  that  groove 
or  tradition,  and  finds  little  encouragement  to  break 
away. 

13 


14  THE    EMPLOYER 

Employers  of  this  class  are  only  a  type.  Side  by  side 
with  them  in  the  same  trade  will  be  found  a  limited  number 
of  men  who  have  risen  from  the  ranks,  and  by  intelligence, 
luck,  or  strong  will  attained  to  the  government  of  a  busi- 
ness. Others  will  be  managers  acting  on  behalf  of  com- 
panies, associations,  municipalities,  or  the  State,  restricted 
in  varying  degrees  by  Boards,  committees,  or  governing 
bodies. 

It  is  not  my  purpose  to  define  the  varieties  of  the  em- 
ploying classes.  They,  like  the  wage-earning  classes,  must 
vary  in  intellect,  physical  attributes,  and  character.  They 
do  not  form  a  homogeneous  whole  moulded  to  satisfy  the 
stock  phrase  "  Capital  and  Labour."  There  are  vast 
numbers  of  anomalies  and  fluctuations,  gradations,  inter- 
locking of  interests,  schemes  of  management,  and  divisions 
of  rank  and  authority.  But  even  if  these  facts  are  true 
and  a  wide  generalisation  is  difficult,  the  broad  point 
remains  that  the  man  who  aspires  to  be  a  successful  em- 
ployer aims,  in  the  course  of  his  competition  with  others, 
at  production  and  the  right  to  profit  by  his  own  exertion.  He 
is  not  up  against  a  stone  wall  beyond  which  he  cannot 
advance.  His  aim  is  gain,  success,  advancement,  so  that 
he  may  have  means  for  himself  and  means  to  hand  on  to 
his  children.  He  is  a  competitive  individualist,  limited 
by  such  restrictions  of  association  with  others  as,  in  his 
judgment,  will  aid  his  own  success,  and  sometimes  also 
influenced  by  philanthropic  or  educational  aims  selected 
by  fancy,  sympathy,  or  ambition.  The  familiar  phrase 
"  Business  is  business  "  covers  many  a  design,  good  or  bad 
in  intention  or  result.  Nobody  ever  heard  of  a  working- 
man  making  use  of  or  relying  upon  that  cover  or  explana- 
tion of  his  objects.  To  the  employer  it  has  become  a 
commonplace  proverb. 

When  the  employer  considers  the  best  method  of  improv- 
ing his  business,  he  may  bring  into  the  estimate  a  large 
number  of  factors  ;  but  it  is  safe  to  say  that,  as  a  rule,  a  very 
small  factor  in  guiding  his  judgment  would  be  the  idea  that 
it  might  be  his  business  to  teach,  or  to  continue  the  general 
training  and  open  the  doors  of  a  career  to,  the  working- 
class  lad  entering  his  employment.  The  lad  is  useful  to 
him  in  proportion  to  his  value  as  one  of  the  items  of  the 
costs  of  production.  The  employer  will  even  lament  that 
during  the  period  spent  in  acquiring  knowledge  of  one  or 


BUSINESS   IS  BUSINESS  15 

two  processes  the  lad  costs  more  than  he  is  worth.  One 
hears  the  remark  over  and  over  again  :  "  They  are  always 
moving  just  as  they  are  beginning  to  be  useful."  Of  course 
they  are.  It  is  the  attempt  of  the  lad,  by  himself  or  through 
the  advice  or  need  of  his  parents,  to  better  himself  and  to  go 
where  he  thinks  there  are  higher  wages,  better  conditions,  or 
more  chances  of  advancement.  It  is  the  same  spirit  of 
movement  which  may  lead  some  lads  to  seek  a  new  con- 
tinent or  go  to  the  Colonies. 

The  employer  himself,  as  a  rule,  does  not  want  to  move. 
He  may  open  new  branches,  and  the  new  branches  may 
overshadow  the  original  business.  But  when  once  he  is 
established  in  a  place  or  amid  particular  surroundings,  his 
object  is  generally  to  develop  in  that  locality.  He  is 
tied  by  buildings,  occupation  or  ownership  of  land,  con- 
tracts, goodwill,  machinery,  etc.,  and  is  practically  unable 
to  change  as  the  humour  seizes  him.  An  old-established 
business  is  not  lightly  scrapped. 

The  workman,  too,  is  not  a  migratory  person  any  more 
than  an  employer.  He  does  not  want  to  move  away  from 
his  home,  and  go  among  strangers  or  to  an  unknown 
country-side.  There  must  be  an  incentive  before  he  is 
stirred  to  action ;  and  the  greatest  incentive  of  all  is  the 
lack  of  opportunity  or  the  pressure  of  circumstances  in  the 
district  from  which  he  comes.  The  restive  spirit  of  youth 
may  be  moved  by  prospects  of  high  wages  and  greater  inde- 
pendence ;  and  by  the  hearsay  reports  of  what  others  are 
doing.  The  desire  for  change  and  adventure  may  be  a  lure, 
and  the  wish  to  test  his  ability  or  value  in  other  places,  with 
the  hope  of  better  openings,  may  speed  departure.  Hence 
the  attraction  arising  from  developments  of  iron  or  of  coal, 
and  such  startling  results  as  the  increase  of  the  population 
of  Glamorganshire  from  70,879  in  1801  to  1,120,910  in 
1911,  or  of  the  port  of  Barry  from  about  100  in  1881  to 
over  13,000  in  1891. 

If,  then,  quick  changes  are  not  the  usual  desire  of  em- 
ployers or  employed,  it  might  have  been  supposed  that 
the  difficulties  and  disadvantages  of  movement  would  tend 
to  better  acquaintance,  friendship,  and  mutual  interests 
between  parties  who  would  prefer  to  stay  where  they  were 
and  cultivate  that  intense  love  of  home  which  is  so  strong 
in  British  minds.  In  some,  perhaps  in  many,  instances 
such  results  may  have  been  attained,  but  can  it  be  said  that 


16  THE    EMPLOYER 

in  the  majority  of  businesses  any  such  relation  exists,  par- 
ticularly in  large  cities  ? 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  philanthropic  or  paternal 
interest  in  their  workpeople  which  has  been  evinced  from 
time  to  time  in  businesses  run  by  one  man  or  a  family,  the 
tendency  of  late  years  has  not  been  in  the  direction  of 
interest  by  acquaintance  or  friendship.  The  cold  entity 
of  a  joint-stock  company  or  a  huge  combine  does  not  lead 
to  it.  The  workmen  become  numbers,  grouped  on  pro- 
cesses, driven  into  pigeon-holes  at  the  very  time  when 
education  and  more  education  is  pressed  upon  the  people 
and  better  educated  lads  are  being  turned  out  by  their 
tens  of  thousands. 

In  England  in  January  1918  there  were  nearly  5|  million, 
and  in  Wales  over  466,000,  scholars  on  the  books  of  the 
ordinary  public  elementary  schools,  higher  elementary 
schools,  special  schools  and  certified  efficient  schools.  During 
1917  the  number  of  pupils  of  both  sexes  in  secondary  schools 
recognised  as  efficient  was,  in  England,  242,024  (128,709 
boys),  as  compared  with  203,540  (110,118  boys)  in  1914. 
The  vast  majority  of  these  children  and  lads  must  neces- 
sarily seek  their  livelihood  in  industry  of  one  kind  or  another. 
The  number  is  continually  increasing.  Where  will  the 
employers  be  if  there  is  no  outlet  for  them  to  go  forward, 
and  if  their  chances  of  a  career  are  continually  stopped 
by  a  wall  ?  The  cry  is  daily  for  more  and  better  education. 
The  Government  itself  has  proclaimed  "  the  need  for  a 
complete  and  systematic  plan  of  elementary  education 
in  each  area,  properly  related  to  elementary  and  secondary 
schools  and  universities,  adapted  to  local  needs  and 
particularly  to  industrial  needs,  and  offering  to  every  stu- 
dent facilities  for  a  graduated  and  progressive  course  of 
instruction  suited  to  his  or  her  requirements." 

In  that  the  working-classes  see  the  chance  for  the  better 
fitness  of  their  children  to  take  part  in  the  work  of  life  : 
but  the  children,  with  wider  views  than  their  ancestors, 
will  not  be  satisfied  with  a  life  limited  artificially  in  its 
opportunities,  and  controlled  by  the  dictation  of  a  few. 
They  want  to  have  an  open  chance ;  and  will  generally 
desire  to  see  a  direct  interest  in  the  result  of  their  work. 
Without  such  incentives  they  will  not  do  the  work  as  it 
ought  to  be  done,  or  give  the  production  which  is  necessary 
for  the  future  of  the  nation. 


MODERN  COMBINATIONS  17 

It  may  be  said  that  the  employers  themselves  are 
becoming  more  and  more  limited  in  freedom.  These  are 
the  days  when  the  process  of  handing  over  the  conduct 
of  business  to  joint-stock  companies  is  rapidly  continuing, 
and  employers  act  as  trustees  for  others.  These  are 
also  the  days  when  huge  combines  hi  every  class  of  industry 
are  being  effected.  Such  amalgamations  are  devised  for 
economy  of  working,  and  in  some  measure  allow  more 
openings  for  those  connected  with  them  than  the  "  one 
chief"  business.  But  there  is  the  great  difference  that, 
when  employers  come  under  such  limitation,  the  limitation 
is  voluntary.  The  employer  joins  if  it  is  to  his  advantage 
to  join.  He  can  choose  for  himself,  except  so  far  as 
pressure  of  competition  may  impose  the  practical  necessity 
upon  him.  But  the  existence  of  these  bodies  does  not 
lessen  the  utility  of  considering  the  importance  of  an 
open  chance  or  of  a  direct  interest  in  the  result  of  work, 
both  for  employers  and  their  workpeople.  A  tribute 
to  those  principles  may  be  given  in  the  words  of  a  recent 
report  of  a  successful  company  : 

"  We  try  to  give  all  our  employees  an  equal  opportunity 
of  advancement,  and  the  growth  and  success  of  our  business 
prove  the  soundness  of  this  policy.  The  path  is  open 
to  them,  even  up  to  the  direct  orate." 


CHAPTER  IV 

EDUCATION 

IF  the  preceding  suggestions  are  not  entirely  incorrect, 
and  if  the  nation  or  employers  or  both  are  perplexed  with 
the  seething  mass  of  proposals  for  betterment  put  forward 
on  behalf  of  equally  perplexed  workers  under  the  guise  of 
ideals,  it  may  not  be  out  of  place  to  ask  them  to  pay  more 
attention  to  the  subject  of  youth. 

The  present  practice  not  only  stunts  the  proper  growth 
of  our  youths,  but  tilts  their  activities  in  a  wrong  direction. 
Nothing  has  been  so  marked  during  the  last  thirty  years 
as  the  growth  of  labour  troubles.  Reams  of  paper  have 
been  consumed  in  dealing  with  it.  Labour  troubles  vied 
with  the  war  as  a  nightmare  troubling  everybody,  and 
since  the  war  have  oppressed  the  nation.  Are  they  not 
largely  the  result  of  a  system,  or,  rather,  the  lack  of  a 
system?  And  are  not  the  majority  of  labour  troubles  due 
to  a  movement  of  the  young  men  ? 

Let  it  be  admitted  that  the  education  of  children  has 
been  progressive,  that  the  good  education  of  twenty 
years  ago  was  not  equal  to  that  of  ten  years  ago,  that  the 
education  of  ten  years  ago  fell  short  of  the  education  of 
to-day,  and  that  the  training  of  our  children  from  five  to 
fifteen  years  of  age  is  being  constantly  improved.  Let  it 
be  allowed  that  there  is  a  general  desire  to  equip  the  rising 
generations  as  thoroughly  as  possible  for  the  battle  of  life, 
and  that  large  sums  (a  fact  only  too  obvious)  are  annually 
spent  in  the  perfecting  of  this  equipment.  The  tendency 
is  in  the  direction  of  education  and  still  more  education. 
For  eight  or  ten  years  in  the  life  of  our  children  the  aim 
of  our  National  Education  is  to  broaden,  develop,  and 
expand  their  minds  and  latent  capabilities,  an  endeavour 
generally  endorsed  as  right  and  proper,  even  though  a 
strong  volume  of  opinion  may  exist  that,  as  a  nation,  we 

18 


NEGLECT  OF  TRAINING  19 

are  still  far  behind  what  is  required  if  the  best  results  are 
to  be  obtained  and  our  children  are  to  get  that  chance 
which  their  natural  abilities  demand. 

And  yet,  in  comparison  with  this  attitude,  public  sen- 
timent, so  far  as  the  training  of  our  young  workpeople 
after  they  leave  school  is  concerned,  is  one  of  surprising 
neglect.  Much  has  been  said  and  written  of  the  extreme 
impressionability  of  the  youth  of  both  sexes  between  the 
years  of  fifteen  and  twenty.  Whether  these  years  are  the 
most  impressionable  or  not  does  not  matter.  They  are  at 
least  sufficiently  impressionable  to  make  the  after-life  of 
the  youth  largely  dependent  upon  the  use  which  is  made 
of  these  years.  What  generally  happens  ?  At  the  risk  of 
repetition,  is  it  not  the  fact  that  the  general  practice  is  to 
place  these  young  people  with  some  private  employer 
whose  business  is  not  training,  but  production  ?  No  doubt 
there  is  in  the  mind  of  the  parents  a  hope  that  the  broad 
education  begun  at  school  will  be  followed  by  a  compre- 
hensive training  in  the  trade  which  the  youth  has  chosen. 
In  actual  fact  nothing  of  the  kind  occurs.  Let  us  suppose 
that  a  lad  enters  a  trade  through  the  medium  of  a  large 
manufacturing  business.  The  lad  finds  that  the  line  taken 
with  his  education  while  he  was  at  school  is  reversed.  At 
school  the  whole  endeavour  was  to  broaden  and  expand  his 
mind,  so  much  so  that  he  frequently  wondered  to  what  use 
he  could  put  the  different  branches  of  knowledge  which  he 
was  encouraged  to  study.  In  his  new  business  a  contrary 
line  is  taken.  His  work  is  narrowed,  confined,  and 
restricted  ;  he  is  encouraged  to  become  proficient  in  one 
or  a  few  operations,  not  to  acquire  a  general  knowledge  of 
a  trade. 

It  does  not  require  much  reflection  to  see  that  no  other 
result  could  come  from  the  system  at  present  followed  in 
industrial  education.  Until  a  comparatively  recent  date, 
industrial  education  was  left,  with  some  confidence,  almost 
entirely  to  employers  under  the  apprenticeship  systems. 
Whatever  may  be  said  of  this  training  in  the  past — and  it 
may  have  been  suitable  a  century  ago — it  is  certainly 
wholly  inadequate  now.  There  are,  of  course,  exceptions 
in  the  case  of  firms  which  have  taken  special  care  about 
the  subject.  A  particularly  successful  firm  tells  that  they 
"  have  nineteen  apprentices  who  are  instructed  in  a  special 
tool-room  in  the  operation  of  all  machine  tools ;  their 


20  EDUCATION 

work  consists  in  making  jigs,  fixtures,  special  tools,  parts 
of  machine  tools  that  need  replacing,  a  certain  amount 
of  millwright  work,  and  any  work  of  an  exceptional  nature. 
Each  apprentice  carries  through  his  work  from  the 
commencement  to  the  finish,  and  repetition  is  avoided  as 
much  as  possible.  Their  progress  has  been  quite  satis- 
factory. Three  of  them  have  left  our  employ  to  take 
positions  as  competent  toolmakers.  The  remainder  are 
probably  better  workmen  than  the  majority  of  men  who 
come  to  us  as  skilled  mechanics. 

"In  addition  to  the  regular  shop- work,  they  receive 
instruction  in  mathematics,  physics,  and  machine  drawing, 
the  classes  being  held  three  evenings  a  week  from  the  middle 
of  September  to  the  middle  of  May.  The  classes  are  held 
from  5.45  to  7.45  p.m.  We  have  four  classes  in  elementary 
mathematics  on  Tuesdays  and  Fridays,  one  class  on  ad- 
vanced mathematics  on  Fridays,  and  the  same  pupils 
attend  the  class  in  physics  on  Thursdays.  The  two  last- 
mentioned  classes  are  conducted  so  as  to  furnish  material 
for  each  other — i.e.  a  portion  of  the  mathematics  relates 
to  the  physics  being  studied  at  that  time,  and  special 
attention  is  given  in  the  physics  classes  to  provide  material 
to  demonstrate  the  applicability  of  their  mathematics. 

"Up  to  January  last  we  had  two  classes  in  machine 
drawing  each  week,  but  we  found  that  we  could  keep  up  the 
interest  and  accomplish  more  by  giving  the  youths  one 
long  session  from  5.30  to  8.30,  during  the  first  portion  of 
which  they  receive  their  instruction,  after  which  they  devote 
their  time,  under  the  supervision  of  the  teacher,  to  work 
which  would  otherwise  be  done  at  home  under  less 
favourable  conditions. 

"  The  books  and  materials  required  for  the  classes  are 
provided  by  us,  and  we  also  provide  the  accommodation 
free  of  charge.  The  instructors  are  provided  by  the  county 
educational  committee." 

The  method  of  production  in  the  earlier  half  of  the  nine- 
teenth century,  with  its  small  factory  and  workshop,  its 
limited  orders  and  its  lack  of  specialisation,  lent  itself  to  the 
general  training  of  the  apprentice ;  he  had  to  do  everything 
within  the  compass  of  the  business.  To-day  that  system  is 
changed,  or  at  least  the  only  thing  that  appears  to  remain 
is  the  belief  that  a  lad  can  enter  a  large  shipyard,  engineer- 
ing works,  or  building  establishment,  and  learn  his  trade. 


REQUIREMENTS   OF  A  WORKSHOP  21 

It  would  seem  that  either  such  a  belief  exists,  or  that,  with 
a  complacency  which  is  even  more  dangerous,  the  nation  is 
content  to  leave  matters  to  right  themselves.  In  either 
event  an  incorrect  theory  clouds  clear  thinking.  A  lad 
entering  his  apprenticeship  to-day  does  not  learn  his  trade, 
and  matters,  if  allowed  to  go  on,  will  not  right  themselves, 
for  the  simple  reason  that  all  tendencies  and  interests  are 
the  other  way. 

An  employer,  when  he  engages  a  lad,  however  much  he 
may  be  concerned  with  the  mental,  moral,  industrial,  and 
physical  development  of  the  boy,  is  much  more  concerned 
with  making  his  own  business  a  success,  and,  naturally, 
whatever  he  may  do  for  the  boy  is  circumscribed  by  his 
larger  and  more  important  aim.  Many,  in  fact,  pay  little 
attention  to  the  lad  except  as  an  aid  to  their  business.  In 
any  case  the  modern  employer  does  not  want  his  works 
filled  with  all-round  highly-skilled  mechanics  or  artisans. 
He  requires  many  specialised  workmen  capable  of  handling 
the  machines  as  specialists,  and  executing  the  parts  of  the 
special  kind  of  work  he  is  engaged  in  manufacturing. 
Any  training  he  gives  his  apprentices  will  naturally  tend 
in  the  direction  of  turning  out  men  equipped  for  the  special 
operation  he  will  require  them  to  do.  Thus  thousands  of 
young  men  become  highly  expert  in  one,  or  at  most  a  few 
operations,  and  narrowed,  in  outlook  as  well  as  capability, 
long  before  they  are  out  of  their  apprenticeship.  It  would 
be  remarkable  if  it  were  otherwise  ;  an  employer  no  more 
accepts  responsibility  for  the  training  of  our  youths  than 
he  does  for  the  training  of  our  children.  Indeed,  when 
children  were  entrusted  to  him  he  made  a  bad  mess  of  it, 
as  the  history  of  the  factory  laws  so  clearly  establishes. 

The  effect  of  this  narrow  scope  of  work  has  been  already 
mentioned.  The  lad  becomes  disillusioned,  embittered, 
and  finally  antagonistic  to  the  whole  system.  A  few,  aided 
by  influence,  struggle  on  and  win  through,  but  the  great 
bulk  look  for  other  fields  for  their  endeavours.  Work- 
people are  not  different  from  business  or  professional  people. 
They  must  have  an  outlet  for  their  energies,  ambitions,  and 
hopes  of  advancement.  If  this  outlet  is  blocked  or  denied 
them  in  one  direction,  the  natural  and  helpful  direction 
of  advancement  in  their  trade,  then  another  outlet  will  be 
sought.  This  is  easily  found  in  trade  union  and  labour 
agitation  activities.  An  attractive  field  is  open  before  them. 


22  EDUCATION 

In  place  of  the  difficulties  facing  them  in  the  struggle  for 
a  career  in  their  business,  they  find  that,  by  espousing  the 
cause  of  Labour,  a  welcome  career  awaits  them,  with  high 
prizes  not  depending  upon  favour  or  influence,  but  upon 
their  own  powers.  Is  it  any  wonder  their  hesitation 
disappears  ?  Before  they  realise  it,  they  are  taking  sides 
against  their  employer  and  their  trade  prospects,  and 
responding  to  the  invitation  of  the  trade  unions. 

Our  young  men  are,  by  this  method  of  specialised  and 
narrow  training  and  consequent  stoppage  of  prospects  of 
advancement,  being  driven  from  the  pursuit  of  trade 
ambitions,  and  ruined  as  prospective  aids  in  the  struggle  to 
connect  to  man's  use  the  gifts  and  forces  of  nature.  This 
educational  equipment  of  the  youth  has  resulted  in  hundreds 
of  thousands  of  workpeople  being  forced  into  more  or  less 
active  hostility  to  their  employers.  In  place  of  eager 
joint  efforts  to  expedite  production,  many  in  fact  seek  to 
retard  production,  while  many  are,  to  say  the  least,  in- 
different. Others  are  imbued  with  an  hostility  which 
develops  into  antagonism  to  all  authority.  Some  consola- 
tion is  no  doubt  obtained  from  the  thought  that,  frequent 
as  industrial  troubles  are,  they  have  so  far  been  surmounted 
by  some  means  or  other,  and  the  hope  is  possibly  enter- 
tained that,  harassing  as  the  recurring  menace  is,  means  will 
still  be  found  by  which  the  difficulties  will  continue  to  be 
surmounted.  The  consolation  must  be  small,  because  the 
seriousness  of  the  trouble  is  so  steadily  increasing  that  it 
is  obvious  a  condition  of  things  is  growing  which,  unless 
rectified,  must  have  a  grave  effect.  No  other  result  can 
be  expected.  The  knowledge  and  intelligence  possessed  by 
children  leaving  school  is  progressive.  It  is  foolish  to  keep 
drafting  this  growing  intelligence  into  industry,  and  expect 
it  to  remain  quiescent  when  the  hopelessness  of  advance- 
ment in  industry  becomes  apparent  to  that  intelligence. 
It  is  only  necessary  to  meet  the  young  miner,  engineer,  or 
factory  worker,  who  has  possibly  done  well  at  school  and 
science  class,  to  recognise  that,  if  a  pace  commensurate 
with  his  intelligence  is  not  found  for  him  in  his  trade, 
he  will  find  a  place  for  himself  in  the  ranks  of  labour 
agitation. 

There  are  at  least  two  remedies  within  reach  : 
(1)  Completing  by  industrial  education  the  work  com- 
menced at  school. 


WORKSHOP  HANDLING  23 

(2)  A  changed  method  in  the  workshop  handling  of 
labour. 

As  to  completing  by  industrial  education  the  work  com- 
menced at  school,  if  the  qualities  embodied  in  children 
require  careful  tending  during  their  younger  years,  it  is 
surely  not  less  desirable  that  care  should  be  taken  when 
they  are  just  beginning  to  be  aware  of  the  great  possibilities 
of  life.  The  nation,  or,  if  intervention  by  the  nation  is  to 
be  avoided,  associations  of  employers  or  individual  em- 
ployers for  those  within  their  trade  or  factory,  and  trade 
unions,  instead  of  being  satisfied  with  education  and  train- 
ing up  to  fourteen  or  fifteen,  should  aim  at  completing  by 
industrial  education  the  work  commenced  at  school.  The 
development  of  our  youths  is  equally  the  interest  of  the 
nation  as  is  the  development  of  the  child.  Why  stop  at 
fourteen  or  fifteen  years  of  age  ?  If  the  education  of  the 
child  by  the  nation  has  proved  beneficial,  why  not  go  on 
and  see  him  through  part,  at  least,  of  his  industrial  educa- 
tion ?  After  he  is  twenty  or  so,  he  may  safely  be  left  to 
fight  his  own  battle  and  specialise  if  he  so  wishes  ;  but 
until  then,  guidance,  encouragement,  and  help  in  the  work- 
shop are  essential  to  the  broad,  general,  and  varied  training 
which  is  necessary  to  his  or  her  full  man-  or  woman-hood. 
Recent  developments  of  secondary  training-schools  are 
only  a  small  beginning. 

As  to  a  changed  method  of  workshop  handling,  the  dead 
level  of  trade  union  conditions  is  not  the  goal  to  be  aimed 
at.  It  is  to  an  upward,  not  a  downward,  direction  that 
employers  should  devote  their  thought,  so  that  advance- 
ment in  his  trade,  not  too  long  delayed  and  generous,  will 
be  possible  to  the  aspiring  youth.  The  ideal  to  be  aimed 
at  is  to  make  every  worker  act  as  if  the  business  was  his 
own,  and  this  result  can  only  be  reached  if  an  opportunity 
is  given  to  make* the  business  actually  his  own  in  some 
proportion  to  his  worth  to  the  business. 

It  may  be  allowed  that  the  proportion  of  his  worth  to 
the  trade  may  not  be  an  easy  question  to  answer.  Is  it 
more  than  to  give  to  each  lad  "  a  fair  sporting  chance  " 
of  getting  an  opening  in  life  ?  I  am  not  saying  that  every 
lad  can  have  or  obtain  a  general  education,  or  should  learn 
a  whole  business  or  the  objects  of  it.  Many  lads  show 
no  aptitude  or  ambition  whatever  for  acquiring  such 
knowledge.  Their  parents,  family,  sexual  inclinations,  so 
3 


24  EDUCATION 

fearfully  strong  and  so  generally  overlooked,  laziness  or 
stupidity,  may  each  or  all  be  causes  which  prevent  any 
desire  or  attempt  to  move  forward.  Those  lads  will  take 
a  back  place  in  the  battle  of  life.  They  will  be  in  the  army 
of  the  unskilled  or  semi-skilled,  with  no  ambition  to  go 
farther  ;  but  still,  it  is  fair  and  expedient  that  they  should 
have  had  their  chance. 

Guidance  as  to  vocation  may  be  helpful.  Opportunity 
from  the  State,  the  municipality,  or  the  wise  employer  may 
afford  the  opening  for  those  capable  of  taking  it,  and  the 
door  may  advisably  never  be  entirely  closed.  Neverthe- 
less the  fact  remains  that  in  modern  industry  there  must 
be  division  of  work  and  specialisation.  If  the  opportunity 
of  general  education  is  not  taken,  or  the  value  of  general 
knowledge  of  a  trade  is  not  recognised  or  is  not  sufficiently 
valuable  to  an  individual,  that  individual  has  to  select 
the  course  that  he  will  or  can  follow.  The  most  that  can 
be  said  for  him  is  that  he  should  have  had  his  chance  ;  a 
chance  which  under  present  conditions  he  seldom  gets. 
The  State  may  do  something,  but  a  few  hours  a  week  in 
secondary  education  do  not  afford  much  foothold.  Volun- 
tary Associations  directing  lads  in  clubs  may  do  much. 
Employers  endeavouring  to  select  the  best  brains  amongst 
their  employees  may  do  more  ;  and  if  parents  are  gradu- 
ally brought  to  see  the  importance  of  lads  having  their 
chance  and  not  being  hurried,  for  the  sake  of  present  gain 
at  the  expense  of  their  future,  into  minor  wage-earning 
employments,  parents  can  do  most.  The  intention  and 
wider  outlook  have  to  be  obtained.  Then  all  correlative 
forces  may  unite  in  the  same  effort.  Give  the  lad  or  girl 
the  best  chance  which  is  possible,  up  to  the  age  of  twenty 
or  twenty-one,  and  then,  as  leading-strings  cannot  be 
kept  indefinitely  in  being,  their  place  in  the  body  politic 
and  their  future  must  largely  depend  upon  themselves  and 
their  own  aptitude.  Some  may  become  leaders  of  men, 
but  the  majority  must  follow.  They  have  to  follow  in 
the  state  for  which  they  are  fit,  according  to  their  merit 
and  ability.  Yet  those  who  are  leaders  must  still  consider 
them.  The  rabbit  in  the  hutch,  the  fowl  in  the  hen-roost, 
the  cattle  in  the  meadow  cannot  be  healthy  or  breed  or 
satisfy  the  conditions  of  their  life  if  they  are  not  tended. 
Unhealthy  surroundings,  insufficient  food,  close  quarters 
are  bad  for  animals,  but  how  much  worse  for  men,  women, 


CLAIMS   FOR  BETTER   CONDITIONS  25 

and  children,  beings  with  powers  of  reasoning,  with 
standards  of  comfort  below  which  they  will  not  go,  similar 
in  birth  and  death  and  many  requirements  with  all  other 
human  beings  ! 

At  the  present  day  the  industrial  world  moves  more 
speedily  than  ever.  Men  and  women  expect  more.  They 
read  more,  travel  more,  discuss  more  than  was  customary 
twenty  years  ago,  and  in  addition,  these  islands  are  more 
crowded.  The  conditions  of  life,  the  standards,  amenities, 
power  of  movement  and  amusements  have  rapidly  changed. 
Better  conditions  of  work  are  therefore  demanded — and 
each  step  in  better  conditions  may  give  rise  to  a  desire  for 
more.  It  is  obvious  that  they  cannot  be  given  unless  the 
means  exist  to  do  it.  Care,  forethought,  paternal  interest 
may  do  something.  The  end  cannot,  however,  be  reached 
without  mutual  confidence,  without  a  spur  showing  men 
that  good  work  will  produce  good  results  to  them  as  well 
as  to  others,  interesting  them  in  their  own  career  and  the 
success  of  the  business  to  which  they  are  attached.  If 
so,  the  business  is  bound  to  progress,  whereby  the  means 
will  be  obtained  for  giving  better  and  better  conditions. 
Take  the  point  of  view  of  this  example  in  a  big  American 
firm  of  6,000  employees  and  four  or  five  different  factories, 
where  it  is  said  that  no  labour  troubles  have  existed : 


"  INSTRUCTIONS  TO  FOREMEN  AND  MANAGERS 

"Promotions. — 1.  Promote  employees  to  operations  of 
higher  skill  and  wage  as  rapidly  as  possible. 

"2.  If  you  cannot  take  care  of  the  natural  ability  of  an 
employee  in  your  own  department,  see  the  Superintendent 
and  Employment  officer  and  recommend  the  man  for  a 
better  position  elsewhere,  even  when  it  may  mean  to  you 
the  loss  of  a  good  operator. 

"  Help  every  employee  to  succeed  to  the  best  of  his  ability. 

"3.  Any  operator  wishing  promotion  or  change  to  another 
job  in  the  Company  open  to  him  shall  be  transferred,  after 
serving  a  notice  as  required.  The  maximum  notice 
required  shall  be  one  week." 

I  might  cite  another  instance,  showing  the  policy  pursued 
in  some  large  boot  and  shoe  factories  employing  13,000 


26  EDUCATION 

workpeople  and  producing  86,000   pairs   of  shoes   daily. 
They  announce  to  their  workpeople  a  notice  running  : 

"  SQUARE  DEAL  FOR  WORKERS 

"  All  our  better  positions  filled  by  promotion. 

"  All  the  best  jobs  in  the  Factories  and  Tanneries  filled 
from  the  ranks. 

"  No  good  position  filled  from  the  outside,  but  always 
from  the  inside. 

"  This  policy  will  be  followed  strictly  in  future,  and  be 
well  understood  by  the  workers,  so  that  those  in  lower 
positions  may  confidently  expect,  in  due  process  of  time, 
to  advance  into  the  better  positions  when  open. 

"  Leaving  the  experienced  man  where  he  is,  and  hiring 
a  new  man  for  the  higher  and  better  positions,  is  the  EASIEST 
way,  but  not  the  best  way,  and  should  not  be  considered  for 
a  moment. 

"  The  stability,  growth,  and  future  development  of  this 
business  depend  upon  the  above  policy  being  strictly 
carried  out.  The  '  goodwill  of  the  workers  '  can  only  be 
secured  and  maintained  through  fair  treatment,  and  it  is 
UNFAIR  to  a  working  member  of  our  concern  to  have  some- 
one from  outside  put  in  above  him.  FAVOURITISM  should 
NEVER  be  POSSIBLE.  MERIT  ALONE  should  be  the  only 
consideration  for  promotion." 

In  the  United  Kingdom  since  the  war  a  large  number  of 
firms  have  been  aiming  in  a  similar  direction.  The  Govern- 
ment has  been  taking  some  steps,  by  the  Welfare  Move- 
ment, to  indicate  suggestions  and  improvements  in 
amenities,  though  it  may  be  questioned  how  far  Govern- 
ment interference  in  this  matter  is  desirable.  A  healthy 
movement,  spreading  naturally,  is  much  more  lasting 
than  anything  imposed  by  another  authority.  Amenities 
alone  are  not  sufficient.  Paternal  improvements  may 
be  accepted,  but  youth  wants  power  of  expression 
through  its  own  efforts,  command  of  its  own  money, 
plans  and  schemes  devised  or  worked  by  itself,  and  a 
tangible  result  within  a  reasonable  time. 

If  the  principles  suggested  by  these  two  notices,  and  the 
examples  shown  by  the  best  firms  in  the  United  Kingdom, 
are  adapted  to  the  variations  of  different  businesses,  a  very 


IMPORTANCE   OF  PROMOTION  27 

remarkable  change  might  be  effected  in  industry,  and  in 
the  prospects  of  industrial  trouble  in  these  islands.  Other 
results  will  follow,  but  a  root  difficulty  is  the  lack  of  oppor- 
tunity and  lack  of  recognition.  Sweep  that  away,  engender 
mutual  confidence,  commence  with  the  view  that  every 
employee  should  take  pride  in  his  prospects,  the  result  of 
his  labours,  and  the  success  of  his  firm ;  add  to  it,  if  you 
like,  by  giving  a  share  of  surplus  profits  or  by  allowing  the 
employees  to  invest  in  the  shares  of  the  firm,  to  arrange 
with  the  management  the  method  of  settling  disputes,  or 
to  suggest  improvements  or  even  the  policy — then  the 
position  will  be  strengthened  both  within  and  without. 
There  will  be  no  need  then  for  the  interference  of  Govern- 
ment or  outsiders,  or  for  discussions  over  old  age,  minimum 
wage,  unemployment,  hours,  demarcations,  restrictions, 
payment  by  results,  piece-  or  time-work,  or  any  of  the 
thousand  and  one  questions  now  looming  so  large  over  the 
industrial  world.  They  will  be  solved  because  it  will  be  to 
the  mutual  interest  of  everybody  in  the  firm  or  company, 
taken  in  its  broadest  sense,  to  have  them  solved.  The 
wise  trade  union  leaders  will  leave  that  firm  alone,  even  if 
its  employees  may  belong  to  their  union  and  pay  sub- 
scriptions for  the  sake  of  sympathy,  associations,  or  such 
benefits  as  may  not  have  yet  been  settled  within  the 
confines  of  the  firm  or  trade  itself.  His  energies  will  still 
have  ample  scope.  A  change  is  not  effected  in  a  day,  and 
there  will  be  the  old  story  of  those  who  lag  behind,  of  those 
who  do  not  care  till  a  rude  awakening  comes  to  them,  of 
those  who  say,  "  What  was  good  enough  for  our  fathers 
is  good  enough  for  us." 


CHAPTER   V 

TRAINING    AND    SERVICE 

I  MAY  be  asked  what  kind  of  training  should  be  given  in 
order  to  enable  the  lad  to  have  his  chance  ;  and  the  answer 
is  not  easy  to  give.  Teachers  of  primary  schools  alone  can 
adequately  depict  the  feeling  of  despair  which  must  come 
over  them  in  considering  the  long  procession  of  children 
passing  through  their  hands,  from  every  kind  of  home, 
with  every  type  of  brain-power  and  every  type  of  character ; 
some  almost  hopelessly  hampered  by  bad  homes,  bad  clothes, 
bad  feeding,  bad  companions,  or  bad  health.  And  when 
school  life  comes  to  its  closing  days,  there  is  the  desire  or 
necessity  of  parents  for  money  to  be  earned,  the  ignorance 
of  the  child  as  to  where  to  go  or  what  to  do,  the  accep- 
tance of  the  first  opening,  however  unsuitable,  or  the 
idleness  induced  by  a  sense  of  new  freedom.  Efforts  have 
been  made  in  the'past  by  boys'  and  girls'  Friendly  Societies, 
apprenticeship  associations,  and  many  another  charitable 
or  philanthropic  society.  Government  has  stepped  in  with 
schemes  for  secondary  education,  notably  the  recent 
Fisher  Act,  taking  tentative  steps  to  pass  such  legislation 
as  will  be  accepted  generally  for  the  time  being.  My  con- 
tention is  that  further  efforts  must  be  made,  and  service 
of  those  better  able  to  understand  and  better  fitted  by 
means,  knowledge,  or  position  must  be  given  in  every 
possible  direction,  if  the  lad  is  to  receive  chances,  if  any 
unity  is  to  be  obtained,  if  class  hatred  and  industrial  strife 
are  to  be  mitigated.  These  are  in  themselves  very  desir- 
able objects  to  most  men  and  women,  but  even  if  a  revolu- 
tion occurred,  if  violent  methods  or  a  vast  succession  of 
strikes  were  adopted  to  paralyse  or  overthrow  industrial 
and  social  systems,  and  seemingly  succeeded,  the  same 
problem  would  have  to  be  met,  and  the  same  necessity 
would  arise.  Life  has  but  little  value  unless  use  is  made 

28 


GUIDANCE   IN   CAREERS  29 

of  the  brain,  and  unless  other  aspirations  beyond  those  of 
a  purely  material  kind  have  in  some  measure  opportunity 
of  being  satisfied. 

Are  not  the  stages  to  be  attempted  at  least  three  in 
number  ?  (1)  To  get  hold  of  the  youth  when  he  leaves  or 
is  leaving  school,  and  endeavour  to  teach  or  lead  him, 
whether  at  work  or  in  his  spare  hours,  and  the  evenings,  to 
some  knowledge  of  the  advantages  gained  by  use  of  brain 
and  hand,  service  to  others,  a  corporate  life,  and  pride  in 
his  association  with  others  and  in  himself — in  fact,  to 
make  him  a  good  citizen.  (2)  To  guide  and  help  him  to 
the  best  career  that  may  be  open  to  him,  with  such  addition 
of  general  knowledge  and  interest  or  smattering  of  voca- 
tional knowledge  as  time,  ability,  and  effort  will  allow,  the 
latter  point  of  vocational  training  being  one  which,  from 
the  necessities  of  the  case,  parents  will  expect  and  the  lad 
more  and  more  wish.  (3)  To  give  him  opportunity,  when 
started  on  his  career,  to  add  knowledge  which  will  improve 
his  interest  in  life  generally,  and  his  trade  in  particular, 
and  give  him  a  better  chance  of  advancement  in  his  trade, 
till  such  time  as  he  is  a  man,  and  must  fend  more  or  less 
for  himself,  and  in  his  turn  begin  to  help  those  who  are 
growing  up  around  him,  "  to  give  our  children  occupations 
which  will  make  solitude  pleasant,  sickness  tolerable,  life 
more  dignified  and  more  useful,  and  therefore  death  less 
terrible." 

Many  are  the  schemes  which  have  been  started  from  time 
to  time,  but  I  may  illustrate  the  first  point  by  the  efforts 
being  made  by  the  Y.M.C.A.  in  their  Red  Triangle  Clubs, 
with  which  I  am  more  personally  acquainted  than  with 
others,  to  show  the  class  of  aid  practically  within  reach. 
I  take  them  as  an  example  only,  with  no  desire  to  ignore 
efforts  which  have  been  made  by  other  bodies.  The  fine 
work  of  the  Boy  Scouts  and  many  another  national  or 
local  association  or  club  is  well  known.  There  is  room  for 
all,  if  care  be  taken  that  they  do  not  overlap.  I  take  the 
Y.M.C.A.  because  they  have  clubs  of  which  I  know  the 
particulars.  The  clubs  are  spreading  like  wildfire,  their 
enlargement  being  only  limited  by  means  for  installation 
and  the  supply  of  the  right  people  to  run  them.  They  began 
as  a  revival  of  inchoate  work  commenced  before  the  War, 
when  in  April  1918  I  was  asked  to  meet  seven  district 
secretaries,  and  others  interested  in  the  work,  at  Cheltenham, 


30  TRAINING    AND    SERVICE 

and  endeavour  to  arrange  a  scheme  with  a  view  to  co- 
ordinated effort.  After  three  days,  plans  were  drafted 
which  were  unanimously  adopted  by  all  the  Committees 
and  the  National  Council  of  the  Y.M.C.A.  A  few 
excerpts  may  show  its  intention  and  method  of  working. 
In  alluding  to  "  aims  and  present  position,"  the  report  said  : 

"  The  field  for  a  National  Organisation  is  immense  and 
complex,  but  if  the  scheme  is  sufficiently  broad,  support 
should  be  obtained  for  it ;  its  work  would  strike  the  imagi- 
nation and  the  common  sense  of  the  country  at  large,  and 
the  good  results  which  may  be  obtained  are  almost 
incalculable.  Seven  district  secretaries  have  already 
been  appointed,  but  four  more  are  requisite  immediately 
to  cover  the  North,  the  South  Coast,  the  North  Midlands, 
and  North  Wales.  If  funds  can  be  granted  and  the  men 
carefully  selected,  four  paid  full-time  secretaries  should 
be  appointed  for  these  districts  as  soon  as  possible. 

"  The  self-respect  and  discipline  resulting  from  adherence 
to  a  recognised  body,  and  the  connection  of  the  Y.M.C.A. 
with  all  features  of  the  War,  will  lead  lads  brought  within 
its  influence  to  be  keen  to  assist  in  the  War  and  give  some 
preliminary  touch  of  mutual  effort  which  will  make  training 
more  easy  for  those  who  enlist.  For  those  who  are  engaged, 
at  an  earlier  age,  in  any  of  the  trades,  any  controlling 
influence  is  bound  to  assist  in  the  general  production, 
chiefly,  at  the  present  time,  that  of  munitions  of  war. 
After  the  War,  such  influence  will  continue  and  spread,  to 
the  advantage  of  the  community  at  large,  in  various  parts 
of  the  country,  and  particularly  in  trade. 

"  Local  support,  by  cities  or  counties,  should,  by  right 
tactics,  be  forthcoming ;  and  an  example  is  already  apparent 
in  the  results  obtained  in  the  City  of  Birmingham  and  its 
districts,  where  a  minimum  of  £6,000  a  year  is  assured. 
Advantage  should  be  taken  of  the  offers  or  use  of  suitable 
premises.  Equipment  can  be  gradually  acquired  if  it 
cannot  be  provided  to  an  adequate  amount  in  the  first 
instance. 

"  The  country  has  been  mapped  out  into  areas.  Those 
areas  may  have  to  be  subsequently  divided  and  sub- 
divided again  and  again,  owing  to  the  largeness  of  the 
problem  and  the  necessity  of  not  having  unwieldy  con- 
stituencies, and  of  having  close  individual  influence  and 


SCHEMES   FOR  LADS  81 

control.  But  for  present  purposes  these  areas  are  suitable 
for  the  planning  out  of  the  general  scheme.  This  scheme 
should  be  either  on  the  basis  of — 

"  (a)  The  City  attracting  its  suburbs  and  then  spreading 
its  influence  over  districts  and  areas,  such  as  has  been 
accomplished  at  Birmingham  ;  or — 

"  (6)  By  the  County  absorbing  under  its  general  effort 
such  branches  as  may  have  been  formed,  welding  them 
together  under  County  Organisation,  and  working  with 
the  County  as  the  main  centre  of  the  interest  that  may  be 
aroused. 

"  This  latter  scheme  is,  in  a  sense,  the  Birmingham 
Scheme  reversed.  Either  plan  is  simple  to  understand,  and 
would  depend  upon  the  lines  of  least  resistance. 

"  The  outline  of  the  Birmingham  plan  is — 

"  1.  The  City  Board  has  full  control  of  the  Policy, 
Programme,  Finance,  and  Staff  of  the  whole  City.  Each 
Branch  Association  has  its  Committee  of  Management 
responsible  to  the  City  Board.  Each  Branch  Association 
has  its  Sub-Committee  for  Extension  Work  into  outlying 
villages.  Each  Branch  Association  submits  an  Annual 
Budget  to  the  Board,  which  approves  or  disapproves. 

"  2.  From  the  City  Board  are  developing  strong  County 
Committees  which  will  control  Policy,  Programme, 
Finance,  and  Staff  of  County.  Each  Association  in  the 
County  will  have  its  Committee  of  Management  responsible 
to  the  County  Committee. 

"3.  Representatives  of  the  County  Committees  with 
the  City  Board  to  form  the  Midland  Divisional  Committee. 

"4.  In  the  City  of  Birmingham  co-operation  is  estab- 
lished, or  working  arrangements  are  made  with  the 
Welfare  Control  Committee,  Employment  Exchange, 
Care  Committee,  Magistrates,  Education  Committee,  etc. 

"  The  efforts  hitherto  made  for  boys  may  be  divided 
into — 

"(a)  Spasmodic  and  nibbling  efforts  made  by  Govern- 
ment Departments  and  other  bodies — or  individuals — some- 
times religious,  sometimes  sectional ;  and  generally  without 
organised  scheme  or  cohesion  (with  the  possible  exception 
of  the  Boys'  Brigades  and  Scouts) ;  and 

"  (b)  New  efforts,  being  made  chiefly  under  the  pressure 
of  the  War,  by  the  Ministry  of  Munitions,  or  in  connection 
with  the  Ministry  of  Education,  the  Home  Office,  and  the 


32  TRAINING    AND    SERVICE 

Ministry  of  Labour.  It  is  of  the  utmost  importance  that 
the  Y.M.C.A.  should  not  fight  against  these  old  and  new 
efforts  in  any  aggressive  spirit.  Its  efforts  should  be 
directed  in  a  tactful  manner  to  absorption,  co-operation 
or  co-ordination,  as  local  circumstances  may  dictate. 
The  result  at  Birmingham  shows  what  can  be  done,  but 
there  should  be  no  disheartening  feeling  if  such  wide 
results  are  not  obtainable  in  each  area.  There  is  no 
reason  to  suppose  that  hostility  will  be  shown  by  other 
bodies,  and  the  Y.M.C.A.  should  not  be  out  to  provoke  it. 
After  all,  the  field  is  wide  enough  without  squabbles 
and  jealousy  leading  to  impairment  of  work  and  the  waste 
of  valuable  time.  Strict  instructions  should  be  given 
to  all  Secretaries  as  to  the  value  of  tact  and  the  absolute 
importance  of  working  with  those  whose  aim  is  directed 
to  the  same  broad  object  of  assisting  the  boy. 

"  INTERNAL  ORGANISATION 

"  The  National  Council  of  the  Y.M.C.A.,  acting  through 
a  Juniors'  Committee,  will  have  the  supreme  directing 
voice,  and  also  be  the  ultimate  Court  of  Appeal.  For  the 
areas,  I  emphasise  the  importance  of  paid  full-time 
secretaries,  whose  assistants  may  ultimately  be  multiplied 
to  any  required  extent.  It  is  essential  that  these  secretaries 
should  be  capable  organisers,  and  not  become  too  much 
immersed  in  detail.  They  should  have  power  to  delegate 
and  delegate  again,  and  if  they  will  not  delegate,  must  be 
made  to  delegate.  In  their  Counties  or  Cities,  as  the  case 
may  be,  they  will  have  to  deal  tactfully  with  County  and 
also  Local  Committees,  which,  though  they  may  sometimes 
do  little  work,  are  a  necessary  concomitant  for  obtaining 
local  support  and  criticism.  The  secretaries  will  be  respon- 
sible for  seeing  that  the  right  people  get  upon  these  Com- 
mittees ;  that  important  types  and  interests,  such  as 
parents,  are  not  left  out,  and  that  mere  faddists  are  as  far 
as  possible  excluded.  I  would  recommend  that  some 
women  should  be  members  of  these  Committees.  For 
the  staff  under  the  secretary,  in  Birmingham,  it  is  thought 
that  there  should  be  a  centre  of  training  for  business 
staff  ;  where  such  a  centre  is  obtainable,  the  gift  horse 
should  not  be  looked  in  the  mouth.  Further  experience 
will  show  whether  it  is  a  necessary  adjunct  in  all  districts. 


LADS'   SELF-GOVERNMENT  33 

The  secretaries  should  have,  with  the  help  of  the  local 
committees,  the  discretion  of  selecting  the  type  of  man 
whom  they  may  choose  as  their  assistants,  for  forming  and 
managing  the  Red  Triangle  Clubs  or  Branches  that  may 
be  established,  having  an  eye  to  the  importance  of 
selecting  men  who  like  the  work  and  understand  boys,  and 
remembering  that  it  is  easier  to  put  a  man  into  a  post  than 
to  get  him  out.  Under  the  staff  the  boys  themselves  should 
be  strongly  encouraged  in  self-government,  and  for  this 
purpose  I  am  of  opinion  that  the  Prefect  System  should 
be  adopted. 

"  The  Prefect  System  implies  a  carefully  considered 
method  of  Badges  as  an  indication  of  good  attendance, 
good  work,  and  power  of  controlling  others,  and  is  a  method 
of  stimulating  competition  and  merit.  All  boys  joining 
clubs  should  make  some  contribution  in  money.  These 
contributions  will  not  be  adequate  to  pay  for  clubs,  but 
where  possible  should  bear  some  adequate  ratio  to  the 
expenses  of  the  club.  The  secretaries  may  from  time  to 
time  consider  and  suggest  methods  for  adding  to  the 
income  of  clubs,  with  the  object  of  making  them,  as  far 
as  possible,  self-supporting. 

"  SYLLABUS 

"  I  understand  that  in  any  work  done  the  objects  of 
the  Y.M.C.A. — educational,  physical,  recreative,  or  religious 
— will  be  kept  in  view  without  undue  regard  to  any  one  of 
these  objects  ;  but  considerable  discretion  should  be  left 
to  the  secretaries  in  working  any  schemes. 

"  Much  will  depend  on  the  intentions  of  the  New  Educa- 
tion Act  and  other  plans  now  being  tentatively  put  forward 
by  Government  Departments  ;  but  whatever  syllabus  is 
adopted  in  different  districts,  trial  trips  in  novel  subjects 
should  not  be  discouraged.  After  interesting  conversations, 
I  think  that  a  general  instruction  might  be  given  to  the 
secretaries  to  try  to  encourage,  by  small  prizes  if  necessary, 
those  boys  who  will  keep  accounts  and  show  accurately 
how  they  spend  their  money,  amounting  in  many  cases,  at 
the  present  time,  to  pounds  a  week. 

"  Very  different  opinions  were  forthcoming  as  to  the 
value  of  charting  boys  according  to  the  Canadian  System 
which  has  recently  been  adopted  in  the  U.S.A.  I  would 


34  TRAINING    AND    SERVICE 

lay  down  no  general  rule,  but  those  secretaries  who  are 
prepared  to  try  it,  and  such  adaptations  as  experience  may 
dictate,  should  be  permitted  to  continue,  and  should  pro- 
duce their  arguments  and  results  at  a  later  Conference. 

"  MISCELLANEOUS 

"  Discussion  took  place  on  the  question  of  separate 
clubs  for  certain  definite  classes  of  boys.  It  is  agreed  by 
everyone  that  there  must  be  grades  of  clubs  varying 
according  to  districts,  although  membership,  say,  of  two 
clubs,  or  even  of  promotion  from  club  to  club,  might  not 
be  outside  the  possibility  of  testing.  In  the  same  way 
promotion  from  the  Boys'  Clubs  to  the  Men's  Clubs 
should  be  a  subject  for  careful  thought  and,  in  many  cases, 
for  personal  influence. 

"  How  far,  and  in  what  manner,  girls  should  be  brought 
into  or  have  a  separate  room  in  clubs  should  also  not  be 
put  outside  consideration,  and  trials  might  be  made. 

"  On  the  point  of  separate  clubs  for  very  special  classes 
of  boys,  I  think  inquiry  might  be  made,  and  support  would 
be  obtainable,  say  on  the  Mersey  and  at  Cardiff,  for  the 
provision  of  separate  clubs  for  Riveters'  Boys.  In  con- 
nection with  these  clubs,  the  problem  of  men  acting  as 
Riveters'  Boys,  and  a  separate  room  for  such  men,  will 
have  to  be  dealt  with.  These  men  cannot  be  left  out. 
Riveters'  Boys  are  a  section  especially  crying  for  immediate 
treatment. 

"  Clubs  in  Rural  Districts  may,  in  many  Counties, 
involve  problems  far  more  easy  of  solution  where  the 
Rural  District  is  pratically  semi- suburban.  In  most  parts 
of  counties  like  Lancashire  and  Yorkshire,  the  City  would 
affiliate  the  semirural  district  in  its  immediate  vicinity. 
In  other  parts  of  such  counties,  or  in  purely  rural  counties, 
the  County  Organisation  would  have  to  look  after  the  area, 
and  an  assistant  secretary  might  have  to  inquire  and 
experiment  without  involving  the  secretary  in  minute 
spade-work  of  less  importance  than  the  main  organisation 
in  the  big  cities.  Such  assistant  secretaries  may,  in  some 
villages,  organise  permanent  clubs  ;  in  others,  make  use 
of  the  perambulating  activities  of  the  Y.M.C.A.  for  weekly 
lectures,  socials,  and  general  encouragement  in  existing 
rooms,  schoolrooms,  or  even  private  houses.  Parents 


A  BOY   CAMPAIGN  35 

should  be  brought  in  to  some  of  these  functions.  In  this 
work,  as  also  in  city-work,  the  great  importance  of  healthy 
cinema  instruction  should  be  a  branch  for  special  develop- 
ment. 

"  London  is  a  problem  by  itself.  I  suggest  clubs  should 
be  established  and  worked  up  where  suitable  premises 
can  be  obtained  as  models,  and  linked  together  by  degrees. 
The  interest  of  two  or  three  active  Borough  Authorities  in 
different  districts  north  and  south  of  the  Thames  might 
be  invoked,  and  advice  sought  from  persons  having  know- 
ledge of  such  districts  as  the  Dock  Districts. 

"  I  would  suggest  that  it  be  a  rule  that  all  the  Head 
Secretaries  should  meet  together  at  least  once  in  six  months, 
for  the  purpose  of  reviving  mutual  acquaintance,  intro- 
ducing new  men,  comparing  notes,  revising  and  dropping 
mistakes,  and  suggesting  improvements  and  developments. 

"  As  a  final  word,  I  would  only  repeat  that  the  Boy 
Campaign  must  be  broad,  boldly  supported,  and  pressed 
with  wisdom  and  audacity." 

Within  a  few  months,  the  conference  met  again  at 
Oxford,  on  November  24,  when  it  was  found  that  nearly 
all  the  suggestions  made  in  April  had  been  or  were  being 
carried  out.  About  10,000  boys  were  being  dealt  with 
after  these  few  months'  work,  and  a  large  amount  of  spade- 
work  had  been  accomplished.  The  Midland  System,  of 
which  a  more  detailed  account  was  given,  had  been  practi- 
cally adopted  all  round,  and  found  to  work.  It  had  become 
clear  that  to  ask  a  locality  to  provide  funds  before  any 
work  was  done  caused  delay  and  expenditure  of  effort, 
which  sometimes  proved  to  be  fruitless,  owing  to  the  diffi- 
culty of  obtaining  subscriptions  where  no  practical  proof 
had  already  been  shown,  and  where  failure  of  previous 
attempts  by  other  organisations  had  created  prejudice  ; 
but  that  when  work  was  shown,  local  assistance  speedily 
followed.  Training-schools  for  club  secretaries  were  advo- 
cated, and  have  since  proved  invaluable. 

The  report  continued  : 

"  The  experience  of  the  last  few  months  entirely  endorses 
the  opinion  that  the  Prefect  System  should  be  uniformly 
adopted,  and  has  led  to  some  interesting  developments. 
After  hearing  a  long  discussion  upon  the  subject,  my 


36  TRAINING    AND    SERVICE 

opinion  is  that  the  first  Prefects  should  be  nominated  by 
the  Club  Secretary,  and  that  after  these  first  Prefects  have 
become  established,  vacancies  should  be  filled  or  additions 
made  by  the  Prefects  themselves  under  a  process  of  co- 
optation  from  boys  who  have  earned  the  Bronze  Triangle. 
The  Prefects  know  the  kind  of  work  to  be  done,  and 
jealously  maintain  the  efficiency  and  credit  of  their  class. 
The  boys  themselves  have  the  competitive  objects  of 
gaining  first  the  Bronze  Triangle  ;  second,  the  post  of 
Prefect ;  and  in  practice  this  has  proved  a  better  system 
than  the  boys  choosing  their  Prefects  by  election  among 
themselves. 

"  The  second  development  is  that  in  a  large  club,  under 
the  leadership  of  their  Prefects,  the  boys  can  be  divided 
up  into  boys  coming  from  different  areas,  the  areas,  as  it 
were,  representing  '  Houses '  in  a  Public  School.  The  areas 
can  be  named  either  from  a  parish  or  a  district,  or  the 
name  of  some  popular  person.  The  Prefects  look  after 
their  own  boys,  are  keen  to  keep  up  the  number  of  boys 
from  their  area,  and  to  add  to  their  number  by  new  recruits. 
Further,  the  area  system  allows  competition  within  an 
easy  distance  in  games,  gymnastics,  or  other  forms  of 
energy. 

"  In  the  District  Reports  considerable  stress  was  laid 
upon  the  almost  unexpected  interest  taken  by  boys  in 
music.  It  was  stated  that  the  Camp  Song-book  of  the 
Y.M.C.A.  was  very  popular,  but  that  other  classes  of  singing 
had  also  been  tried  with  success,  as  well  as  piano-playing. 
The  opinion  was  that  this  was  an  interesting  line  to  follow 
up,  both  as  giving  a  mode  of  expression  and  developing 
character.  It  was  felt  that  a  very  small  assistance  by 
Song-books  and  Musical  Instruments  would  lead  to  results 
which  might  then  be  tested  by  an  expert,  who  would  advise 
whether  any  and  what  course  of  instruction  could  be  sug- 
gested for  adoption.  It  must  be  remembered  that  most 
of  the  boys  commence  in  entire  ignorance  of  music,  but 
seem  to  be  attracted  by  good-class  music,  going  so  far  as 
to  take  keen  interest  in  competitive  singing  and  choirs. 

"  Trials,  as  suggested,  have  been  made  in  socials,  in 
which  both  girls  and  boys  join,  and  also  in  periodical  meet- 
ings. It  has  been  found  that  there  was  keen  objection 
by  the  younger  boys  to  these  forms  of  entertainment,  but 
that  the  older  boys  and  the  Prefects  did  not  dislike  them, 


GENERAL  AND   SPECIAL  TRAINING  37 

and  were  desirous  of  bringing  girls  to  concerts.  It  is  sug- 
gested that  entertainments  of  this  kind,  with  boys  and 
girls  of  all  ages,  are  not  very  useful,  but  that  there  might, 
from  time  to  time,  be  an  older  boys'  night,  when  girls  would 
be  admitted  and  younger  boys  not  be  allowed  to  be  present. 
Such  a  practice  would  afford  a  sort  of  halfway  house  to  the 
knowledge,  by  boys  and  girls,  of  one  another,  without  doing 
any  harm.  No  case  of  any  bad  result  from  these  meetings 
is  known. 

"Progress  has  been  made  with  the  proposed  Clubs  for 
Riveters'  Boys,  both  at  Newport  and  on  the  Mersey.  In 
Newport  the  club  has  been  warmly  welcomed  by  all  classes. 
A  building  near  the  Ship-repairing  Yards  and  in  telephonic 
communication  with  them  has  been  secured  and  adapted. 
The  employers  have  agreed  to  recognise  it  as  the  Welfare 
Centre  for  the  boys,  and  from  it  the  gangs  will  be  called 
up  as  required.  The  officials  of  the  Local  Boiler-Makers' 
Association  are  in  entire  sympathy  with  the  development. 
As  the  club  is  situated  near  to  the  homes  of  many  of  the 
boys,  it  will,  in  addition  to  the  foregoing,  form  an  ordinary 
Evening  Club.  A  separate  room  has  been  provided  for  the 
older  boys.  In  this  connection  it  may  be  well  to  men- 
tion that  the  belief  sometimes  expressed  that  such  clubs 
will  afford  places  for  gambling  is  entirely  unfounded  and 
inaccurate.  The  boys  will  gamble  wherever  they  can,  if 
there  is  no  club ;  but  where  they  can  be  got  to  attach 
themselves  to  a  club,  the  gambling,  through  the  influence 
of  the  club  secretary,  comes  to  an  end. 

"  I  would  specially  mention  the  work  done  by  the 
District  Secretary  of  Wales,  in  South  Wales,  among  the 
Workmen's  Institutes.  About  fifty  of  these  Institutes 
are  affiliated  to  the  Y.M.C.A.,  and  boys  are  admitted  as 
soon  as  they  enter  the  mines.  It  has  been  arranged  with 
the  Executive  and  Representatives  of  the  Institutes  to 
experiment  in  Boys'  Work  in  certain  centres  in  Glamorgan- 
shire and  Monmouthshire.  The  proposal  is  to  assign  a 
room  or  rooms  for  boys  in  the  Institutes,  and  to  provide  a 
Boys'  Programme,  which  is  being  put  forward  by  the 
District  Secretary.  I  am  strongly  of  opinion  that  this 
movement  should  receive  the  full  support  of  the  National 
Council. 

"  It  was  stated  in  April  that  the  great  importance  of 
healthy  cinema  instruction  should  be  a  branch^of  special 


38  TRAINING    AND    SERVICE 

development.  An  interesting  experiment  in  Bristol  tends 
to  show  the  advantage  of  this  suggestion.  Eight  hundred 
boys  attended  on  Saturday  evenings,  for  a  whole  season, 
to  see  a  machine  showing  pictures  of  travel,  sane  adven- 
ture and  educational  subjects,  at  an  entrance  fee  of  one 
penny.  It  was  found  that  a  simple  explanation  of  each 
picture  was  received  with  the  utmost  attention,  and  that 
the  show  was  improved  by  having  intervals  for  mass 
singing. 

"  The  suggestion  was  made  that,  in  London,  clubs  should 
be  established  and  worked  up,  where  suitable  premises 
could  be  obtained  as  models  and  linked  together  by 
degrees.  Some  premises  have  been  obtained,  and  linking- 
up  may  in  time  follow. 

"  I  suggest  that  the  same  principle  should  be  continued, 
when  the  process  of  linking-up  may  gradually  develop. 

"  I  am  satisfied  that  the  Boy  Campaign  has  come  to 
stay ;  that  it  fills  a  want  that  other  organisations  do  not 
cover,  and  can  work  in  with  almost  any  type  of  good 
organisation  ;  that  the  work  done  by  a  small  staff  has  been 
excellent,  and  that  the  Y.M.C.A.  may  safely  and  advisedly 
continue  to  encourage  and  support  it." 

Let  me  add,  too,  that  such  clubs  give  an  opportunity  for 
those  who  are  better  educated  to  give  service  to  those 
who  have  had  less  chance  ;  and  to  interest  and  advance 
them  in  knowledge  of  books,  games,  and  a  corporate  spirit, 
and  develop  those  qualities  which  in  the  War  made  men  so 
loyal  to  their  comrades,  so  ready  to  share  with  a  chum,  so 
generous  and  chivalrous  to  those  who  might  be  in  trouble 
or  unfortunate. 

The  second  stage  to  which  I  have  alluded  in  some 
measure  overlaps  the  first,  just  as  the  first  may  also  over- 
lap the  second,  or  continue  coincidently  with  it.  There 
come  in  it  the  choice  of  work,  the  problem  of  suitable  work, 
and  the  education  connected  with  that  work. 

For  use  in  the  Y.M.C.A.  Clubs,  Mr.  S.  A.  Williams,  one 
of  its  officers,  has  prepared  a  series  of  admirable  charts  of 
the  principal  trades,  by  which  a  lad  can  see  at  a  glance, 
when  he  considers  the  trade  to  enter,  which  line  of  develop- 
ment he  should  try  to  follow,  how  some  branches  offer 
more  promotion  than  others,  how  important  it  is  to  avoid 
cul-de-sac  employment,  and  how.  while  working  at  one 


VALUE   OF   GENERAL  KNOWLEDGE  39 

section,  he  may  be  able  to  prepare  for  the  next  section  to 
which  he  may  have  a  chance  of  promotion.  Such  informa- 
tion as  this  cannot  but  be  useful  and  instructive  to  both 
employer  and  lad.  A  selection  of  these  charts  is  printed 
at  the  end  of  the  chapter,  under  the  heading  "  Careers  for 
Boys." 

There  are,  however,  in  addition  to  choice  and  advice  as 
to  work,  the  very  difficult  questions  how  far  education 
should  be  general,  with  a  measure  of  specialised  training, 
or  how  far  general  training  should  be  subordinated  to  that 
specialised  work  which  may  be  the  lad's  lot  in  life. 

Mr.  Fisher,  in  his  recent  Education  Act,  has  endeavoured 
to  obtain  some  admixture  of  the  two,  recognising  that  a 
vast  change  cannot  be  made  in  a  day,  and  that  money  has 
to  be  earned  at  an  early  age  by  the  majority  of  mankind. 
He  has  laid  a  foundation  on  which  much  may  be  nationally 
built;  but  apart  from  the  national  minimum,  it  must  be 
recognised  that  individual  care  for  the  individual,  and 
partly  by  the  individual,  may  and  does  produce  results 
according  to  the  development  of  brain  and  aptitude  in 
individuals,  and  that  industries,  trades,  firms,  as  well  as 
societies,  may  all  aid  in  well-considered  advance. 

For  those  lads  who  can  aspire  to  get  through,  it  is  to 
be  noted  that  the  Conjoint  Board  of  Scientific  Societies 
have  laid  down,  for  the  First  School  Examination,  intended 
by  the  Board  of  Education  for  pupils  of  about  sixteen  and 
a  half  years  of  age,  a  declaration  in  favour  of  the  English 
language  and  literature  as  a  compulsory  subject,  with  four 
subsequent  groups,  history  and  geography,  languages  other 
than  English,  mathematics,  science ;  and  they  urge  that, 
in  scholarship  examinations,  credit  should  be  given  for 
general  ability,  and  not  alone  for  excellence  in  one  special 
department  of  scholarship  or  knowledge.  Their  general 
opinion  has  been  expressed  in  important  resolutions  stating : 

"  (a)  In  the  awarding  of  scholarship,  high  importance 
should  be  attached  to  the  writing  of  English,  and  to 
General  Knowledge,  and  that  these  should  be  tested  by 
an  essay  paper,  and  at  least  one  General  Knowledge 
paper. 

"(6)  In  examinations  for  Entrance  Scholarships  at  the 
Universities,  the  requirement  of  minute  and  detailed  know- 
ledge of  the  main  subject  or  a  branch  of  it,  such  as  is 
4 


40  TRAINING    AND    SERVICE 

commonly  now  made,  necessitates  excessive  specialisation 
at  school,  and  urgently  needs  to  be  amended. 

"  (c)  In  examinations  for  Entrance  Scholarships  at  the 
Universities,  credit  should  be  given  for  knowledge  of 
subjects  other  than  that  which  is  the  main  subject  of 
examination. 

"  (d)  Where  it  is  found  practicable  to  do  so,  consideration 
should  be  paid  to  the  school  record  of  candidates,  and  to 
other  evidence  of  work  which  they  may  offer. 

"  (<?)  No  pressure  should  be  put  upon  scholars  to  take 
their  degree  in  the  subject  or  subjects  in  which  they  have 
gained  their  scholarship." 

As  a  late  Chief  Constructor  to  the  Admiralty  told  me, 
"  After  the  experience  of  a  lifetime,  I  find  the  lads  with 
good  general  education  gradually  specialising  prove  the 
most  apt  pupils,  advance  farther,  and  have  more  wide 
interests,  than  lads  coming  forward  with  high  training  in 
one  subject.  I  have  tried  both  systems,  and  have  no 
doubt  as  to  the  best." 

The  difficulty  in  practice  is  the  line  of  demarcation 

(1)  between  a  general  education  and  vocational  training ; 

(2)  in    vocational   training,    between  general  training  in 
everything  connected  with  the  industry  and  the  special 
efficiency  required  in  one  section  of  that  industry. 

The  requirements  of  modern  industry  demand,  for 
instance  in  engineering,  not  a  mechanic  with  vague  bits  of 
theoretical  knowledge,  and  a  little  knowledge  of  everything 
connected  with  the  industry,  but  an  efficient  and  speedy 
workman  in  a  particular  branch.  In  training  such  a  work- 
man, it  is  essential  to  recognise  that  it  is  sheer  waste  to 
throw  a  lad  into  a  large  business,  and  leave  him  to  pick  up 
what  he  can,  as  and  when  he  can,  with  no  sequence  of 
training,  no  understanding  that  the  work  he  is  on  is  of  a 
useful  character,  or  why  it  is  useful,  and  no  interest  in  the 
article  he  is  producing  or  in  the  industry  to  which  he 
belongs, 


CAREERS  FOR  BOYS 


42  CAREERS   FOR  BOYS 


CHOOSING  A   CAREER 

This  diagram  illustrates  the  two  ways  of  choosing  a  career. 
On  the  left  is  the  "  blindfold  "  way,  with  its  dangers.  When 
the  boy  leaves  school  he  is  anxious  to  obtain  work,  and  is  often 
sent  out  to  find  a  job.  In  the  window  he  sees  a  card  "  Lad 
Wanted,"  and  applies  for  the  post.  The  left-hand  figure  shows 
the  probable  result  of  following  this  course.  The  chances  are 
at  least  even  that  the  job  holds  out  no  prospects  of  a  career.  It 
is  very  probable  that  it  is  definitely  of  a  blind-alley  character 
which  will  turn  the  youth  adrift  in  a  few  years  without  a  trade 
or  occupation.  In  many  cases  he  will  help  to  swell  the  ranks  of 
casual  workers  exposed  to  the  twin  evils  of  poor  pay  and  frequent 
unemployment. 

On  the  right  is  the  "  explorer's  "  way. 

The  schoolboy  should  follow  the  method  of  an  explorer,  and 
find  out  what  occupations  are  open  to  him,  which  are  suitable 
to  him,  and  what  are  the  prospects. 

The  right-hand  figure  shows  what  are  the  probable  results  of 
following  this  course. 


CHOOSING  A  CAREER 


43 


BAD  OCCUPATION 


UNEMPLOYMENT 
SURPLUS  OF  WORKERS 
POOR  WAGES 
UNSUITABLE  WORK 


GOOD  OCCUPATION 


CHANCES  TO  RISE 
DEMAND  FOR  WORKMEN 
SATISFACTORY  WAGES 
REGULAR  EMPLOYMENT 
SUITABLE  WORK 


"Lad  Wanted" 


BLINDFOLD  WAY 


["Lad  Wanted  "is  a 
common  notice. 
It  is  often  not  the 
best  job  for  the  boy.] 


[The  map  is  the  list 
of  occupations  open 
to  boys,  a  synopsis 
of  which  is  printed 
on  page  5.] 


SCHOOL  BOY 


44  CAREERS  FOR  BOYS 


BOYS   IN   INDUSTRY 

This  diagram  represents  the  three  courses  which  are  open 
to  a  boy  when  he  leaves  school. 

The  right-hand  side  shows  the  path  of  a  boy  who  becomes  an 
apprentice  or  learner.  His  training  includes  instruction  in  the 
workshop  and  attendance  at  technical  classes.  At  the  con- 
clusion of  his  apprenticeship  he  becomes  an  improver,  or  Young 
Journeyman,  and  later  a  skilled  workman,  or  Journeyman. 

The  middle  section  shows  the  paths  which  are  open  to  the 
boy  who  enters  industry  as  an  unskilled  worker.  During  the 
first  portion  of  his  time  he  may  do  odd  jobs  or  operate  an  auto- 
matic machine  or  do  other  routine  and  mechanical  work. 

This  period  of  time  is  most  important,  for  it  probably  shapes 
his  future  life.  If  he  proves  his  ability  as  a  worker,  and  improves 
his  general  education  and  technical  knowledge  by  attendance 
at  classes,  he  may  be  promoted  to  the  ranks  of  the  skilled  men. 

He  may,  however,  simply  prove  an  industrious  worker,  and 
thus  be  of  value  to  the  firm,  which  may  retain  his  services  as  an 
adult  on  semi-skilled  or  unskilled  work. 

In  many  branches  of  industry,  more  boys  are  employed  than 
can  be  absorbed  as  adults,  and  after  two  or  three  years'  work, 
many  youths  are  forced  to  leave  the  occupation  to  make  room 
for  a  new  generation  of  younger  workers.  This  often  proves  a 
serious  thing  for  many  boys.  They  are  unskilled  and  without 
any  definite  training,  and  they  have  not  the  strength  or  experi- 
ence of  a  man.  They  often  drift  aimlessly  till  they  are  too  old 
to  learn  a  trade,  and  are  forced  to  enter  the  ranks  of  casual 
labour. 

On  the  left  is  shown  the  path  of  those  boys  who  enter  blind- 
alley  employment — that  is,  occupations  which  provide  work  for 
boys  and  youths  only.  All  these  young  people  will  be  compelled 
to  seek  fresh  work.  It  is  particularly  important  that  boys  in 
these  two  sections  should  realise  at  an  early  stage  that  they  will 
be  forced  to  find  fresh  employment  after  a  few  years.  They 
should  prepare  for  the  tune  of  change  by  considering  what  they 
are  going  to  be,  and  by  attending  classes  to  improve  their  educa- 
tion. Unless  they  do  this  the  future  has  few  prospects  for  them. 


BOYS   IN  INDUSTRY 


45 


Prepare  for  this  time  by 
attending  classes  and 
learning  about  prospects 
in  other  occupations. 

LEAVE  THE  OCCUPATION 


Attendance  I  at  Classes 
and  Wor.ksjh.op  Training 
are  necessairv  to  make  a 
skilled 


46  CAREERS   FOR  BOYS 


THE  BUILDING  TRADES 

This  diagram  illustrates  the  main  branches  of  the  building 
trades  and  the  usual  methods  of  entering  the  occupation,  and 
the  kind  of  boy  who  is  likely  to  be  successful  in  the  work. 

A  boy  who  wishes  to  enter  the  building  trades  can  follow 
one  of  three  methods : 

1.  He  can  enter  a  technical  or  trade  school  direct  from  the 
elementary  school. 

2.  He  can  enter  a  workshop  direct  from  school,  and  supple- 
ment   his    practical    experience    by    attendance    at    technical 
classes. 

3.  He  may  enter  a  workshop  and  remain  content  with  the 
instruction  he  gets  there. 

The  first  case  is  shown  on  the  right  hand  of  the  diagram. 
During  the  first  year  the  boy  will  attend  a  general  building 
course,  including  workshop  training.  During  this  time  the 
boy's  tastes  and  aptitudes  are  studied  so  that  he  can  be  directed 
to  the  branch  for  which  he  is  best  fitted.  The  remaining  time 
is  spent  on  a  special  course — building,  joinery,  bricklaying, 
plumbing,  decorating,  etc.  At  the  end  of  the  period  he  will  go 
as  an  improver. 

The  middle  section  represents  the  course  which  is  usually 
followed.  A  scheme  of  apprenticeship  has  been  drawn  up 
which  follows  the  method  shown  in  this  section. 

The  boy  is  apprenticed  for  five  or  six  years,  usually  without 
premium.  The  pay  varies  from  one-eighth  journeyman's  rates 
in  the  first  year,  to  two-thirds  in  the  sixth  year. 

He  receives  training  of  two  kinds  : 

1.  In  the  workshop  and  on  job. 

2.  In  school. 

After  he  has  completed  his  apprenticeship,  the  youth  becomes 
an  improver. 

The  left-hand  section  of  the  diagram  shows  the  path  of  the 
boy  who  receives  practical  instruction  in  the  workshop,  and  does 
not  attend  classes  to  gain  technical  knowledge.  He  becomes  an 
improver,  but  his  prospects  are  not  so  good  as  those  of  the  boys 
who  have  had  a  thorough  training. 

The  top  line  of  the  diagram  shows  the  various  branches  of 
the  building  trades.  It  also  points  out  that  from  carpenter  and 
joiner  the  position  of  builder  may  be  attained,  and  this  may 
include  a  certain  amount  of  architectural  and  surveying  work. 

In  the  top  corners  of  the  diagram  the  advantages  and  dis- 
advantages of  the  building  trades  are  shown. 


THE  BUILDING  TRADES 


47 


ADVANTAGES 
USEFUL  AND  ESSENTIAL  WORK 
GENERALLY  HEALTHY 
GOOD  SCOPE  FOR  INTELLIGENCE 
GOOD  PROSPECTS  FOR 
WELL  TRAINED  MEN 


DISADVANTAGES 


ARCHITECTURE 

PART 

SURVEYING 

WORKSHOP 
PRACTICE 

TIME 
CLASSES 

BUILDING 
SPECIAL     JOINERY 
BRICKLAYING 
COURSE      PLUMBING 
DECORATING 

TECHNICAL 
OR 
TRADE 
SCHOOL 

THE 
WORKSHOP 

FULL  TIME  TECHNICAL 
OR  TRADE  SCHOOL 

STRONG:  INDEPENDENT:  MECHANICAL 

HEALTHY:   SELFRELIANT: 

FOND  OF  DRAWING 


48  CAREERS  FOR  BOYS 


PRINTING  AND   BOOKBINDING 

This  diagram  illustrates  the  main  classes  of  work  in  the  print- 
ing and  bookbinding  trades,  the  various  branches  of  work  in 
each  class,  the  work  which  is  done  by  a  student  or  apprentice 
in  learning  the  trade,  and  the  qualifications  which  are  necessary 
for  success. 

In  the  middle  of  the  diagram  the  path  from  a  schoolboy 
through  student  and  apprentice  to  skilled  man  is  shown.  A 
boy  may  go  direct  from  school  to  works  as  an  apprentice,  or 
he  may  spend  some  time  in  a  Technical  School. 

The  lower  section  on  the  right  shows  the  work  which  is  learnt 
by  a  student  or  apprentice  in  bookbinding.  When  he  has 
learnt  the  general  work,  he  may  specialise  on  one  or  more 
branches. 

As  a  skilled  man  he  may  either  enter  the  letterpress  binding 
or  account-book  binding.  These  are  shown  in  the  top  right 
section  of  the  diagram. 

The  arrows  right  and  left  show  the  work  done  during  the 
period  of  training. 

On  the  left  are  shown  the  main  branches  of  work  in  printing : 
composing,  stereo-  and  electrotyping,  and  machine  managing. 

The  lower  sections  on  the  left  show  the  work  which  is  done 
by  student  or  apprentice,  and  the  upper  sections  show  the  classes 
of  work  in  which  he  may  specialise  as  a  skilled  man. 

In  top  right-  and  left-hand  corners  the  prospects  and  scope 
of  the  trades  are  indicated. 


THE   PRINTING  TRADES 


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50  CAREERS  FOR  BOYS 


SHOP  ASSISTANTS 

This  diagram  gives  in  outline  the  main  branches  of  the 
distributive  trades.  It  shows  the  usual  methods  of  entry,  the 
qualifications  of  the  entrants,  and  the  probable  line  of  develop- 
ments of  the  business.  In  drapery,  the  Departmental  Store 
will  probably  be  a  permanent  feature ;  in  grocery,  the  Multiple 
Shop  System  will  extend ;  while  in  ironmongery  there  are  good 
prospects  for  proprietors  of  small  shops. 


THE  DISTRIBUTIVE  TRADES 


52  CAREERS  FOR  BOYS 


THE  GROCERY  TRADE 

This  diagram  gives  in  outline  the  prospects  in  the  grocery 
trade.  It  shows  that  there  are  two  main  ways  of  entering  the 
trade :  as  an  apprentice  or  as  a  learner.  A  boy  who  starts  as  an 
errand  boy  may  enter  the  business  as  a  learner  if  he  possesses  the 
necessary  ability  and  energy.  In  many  cases,  however,  errand 
boys  become  porters  and  warehousemen.  The  articles  which 
are  dealt  with  and  the  qualities  required  for  success  are  given 
as  a  guide  to  a  boy  who  is  thinking  of  entering  the  trade. 

The  learner  or  apprentice  usually  spends  the  first  year  in  the 
warehouse,  the  second  year  he  obtains  some  experience  in  the 
shop,  and  in  the  third  and  fourth  years  he  is  promoted  to  the 
counter  to  serve  customers.  In  his  last  year  the  apprentice  is 
often  regarded  as  an  improver.  From  this  stage  the  young 
man  becomes  a  junior  assistant  and  gains  further  experience. 
As  an  assistant  he  will  specialise  in  provisions  or  grocery. 

During  the  early  years  of  the  trade  the  young  man  should  get 
a  thorough  knowledge  of  his  business  and  equip  himself  for 
higher  positions.  If  he  remains  as  an  assistant  after  he  is  about 
thirty-five  years  old,  his  chances  of  employment  are  not  good, 
and  he  may  be  forced  to  take  other  work.  Many  shop  assistants 
in  middle  life  become  agents  for  insurance  and  sewing-machine 
companies,  bus  conductors,  etc.  Others  who  have  not  reached 
a  manager's  position  and  are  too  old  for  counter-work  become 
canvassers. 

After  gaining  good  experience  as  an  assistant,  a  man  may  enter 
business  on  his  own  account,  but  the  number  of  small  proprietors 
tends  to  decrease.  The  multiple  shop  is  taking  their  place. 
Under  these  conditions  the  able  assistant  will  aim  at  beginning 
as  manager  of  a  branch  shop,  or  manager  or  buyer  of  a  depart- 
ment in  a  large  store.  From  either  of  these  positions  he  may 
start  business  for  himself  or  become  traveller  for  a  wholesale 
firm.  The  additional  experience  which  he  has  gained  as 
manager  will  be  a  valuable  help  in  building  up  a  business. 
The  next  stage  will  be  as  director  or  manager  of  a  firm,  which 
may  be  the  development  from  his  own  business,  or  in  an  estab- 
lished business  to  which  he  comes  as  an  expert. 


THE   GROCERY  TRADE 


53 


54  CAREERS  FOR  BOYS 


Grocery  is  the  largest  of  the  food  trades ;  wherever  there 
are  many  people  living,  there  must  be  a  grocer  to  supply  them 
with  provisions.  Anyone  who  is  engaged  in  this  trade  has  the 
satisfaction  of  knowing  that  he  is  a  very  useful  member  of 
society. 

A  boy's  prospects  of  promotion  depend  much  upon  himself 
and  on  the  type  of  shop  he  enters.  At  the  beginning  there  is 
always  a  good  deal  of  monotonous  and  hard  work,  and  unless  a 
boy  has  his  heart  in  his  work  he  will  find  this  to  be  irksome. 

When  a  boy  enters  a  grocer's  shop,  his  work  consists  of  deliver- 
ing goods,  tidying  the  shop,  wrapping  up  goods,  and  work  in 
the  store-room  and  warehouse. 

The  next  stage  is  that  of  junior  assistant.  His  work  is  to 
cut,  weigh,  sell,  and  wrap  up  goods  and  make  out  the  bill. 

When  he  becomes  a  senior  assistant,  he  has  to  blend  tea, 
roast  and  grind  coffee,  judge  bacon,  butter,  and  cheese,  in  addi- 
tion to  the  duties  of  a  junior. 

From  a  senior  assistant  he  may  go  to  the  position  of  a  buyer 
or  manager,  when  he  will  have  to  buy  and  store  goods,  arrange 
them  for  sale,  apportion  the  work  of  the  assistants,  estimate  the 
cost  and  selling  prices,  supervise  all  accounts  and  books,  and 
generally  extend  the  business. 

To  know  his  business  thoroughly,  the  grocer  should  study  the 
principles  of  salesmanship,  and  the  origin,  qualities,  and  prices 
of  the  goods  he  sells.  A  knowledge  of  commercial  arithmetic, 
English,  and  commercial  geography  will  be  of  great  value 
to  him. 

The  Institute  of  Certificated  Grocers  holds  examinations  in 
the  subjects  useful  to  grocers. 

The  qualities  which  are  useful  for  success  are  industry, 
thoroughness,  punctuality,  courtesy,  and  loyalty. 

Useful  Books.' — The  Practical  Grocer,  W.  H.  Simmonds ;  The 
Grocer's  Handbook,  W.  H.  Simmonds;  The  Grocery  Trade, 
T.  Aubrey  Rees;  Law's  Grocer's  Manual;  Grocery,  W.  F. 
Tupman;  Grocery  Business  Organisation  and  Management, 
C.  L.  T.  Beeching;  Spices,  H.  N.  Ridley. 

Magazines  and  Papers. — The  Grocer,  weekly  6d. ;  The  Grocer's 
Gazette,  weekly  3d. ;  The  Grocer's  Journal,  weekly  2d. ;  Grocery, 
monthly  6d.,  illustrated. 

How  to  Enter. — The  parent  should  write  to  the  firm  he  wishes 
his  son  to  enter,  and  arrange  for  an  interview  between  the 
principal  and  the  boy.  In  the  grocery  trade,  boys  begin  as 


THE   GROCERY  TRADE  55 

errand  boys  or  as  apprentices.  The  apprentices  and  the  best 
of  the  errand  boys  rise  to  be  assistants. 

Qualifications. — Boys  should  be  of  good  general  education, 
good  appearance  and  manners.  They  should  be  self-reliant, 
energetic,  and  ambitious,  for  promotion  depends  very  much 
upon  themselves. 

Conditions  of  the  Trade. — The  work  is  hard  and  the  hours  are 
long,  but  in  spite  of  this  the  trade  is  a  healthy  one.  The 
Registrar-General's  Report  says,  "  Grocers  still  continue  to  be 
among  the  healthiest  members  of  the  shop-keeping  class." 
Living-in  does  not  exist  to  any  great  extent. 

Prospects. — Grocery  is  the  largest  of  the  food  trades  in  the 
country.  It  is  a  trade  that  is  necessary  to  modern  conditions 
of  civilisation. 

In  many  shops  errand  boys  with  ability  and  ambition  are  put 
to  the  counter  and  may  rise  to  be  managers  or  proprietors.  In 
other  shops  errand  boys  only  rise  to  be  porters  and  warehouse- 
men. The  boy  must  be  careful  what  kind  of  shop  he  enters. 
As  with  other  distributive  trades,  if  promotion  comes  at  all, 
it  comes  early.  A  man  over  forty  is  generally  regarded  as 
too  old  for  counter-work.  If  by  that  time  he  has  not  reached 
the  position  of  manager,  traveller,  or  canvasser,  his  prospects 
are  poor. 


56  CAREERS  FOR  BOYS 


ENGINEERING 

The  first  diagram  is  a  general  sketch  of  the  work.  The  second 
diagram  illustrates  the  main  ways  of  entering  the  occupation 
of  engineering. 

On  the  right  is  shown  the  best  path  to  the  higher  ranks  of  the 
profession. 

The  boy  from  a  secondary  school  may  continue  his  educa- 
tion at  a  technical  college  or  university  with  a  view  to  taking 
an  Honours  Degree  in  Engineering.  He  then  enters  an  engineer- 
ing firm  as  a  pupil  for  two  or  three  years.  He  may  reverse 
this  course  by  becoming  a  pupil  in  the  works  for  three  years, 
and  at  the  end  of  that  period  entering  a  technical  college  or 
university.  In  Scotland  and  the  North  of  England  it  is  not 
uncommon  for  a  pupil  to  attend  college  during  term  time  and 
spend  the  vacations  in  the  workshops. 

Without  going  into  detail,  the  diagram  shows  that  a  university 
or  technical  college  education  is  required  by  an  engineering 
pupil  who  wishes  to  rise  in  his  profession. 

In  the  middle  of  the  diagram  the  position  of  apprentice  is 
shown.  This  is  open  to  boys  from  secondary,  trade,  central, 
and  elementary  schools.  During  his  course  of  apprenticeship 
the  boy  should  take  advantage  of  all  technical  classes  to  which 
he  has  access.  By  this  means,  if  he  has  the  necessary  ability, 
he  may  enter  the  drawing  office  and  stand  a  chance  of  rising  to 
a  high  position.  In  any  case,  technical  knowledge  is  necessary 
if  the  apprentice  wishes  to  become  a  properly  skilled  man. 

On  the  left  of  the  diagram  are  shown  the  more  irregular  and 
uncertain  methods  of  entering  the  occupation. 

The  elementary  schoolboy  may  enter  a  works  as  a  learner, 
and  under  proper  conditions  may  have  nearly  as  good  a  chance 
of  learning  the  trade  as  the  apprentice.  It  is  most  important 
that  he  should  gain  as  much  technical  knowledge  as  he  can  by 
attendance  at  classes.  In  this  way  the  best  trade  positions 
become  open  to  him,  and  he  may  get  into  the  drawing  office  and 
the  higher  positions  in  the  engineering  world. 

Many  boys  go  as  unskilled  workers  into  engineering  firms.  It 
is  more  difficult  for  them  to  enter  the  ranks  of  the  skilled  men, 
but  to  a  youth  of  energy  and  ability  it  is  by  no  means  impossible. 
It  depends  largely  upon  the  youth  himself.  He  must  improve 


ENGINEERING 


57 


MECHANICAL 


MANUFACTURE  AND 
OPERATION  OF 

MACHINERY, 
IRON  &  STEELWORK 


CIVIL 


CONSTRUCTION 
OF  PUBLIC  WORKS 


RAILWAYS 

ROADS 
AND 
BRIDGES 

WATER  SUPPLY 
AND 
DRAINAGE 

GENERAL 


MAKING  AND 
REPAIRING 

OF 
MACHINERY 


ELECTRICAL 


SUPPLY   AND 
DISTRIBUTION 


MACHINERY 

POWER 

INSTRUMENTS 

MOTOR 


MAKING  AND 
REPAIRING  OF 
STEEL  FRAMES 

AND 

MACHINERY 

OF  MOTOR  CARS 

AND   CYCLES 


BOILER 
MAKING 


IRON PLATE 

WORK 

STEEL  SHIPS 
BRIDGES 

ROOFS 

GIRDERS 

TANKS 


MARINE 


CONTROL 

OF 

ENGINES 
ON    SHIPS 


Each  Branch  of  Engineering  shown  on  this  Diagram  contains  many  subdivisions 


58  CAREERS  FOR  BOYS 

his  practical  experience  in  every  way  he  can,  and  supplement 
it  with  technical  knowledge  by  attending  classes. 

All  boys  who  wish  to  get  on  should  remember  that  the  lack  of 
a  good  general  education  is  generally  the  greatest  obstacle  to  a 
youth  who  has  to  fight  his  way  upwards,  and  should  not  neglect 
to  pay  early  and  serious  attention  to  this  branch  of  education. 

The  extreme  left  of  the  diagram  shows  that  many  unskilled 
workers  either  become  semi-skilled  or  leave  the  occupation. 


59 


w 


60  CAREERS  FOR  BOYS 


MECHANICAL   ENGINEERING 

This  diagram  gives  in  outline  the  positions  to  which  a  boy 
may  rise. 

The  figure  in  the  right  centre  represents  the  group  of  trades 
which  probably  offer  the  best  chances  to  the  average  boy. 

A  boy  usually  enters  an  engineering  firm  as  a  learner  or 
apprentice.  The  first  few  months  are  often  spent  on  odd  jobs 
in  the  store,  works,  or  office.  He  is  then  put  on  to  work  in  one 
of  the  shops ;  it  is  very  likely  that  he  will  first  go  into  the 
machine  shop.  This  includes  the  work  of  machine-minding,  and 
should  lead  to  turning,  fitting,  and  erecting  ;  it  forms  a  distinct 
group  within  which  a  boy  will  find  sufficient  scope  for  learning 
and  promotion. 

The  youth  in  the  machine  shop  will  be  put  in  charge  of  a 
simple  machine  ;  if  he  shows  ability,  and  is  in  a  good  firm,  he 
may  be  transferred  from  machine  to  machine  so  as  to  learn  as 
many  processes  as  possible.  In  this  way  he  picks  up  a  good  deal 
of  fitting,  and  may  be  transferred  to  the  fitting  shop.  Here  the 
youth  learns  the  building-up  or  erecting  of  machines.  Some 
fitters  become  tool-makers.  A  specially  able  boy  may  go  from 
turning  and  fitting  into  the  drawing  office,  but  as  a  rule  a  youth 
remains  in  this  branch.  He  has  chances  of  rising  to  charge 
hand  or  leading  hand,  and  chances  of  becoming  foreman.  If 
he  possesses  the  necessary  technical  knowledge  he  may  rise  to 
be  an  assistant  works  manager. 

On  the  extreme  left  is  shown  the  best  course  to  follow  to  rise 
to  the  higher  ranks. 

An  apprentice  may  go  directly  into  the  drawing  office,  but  as 
a  rule  a  premium  is  required  for  this.  Ability  to  draw  is  not 
sufficient :  knowledge  of  mathematics,  theoretical  knowledge, 
and  workshop  experience  are  necessary  if  the  draughtsman 
wishes  to  rise  to  designer  or  manager. 

To  the  right  of  the  drawing  office  comes  the  pattern-maker. 
A  skilful  pattern-maker  may  be  transferred  to  the  drawing 
office,  or  he  may  become  foundry  foreman  or  manager. 

Founding. — Boys  are  not  as  a  rule  taken  for  moulding 
directly.  They  do  odd  jobs  for  the  foremen,  and  are  promoted 
by  degrees  to  moulding. 

Smithing. — Boys  do  not  as  a  rule  enter  smithing  directly. 
Sometimes  they  begin  as  forge  boys  or  odd  boys  in  smithing. 


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62  CAREERS   FOR  BOYS 


AN   INSURANCE   OFFICE 

The  diagram  represents  the  career  of  a  clerk  in  an  insurance 
office.  It  shows  that  there  are  two  main  branches — Life 
Insurance  and  other  Insurance.  It  also  points  out  the  various 
grades  of  clerk  in  each  branch,  and  the  course  of  examinations 
which  it  is  advisable  for  the  ambitious  man  to  take. 

The  youth  who  wishes  to  enter  an  insurance  office  should  have 
a  good  secondary  school  education,  and  should  have  passed 
matriculation  or  other  similar  examination.  If  he  decides  to 
enter  the  actuarial  branch  in  which  the  statistical  work  is  done, 
he  will  become  a  junior  clerk  in  the  head  office.  His  path  of 
progress  through  actuarial  clerk  is  shown.  The  arrow  on  the 
right  shows  the  examinations  which  the  young  clerk  should  take. 
On  the  extreme  left  is  shown  the  course  of  the  man  who  becomes 
inspector  or  branch  manager.  To  the  right  of  the  diagram  the 
path  is  shown  of  the  youth  who  enters  Fire,  Accident,  or  Marine 
Insurance.  A  clerk  in  these  sections  should  take  the  examina- 
tions of  the  Chartered  Insurance  Institute,  or  if  these  are  im- 
possible, the  examinations  of  the  Chamber  of  Commerce.  The 
insets  in  the  bottom  right  and  left  of  the  diagram  show  the 
qualifications  and  prospects  of  the  career. 

Work  in  an  insurance  office  is  divided  into  two  main  branches, 
the  actuarial  or  scientific  branch,  and  the  administrative  and 
clerical  branch. 

The  actuarial  side  is  not  easy  to  enter,  and  a  high  standard 
of  ability  and  attainments  is  required,  but  on  the  whole  the 
prospects  are  good. 

The  actuary  is  an  official  (in  a  life  office)  whose  duty  it  is 
to  compile  statistical  records,  estimate  the  necessary  rates  of 
premium,  and  perform  the  requisite  scientific  calculations 
incidental  to  the  periodical  valuation  of  its  assets  and  liabilities. 
He  may  be  regarded  as  an  expert  in  the  Laws  of  Chance  as  they 
affect  human  life  and  property.  It  is  evident  that  the  work 
of  an  actuary  requires  great  skill  and  accuracy  in  dealing  with 
figures. 

A  youth  who  wishes  to  become  an  actuary  should  pay  special 
attention  to  arithmetic  and  algebra,  and  by  his  mathematical 
ability  should  know  that  he  is  fit  for  the  career.  Distinct  and 
rapid  handwriting  is  valuable. 

How  to  Enter. — The  youth  who  wishes  to  become  an  actuary 
should  obtain  a  clerkship  in  the  head  office  (life  branch)  of  an 
insurance  company,  or  a  company  transacting  life  business 
only.  This  is  often  difficult  to  obtain,  and  generally  requires 
a  nomination  from  a  director  or  one  of  the  chief  officials  of  the 


68 


64  CAREERS  FOR  BOYS 

company.  He  should  then  seek  to  become  a  probationer  of  the 
Institute  of  Actuaries.  He  is  then  enitled  to  attend  the  classes 
which  the  Institute  has  organised  for  the  difficult  examinations 
which  have  to  be  passed. 

The  youth  is  usually  appointed  as  a  junior  clerk  with  a  small 
salary  ;  during  this  time  he  acquires  experience  of  the  work  of 
his  department.  In  due  course  he  may  become  an  actuarial 
clerk ;  and  a  reputation  for  exceptional  ability  in  mathematics 
and  calculation  may  bring  him  to  the  post  of  assistant  actuary, 
and  perhaps  finally  to  that  of  actuary  to  the  company,  who  is 
frequently  appointed  to  act  as  the  chief  administrative  official. 

In  addition  to  the  practical  experience  which  is  obtained  in 
the  office,  it  is  essential  that  the  youth,  in  order  to  obtain  a 
professional  diploma,  should  pass  the  examinations  which  are 
organised  by  the  Institute  of  Actuaries ;  or  the  kindred  Scottish 
body,  the  Faculty  of  Actuaries. 

There  are  three  classes  of  the  Institute — Students,  Associates, 
and  Fellows — and  there  are  qualifying  examinations.  Candidates 
for  admission  to  the  first  examination  must  have  passed  matricu- 
lation or  other  similar  examination. 

Examination  for  Admission  as  Student. — • 

1.  Arithmetic  and  Algebra  ;  the  theory  and  use  of  logarithms  ; 

the  Elements  of  the  Theory  of  Probabilities. 

2.  The   Elements    of   the    Calculus    of   Finite   Differences, 

including  Interpolation  and  Summation ;    Elementary 
Differential  and  Integral  Calculus. 

3.  Compound  Interest  and  Annuities-Certain,  including  the 

construction  and  use  of  Relative  Tables. 

Examination  for  Admission  as  Associate. — This  examination 
is  more  fully  professional ;  it  includes  the  use  of  Life  Tables, 
the  classification  of  policies,  some  knowledge  of  banking  and  of 
Stock  Exchange  operations  and  procedure. 

Examination  for  Admission  as  Fellow. — This  examination 
includes  the  methods  of  compiling  mortality  and  similar 
statistics,  the  determination  of  premium  rates  for  various 
types  of  assurance,  the  value  of  assurance,  companies  liabilities, 
the  determination  of  extra  premiums  for  special  circumstances, 
etc. 

It  also  comprises  the  law  relating  to  assurance  companies, 
life  assurance  accounts,  and  administration  generally,  a  con- 
siderable knowledge  of  the  money  market  and  of  banking  finance 
and  foreign  exchanges  generally,  assurance  companies'  invest- 
ments, the  practical  valuation  of  policies  and  other  kindred 
subjects. 

Full  particulars  of  these  examinations  can  be  obtained  from 
the  Assistant  Secretary,  Institute  of  Actuaries,  Staple  Inn, 
Holborn  Bars,  W.C. 


AN   INSURANCE   OFFICE  65 

The  Administrative  and  Clerical  Branch. — The  youth  who 
enters  this  branch  should  have  similar  qualification  to  a  candi- 
date for  the  actuarial  side.  He  will  enter  an  insurance  office 
as  a  junior  clerk  about  the  age  of  seventeen  years,  with  a  small 
salary.  In  time  the  youth  may  rise  to  become  head  of  a  small 
department,  and  in  this  way  may  gradually  rise  in  the  office  until 
he  is  qualified  to  undertake  the  more  responsible  sections  of 
the  company's  business. 

The  higher  posts  of  surveyor,  superintendent,  and  branch 
manager  in  an  office  transacting  all  forms  of  insurance  are  open 
to  men  of  ability  who  have  a  thorough  knowledge  of  their 
profession.  This  may  be  obtained  by  supplementing  the 
practical  experience  which  is  gained  in  the  office  by  taking  the 
examinations  organised  by  the  Chartered  Insurance  Institute. 

Candidates  for  admission  to  these  examinations  must  have 
passed  matriculation  or  other  similar  examination. 

Examinations  for  Admission  as  Associate  and  as  Fellow. — 
Particulars  of  these  examinations  can  be  obtained  from  the 
Secretary,  Chartered  Insurance  Institute,  11  Queen  Street,  E.G. 

Insurance  clerks  who  do  not  take  the  examinations  of  the 
Institute  should  take  the  senior  examinations  of  the  Chamber 
of  Commerce  in  subjects  relating  to  insurance. 

Prospects. — It  is  generally  agreed  that  work  in  an  insurance 
office  has  good  prospects  for  men  who  have  the  ability  and 
energy  to  undertake  the  long  course  of  study  which  is  required 
to  pass  the  necessary  examinations.  The  insurance  clerk  who 
wishes  to  rise  to  a  good  position  should  endeavour  to  qualify 
as  an  actuary  or  as  a  Fellow  of  the  Insurance  Institute.  The 
higher  ranks  of  the  profession  are  not  crowded,  and  during 
the  time  that  the  clerk  is  qualifying  for  these  positions  he  is 
largely  supporting  himself. 

Salary. — The  salary  to  commence  is  from  £50-£80  per  annum, 
with  annual  increments  thereafter,  usually  on  a  definite  scale. 

A  fully  qualified  actuarial  clerk  will  receive  from  £400-£600 
per  year. 

An  actuary  will  receive  from  £500-£l,500,  while  the  income 
of  a  manager  may  run  into  thousands. 

The  salaries  of  clerks  on  the  administrative  and  clerical  side 
are  similar  in  the  early  stages  to  those  of  clerks  in  the  actuarial 
department. 

A  routine  clerk  would  probably  earn  about  up  to  £300  per 
year,  while  the  head^of  a  department  would  probably  get  a 
minimum  of  £500  per^annum. 


CHAPTER   VI 

TWO    CAMPS 

THE  intention  in  the  preceding  five  chapters  has  been  to 
indicate  that  on  our  youth — for  the  principle  applies  to  both 
sexes — depends  the  future  of  our  country ;  that  far  too 
little  attention  has  been  paid  to  the  value  and  education  of 
youth  ;  the  use  made  of  that  education,  if  given  ;  the 
opportunities  of  forward  progress  ;  the  methods  applied 
to  giving  it ;  and  the  methods  of  enlisting  the  young  in  the 
interest  and  objects  of  work. 

True  it  is  that,  partly  as  the  effect  of  the  War,  and  as  a 
lesson  learnt  during  the  War,  steps  to  better  education  are 
being  evolved,  vocational  training  is  slowly  coming  under 
consideration,  attention  in  many  a  business  is  being  given 
to  amenities,  comforts,  and  recreations  never  previously 
considered  ;  the  idea  of  sympathy  is  published  far  and 
wide,  and  plans  for  enlisting  the  workers  in  joint  effort  are 
being  tentatively  tried.  There  are  developments  of  the 
work  of  conciliation  and  attempted  goodwill,  which  was 
slowly  coming  into  being  before  the  War,  and  had  extended 
a  network  of  boards  and  associations  in  the  principal  trades 
of  the  country.  There  is  also  a  Government  dictating 
from  above  plans  of  development  remarkable  for  the 
number  of  officials  which  they  entail,  and  their  excessive 
cost. 

All  these  efforts  cannot  alter  in  a  day  the  tendency  of 
several  generations  ;  the  neglect  of  youth  so  spasmodically 
treated  by  Governments,  employers,  and  trade  unions  ; 
the  economic  movements  so  generally  accepted  as  intract- 
able, and  necessarily  leading  to  unemployment  and  poverty; 
or  prevent  the  country  being  faced  with  demands  for  a 
new  order  of  things  or  a  complete  change  in  the  social 
structure. 

It  may  be  said  that  generalisations  are  not  practicable 

66 


CAPITAL  AND  LABOUR  67 

about  masses  of  people  on  both  sides  ;  and  it  is  undoubtedly 
difficult  to  lay  down  in  brief  language  propositions  applic- 
able to  all  classes  of  employers  or  workpeople.  Exceptions 
may  be  cited  as  not  supporting  a  general  rule.  And  yet, 
the  well-known  phrase  "  Capital  and  Labour  "  emphasises 
the  view  that  there  are  in  this  country  two  rival  camps  or 
armies,  acting  sometimes  in  veiled  and  sometimes  in  open 
opposition  to  each  other,  and,  according  to  some  prophets, 
preparing  with  speed  for  an  open  and  bitter  fight.  If  such 
a  fight  occurred,  it  would  leave  behind  it  as  much  trouble 
as  the  wars  of  nations  ;  it  would  ruin  the  chances  of  pro- 
duction on  which  the  future  depends,  it  might  introduce 
tyranny  far  worse  than  this  country  has  ever  known. 
Hostility  has  not  been  abolished  by  the  War,  although  often 
turned  against  new  men,  many  of  whom  have  risen  by 
the  War ;  and  if  the  country  is  to  succeed  in  repairing  the 
damages  of  the  War  and  avoid  serious  trouble  in  the  future, 
the  employing  class  and  the  workpeople  must  unite  in  a 
common  effort  and  realise  that  their  interests  are  identical. 
Change  of  mind  cannot  be  very  quickly  effected,  but  is 
generally  the  result  of  growth.  Traditions,  vested  interests, 
class  opinion,  individual  faddism  are  obstacles,  but  the 
rush  of  opinion  has  much  force  in  whatever  direction  it 
may  trend.  The  question  is  whether  it  will  trend  in  the 
direction  of  peace  or  of  war  ;  and  whether,  if  great  social 
changes  are  to  be  effected,  changes  will  come  as  the  result 
of  an  upheaval  or  after  a  succession  of  petty  quarrels 
paralysing  the  industry  of  the  country,  or  by  peaceful 
arrangements.  Briefly,  the  proposition  is  this  :  that  if 
peaceful  arrangement  is  the  best  issue  for  the  country  and 
its  people  as  a  whole,  the  two  camps  or  armies  now  fixed, 
or  getting  fixed,  in  growing  hostility,  have  got  to  amalga- 
mate and  unite  in  a  common  purpose  :  the  theory  that 
one  side  must  beat  the  other  has  to  be  thrown  out  as  a  bad 
theory  by  both  sides  ;  and  Capital,  being  unable  to  beat 
Labour,  as  it  has  tried  to  do,  must  more  and  more  recognise 
that  man  is  not  a  mere  producing-machine,  to  be  worked 
as  a  machine,  but  that  human  interest  and  opportunity 
for  the  redress  of  valid  grievances  and  mutual  ignorance 
will  do  more  to  enlist  men  to  work  together  for  a  common 
purpose  than  making  the  cheapest  bargain  that  can  be 
made  with  the  individual  workman  or  with  a  trade  union. 
Men  may  be  contiguous  to  each  other,  but  yet  are  isolated 


68  TWO    CAMPS 

in  fact,  unless  they  have  a  common  purpose.  If  the  spirit 
or  the  ideal  of  joint  success  and  of  the  value  of  increased 
production  to  all  concerned  can  be  obtained  in  any  works 
or  undertakings,  those  undertakings  will  be  the  last  to  have 
to  fear  dictation  by  trade  unions,  because  the  trade  unions 
would  have  no  valid  ground  of  complaint.  They  will  also 
have  better  opportunity  of  settling  difficulties  with  their 
own  workmen  without  the  interference  of  third  parties  or 
the  Government.  They  will  out-distance  or  absorb  their 
competitors,  who  will  have  from  self-interest  to  follow  suit. 
Any  employer  who  sets  himself  to  develop  his  business 
and  push  forward,  carrying  his  young  workmen  with  him 
by  care  for  their  valid  interests,  and  refusing  to  be  tied  down 
by  the  level  of  the  most  obsolete  or  badly  equipped  works 
in  the  trade,  is  bound  to  find  his  enterprise  and  care  leading 
to  good  results.  It  may  be  very  difficult,  and  the 
hindrances  may  be  great.  The  application  of  principle  in 
some  industries  may  be  very  hard  to  accomplish.  The 
workers  cannot  be  taught  the  lesson  or  be  brought  to 
understanding  and  trust  in  a  day ;  but  they  soon  know 
who  are  good  employers  and  who  are  the  bad.  The  time 
has  passed  when  employers  can  afford  to  ignore  the  fact 
that,  unless  there  is  to  be  continued  hostility  between  two 
opposing  forces,  they  must  show  the  worker  the  real 
objective  to  which  the  employer  is  working  ;  they  must 
consider  the  comfort  and  well-being  of  the  worker  as  a 
human  being  ;  they  must  have  suitable  methods  of  listen- 
ing to  and  redressing  valid  complaints,  either  by  the 
workmen  themselves,  or  by  the  workmen  with  the  aid  of 
the  management ;  they  must  endeavour  to  ensure  to  all 
workmen  a  direct  interest  in  the  result  of  their  work,  and 
enlist  their  activity  in  mutual  success  ;  and  see  that  the 
curtailment  of  advancement  or  chance  of  advancement 
to  the  youth  does  not  reduce  the  worker  to  the  position  of 
a  machine.  A  new  atmosphere  is  required  in  which  men 
can  breathe  more  freely. 

The  present  atmosphere  is  the  issue  of  a  long  history. 
In  spite  of  the  theories  advanced  of  the  scientific  move- 
ments of  Labour,  as  if  Labour  had  followed  a  clearly 
defined  line  and  supported  with  inevitable  trend  the 
carefully  prepared  schemes  of  studious  philosophers  or  the 
tocsin  of  inspired  and  compelling  leaders,  facts  show  that 
no  defined  line  has  ever  had  more  than  a  brief  existence. 


CLASS   HATRED  69 

Strategy  has  been  practically  absent.  Tactics  have  been 
pursued  by  a  few  divisional  commanders,  whose  period  of 
office  has  generally  been  short,  and  who,  if  they  are  success- 
ful, have  been  hampered  by  a  failure  in  details  which 
frequently  obscures  the  success.  The  majority  of  divisional 
commanders  have  failed  to  have  any  vision  beyond  the 
operations  of  their  own  section  on  which  they  have  con- 
centrated, and  of  their  own  men,  whom  alone  they 
understand. 

These  remarks  may  be  upsetting  to  the  complacency  of 
historians  or  writers  who  wish  to  make  Labour  movements 
fit  in  with  their  theories  or  follow  lines  which  they  have 
mapped  out  as  desirable,  but  I  can  only  say  that  Labour 
has  had  no  great  leader,  though  many  have  aspired  to  be 
leaders  ;  that  such  leaders  as  it  has  had  have  only  been 
divisional  commanders  ;  that  it  has  had  no  real  solidarity, 
or  any  ideal  views,  which  it  could  confidently  say  must  be 
carried  through  on  every  ground  of  unanimous  demand, 
expediency,  and  right.  If  one  can  say  so  without  offence, 
class  hatred  has  been  helped  by  the  stupidity  of  the 
majority  of  employers,  because  they  have  neglected  the 
youths  whom  they  might  have  assisted,  and  whose  chances 
in  life  they  might  have  endeavoured  to  improve,  with  a 
view  to  the  broad  issue  of  better  understanding.  Class 
hatred,  too,  and  their  own  failure  as  great  leaders,  have 
been  caused  by  the  action  of  Labour  leaders,  who  have 
preached  war,  and  discontent,  and  theoretical  changes, 
when  the  advocacy  of  unity,  better  understanding,  better 
chances  for  their  flock  would  have  gained  more  for  them- 
selves and  for  others  than  anything  they  have  been  able 
to  obtain. 

Why  should  Labour  leaders  have  been  successful  ? 
They  have  had  their  own  way  to  fight ;  their  own  families 
to  help  ;  a  precarious  position  to  maintain  ;  aspirations  for 
their  own  success  entirely  inconsistent  with  any  doctrines 
they  might  suggest  of  squeezing  "  the  whole  world,  visible 
and  invisible,  into  an  imaginary  straight  line,  and  in  such 
a  manner  as  to  prevent  anybody  from  moving  backwards, 
forwards,  to  the  right  or  to  the  left." 

They  have  had  vast  numbers  of  men  and  women  to  deal 
with,  consisting  of  individuals  wrapped  up,  so  far  as 
industry  goes,  in  their  own  narrow  knowledge  of  a  small 
section  of  one  industry,  and  probably  looking  to  the 


70  TWO    CAMPS 

immediate  future  of  their  own  particular  success  in  that 
small  section,  or  the  interests  of  that  section  only  ;  and  also 
governed,  each  in  a  way  necessarily  unknown  to  the  man 
who  proposes  to  voice  their  wants,  by  mixed  motives, 
varied  characters,  and  desire  for  one  or  many  of  the  domestic 
hopes  common  to  every  man  :  sports,  girls,  wives,  children, 
home.  They  do  not  want  a  strike  for  a  theory  or  a  law, 
and  ought  not  to  be  asked  to  strike  for  a  misunderstanding 
or  some  paltry  cause  which  could  be  settled  by  a  talk  ;  but 
they  will  strike  for  economic  reasons,  due  to  causes  which 
they  do  not  understand,  and  which  are  never  explained  to 
them,  when  "  the  wail  of  intolerable  serfage,"  as  Disraeli 
called  it,  meets  with  no  answer,  when  they  realise  they 
have  no  opportunity  for  improvement  except  by  a  general 
rise  of  the  grade  to  which  they  belong,  or  when  they  see 
signs  of  prosperity  in  others  and  no  corresponding  or 
relative  improvement  in  their  own.  "  See  that  man," 
said  an  old  Bradford  weaver  to  me,  as  a  motor  passed  by, 
with  a  man  and  fur-clad  woman.  "  Twelve  months  ago  he 
hadn't  got  more  than  a  donkey ;  and  here  am  I  in  the 
same  old  clothes.  That's  why  I  am  on  strike,  as  you  know. 
But  you'll  see  justice  done,  as  far  as  you  can,  you  will." 
Justice  is  that  desirable  end  which  the  majority  of  work- 
ing men  would  wish  to  achieve,  and  often  very  different 
from  the  political  aims  which  are  set  forth  as  their  hope  by 
some  of  their  divisional  commanders. 


CHAPTER   VII 

THE  DOCKERS'  DISPUTE  OF  1889 

ON  the  principle  that  a  question  is  best  understood  by 
examination  of  facts  rather  than  by  argument  on  theory, 
an  account  of  some  of  the  chief  disputes  between  em- 
ployers and  employed  may  serve  to  throw  light  upon  some 
of  the  vexed  questions  of  the  present  day.  Their  varia- 
tions may  serve  at  least  to  cause  some  thought  on  methods 
of  dealing  with  the  youth  of  the  nation,  and  the  subject  of 
unity  or  enmity  beween  class  and  class.  Having  been 
concerned  in  a  very  large  number  of  these  disputes,  some 
account  of  them  may  indicate  the  course  of  events,  and 
lead  the  reader  either  to  revise  estimates  formed  only  upon 
theory,  or  to  find  fresh  material  for  the  support  of  views 
which  have  occurred  to  his  mind.  Historical  development 
is  always  interesting.  The  trend  of  events,  ideas,  political 
and  social  movements  always  are  based  upon  structures 
existing  in  the  past,  which  may  be  rising  story  by  story, 
or  gradually  falling  into  decay. 

The  present  atmosphere  is,  as  I  have  said,  the  issue  of  a 
long  history.  Generation  overlaps  generation,  memories 
remain,  ideas  develop  or  are  cast  aside.  It  is  not  my 
purpose  to  follow  that  development  through  all  its  ramifica- 
tions. Historical  accounts  have  been  written  in  many 
books.  It  may  suffice  to  say  that  almost  all  the  Socialism, 
Syndicalism,  and  other  issues  of  the  present  day  have  in 
one  form  or  another  been  discussed  during  the  last  century, 
and  some  of  them  have  been  tried  in  the  course  of  the 
building  up  of  the  industrial  system  of  Great  Britain,  and 
the  huge  developments  which  had  been  reached  before 
the  War.  The  general  impression  left  by  the  history  of  these 
struggles  is  an  impression  of  confused  purposes  partly  due 
to  the  rapidity  of  economic  changes  and  the  development 
of  a  vast  Empire.  The  great  wave  of  development  coming 
6  71 


72  THE    DOCKERS'    DISPUTE    OF    1889 

in  the  sixties  would  seem  to  have  arrived  at  a  time  when 
the  family  or  local  business  still  continued  as  a  prevailing 
system,  with  close  and  narrow  competition  between  busi- 
nesses of  comparatively  small  dimensions.  Individual 
contract  at  the  lowest  possible  price  governed  the  relation 
between  employer  and  employed.  Any  combination 
among  the  workpeople  was  against  the  law.  The  union  was 
a  secret  conspiracy  and  was  not  recognised.  Arbitration 
as  a  means  of  settling  difficulties  was  refused,  even  in  the 
most  suitable  cases.  It  was  regarded  as  an  attempted 
method  of  gaining  recognition  for  an  illegal  society,  and 
had  no  foothold  whatever.  Conciliation  was  almost  un- 
known. There  came  a  period  when  joint-stock  companies 
began  rapidly  to  take  the  place  of  the  old  class  of  business, 
and  their  relations  with  their  workpeople  certainly  reduced 
personal  interest  between  employer  and  employee,  and 
increased  mutual  ignorance.  In  the  early  seventies  the 
recognition  by  the  law  of  the  legality  of  combination,  and 
the  vast  expansion  of  trade,  gave  a  short  period  of  support 
for  arbitration,  when  it  suited  employers  to  take  almost 
any  decision  rather  than  have  stoppage  of  work ;  and 
when  it  also  suited  the  union  leaders,  who  had  attempted 
to  obtain  its  acceptance  on  the  ground  that  the  decision  of 
the  arbitrator  tended  to  establish  a  common  rule,  which 
governed  the  firms  within  the  arbitration,  and  might  be 
extended  to  firms  not  expressly  bound  by  it.  About  1874 
the  wave  of  prosperity  began  to  lose  force,  and  it  was  not 
long  before  reduction  of  wages,  longer  hours,  and  changes 
of  conditions  came  in  rapidly,  in  spite  of  repeated  strikes. 
The  unions  found  themselves  far  too  weak  to  maintain  their 
position.  They  were  not  sufficiently  organised,  and  they 
had  to  recognise  that  fact.  Advantages  gained  in  the 
previous  years  proved  to  be  illusory.  Even  in  industries 
generally  governed  by  sliding  scales,  special  reductions  were 
asked  for  and  obtained.  There  was  lack  of  organisation 
on  the  side  of  Labour,  and  on  the  side  of  the  employers  little 
attempt,  so  it  would  seem,  to  carry  the  goodwill  of  Labour. 
Weak  organisation  fell  to  pieces.  The  individual  was 
liable  to  have  piece  prices  cut  if  he  appeared  to  be  earning 
too  much,  while  the  incentive  of  production  arising  from 
good  reward  for  good  results  does  not  appear,  in  the  close 
competition  at  a  time  of  depressed  trade,  to  have  been 
recognised  as  a  desirable  principle. 


THE  START  OF  THE  STRIKE  73 

The  seeds  of  much  ill-will  and  suspicion,  of  which  the 
growth  has  continued  to  the  present  day,  gained  strength 
in  those  years.  The  remembrance  has  not  died  away. 

It  seems  to  have  been  felt,  by  the  most  able  leaders  of 
Labour,  that  organisation  was  faulty,  and  that  without 
organised  unions  no  general  advance  in  the  conditions  of 
Labour  could  be  obtained.  Beneath  the  surface  great  efforts 
were  undoubtedly  being  made  in  this  direction,  but  the 
movement  which  in  fact  caused  Labour  to  learn  its  power 
did  not  come  from  organised  labour  in  the  skilled  trades, 
much  less  from  the  political  aims  of  Labour  leaders.  In 
1889  the  great  Dock  Strike  started  with  a  strike  of  match- 
girls  and  casual  labour  at  the  London  docks,  classes  of 
labour,  in  the  beginning  at  least,  remarkable  by  their  lack 
of  organisation  ;  but  it  was  led,  and  in  a  measure  headed, 
after  the  first  outbursts,  by  two  able  leaders,  Mr.  John 
Burns  and  Mr.  Tom  Mann.  It  was  economic,  not  political, 
the  revolt  of  the  many  against  the  absence  of  the  margin 
of  subsistence,  and  although  in  the  mind  of  Mr.  John  Burns, 
as  he  has  said,  the  prevailing  purpose  was  to  diminish  the 
evils  of  casual  labour,  the  minds  of  the  majority  of  those 
who  struck  were  centred  on  the  dockers'  sixpence  for  which 
they  struggled. 

The  skilled  trade  unions,  except  the  stevedores,  had  no 
part  or  lot  in  the  dockers'  strike.  They  looked  on,  divorced 
from  the  movement,  as  they  have  been  divorced  from 
many  a  movement  in  which  unskilled  labour  has  been  con- 
cerned. It  was  left  for  the  match-girls  to  strike  the  flame 
which  soon  flickered  up  into  a  fire.  So,  too,  in  later  years, 
the  outbreaks  of  1911  began  in  the  ports  with  unskilled 
labour,  spreading  to  those  industries  where  men  were 
graded  in  large  numbers  on  a  fixed  and  low  wage,  from 
which  ability,  education, or  zeal  gave  them  little  opportunity 
to  rise ;  and  in  1913  the  outbreak,  which  swept  like  a 
prairie  fire  through  the  Midlands,  commenced  with  girls 
at  Dudley  who  said  they  could  no  longer  live  on  the  wages 
they  received,  and  would  prefer  the  streets  ;  and  in  1915 
the  strikes  of  the  War  began  with  the  dockers  on  the  Clyde, 
who  saw  others  making  profits  while  they  had  received  an 
insufficient  share. 

In  1889  neither  the  State  nor  employers  nor  skilled  labour 
had  realised  the  importance  of  getting  down  to  the  root 
of  the  matter,  of  estimating  the  pressure  of  economic 


74  THE    DOCKERS'    DISPUTE    OF    1889 

circumstances  which  might  be  borne  in  times  of  scarcity, 
but  with  better  education  and  better  means  of  knowledge, 
and  under  the  influence  of  widespread  propaganda,  would 
not  be  borne  in  quiet  when  prices  began  to  advance  and  no 
reciprocal  share  of  improvement  kept  pace  with  the  rising 
prices,  when  the  door  of  advancement  was  shut  and  mutual 
effort  was  so  little  practised.  Lessons  are  slowly  learnt. 
The  same  facts  and  the  same  results,  in  spite  of  the  lessons 
of  conciliation,  have  been  forthcoming  to  the  present  day, 
although  skilled  labour,  by  the  force  of  circumstances,  has  so 
much  altered  its  tone,  and  with  grievances  of  its  own  has 
attempted  to  join  with  those  organisations  of  semi-skilled 
and  unskilled  labour  which  have  so  vastly  and  persistently 
increased  since  the  Dock  Strike  of  1889.  Have  they  found 
a  common  enemy  in  the  employing  class  or  employing 
companies  ?  And  can  they  unite  all  trades  and  all 
members  in  a  belief  that  employers  are  to  be  changed  in 
favour  of  State-ownership  and  State-management,  and 
that  industries  will  so  flourish  and  the  workers'  status 
and  comfort  be  generally  improved  ? 

The  effect  of  the  dockers'  strike  of  1889  was  not  limited 
to  the  dockers'  sixpence.  It  was  from  1889  that  many 
began  to  think  that  the  power  of  Labour  by  collective  action 
sufficiently  prolonged  and  directed  against  the  industry 
of  a  great  port,  particularly  if  the  sympathy  and  support  of 
the  public  were  enlisted  on  its  side,  could  be  effective, 
although  limited  by  amount  of  organisation.  It  was  then, 
too,  that  attention  was  called  to  the  condition  of  casual 
labour  and  unemployment,  which  led  to  various  experi- 
ments, by  Acts  of  Parliament  and  otherwise,  for  the  purpose 
of  mitigating  it.  It  was  then,  too,  that  efforts  at  concili- 
ation were  found  not  to  be  without  result,  a  belief  fostered 
by  the  closing  of  the  long  sixteen  weeks'  coal  dispute  in  the 
Midlands,  under  the  chairmanship  of  Lord  Rosebery,  in 
1893;  the  national  agreement  established,  through  the 
Board  of  Trade,  in  the  Boot  and  Shoe  trade  in  1895  ; 
and  the  reference  of  the  North-Eastern  Railway  dispute 
to  Sir  Henry  James  in  the  same  year.  The  dockers' 
strike,  it  seems  to  me,  from  the  various  accounts  of  it, 
marked  a  great  epoch  in  the  relations  of  Capital  and  Labour. 
It  gave  a  great  impulse  to  the  Labour  Movement.  It 
revived  the  waning  spirits  of  trade  unions  and  led  to 
increase  in  their  numbers,  particularly  in  semi-skilled  and 


CASUAL  LABOUR  75 

unskilled  trades.  It  showed  efforts  which  some  of  their 
leaders  thought  would  mark  out  the  best  method  of  advance 
in  the  future,  but  it  did  little  or  nothing  in  the  way  of 
humanising  the  relations  between  employers  and  employed. 
More  than  a  generation  has  passed  away  since  that  great 
dispute  of  1889.  In  spite  of  the  ferment  that  it  caused 
throughout  the  world,  a  Commission  of  Inquiry  in  1920 
has  still  to  report  that  "  the  system  of  casualisation  must, 
if  possible,  be  torn  up  by  the  roots.  It  is  wrong,"  endorsing 
the  very  views  expressed  by  Mr.  John  Burns  in  the  House 
of  Commons  in  1910  and  on  Tower  Hill  in  1889,  and 
supporting,  in  line  after  line,  principles  on  the  payment  and 
utilisation  of  casual  labour  which  in  various  ports  I  had 
from  time  to  time,  over  a  period  of  years,  been  able  to 
propose.  The  root  of  the  matter  is  still  not  reached. 
In  spite  of  the  efforts  of  individual  employers  in  various 
ports,  there  has  been  no  general  attempt  to  grapple  with  the 
problem,  or,  whatever  the  intervening  stages  may  be,  to 
make  the  dockers'  work  a  stable  trade  which  lads  should 
be  glad  to  enter,  and  in  which  they  should  have  opportu- 
nities to  advance  ;  and  where,  I  might  add,  unemployment 
should  be  the  business  of  the  trade,  and  not  thrown  on  the 
community  as  a  whole. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

THE   CONCILIATION   ACT,    1896 

THE  years  following  the  dockers'  strike  provided  a  period 
of  political  strife,  and  were  followed  by  the  Boer  War. 
The  condition  of  the  people  was  not  the  foremost  subject 
of  the  day  in  the  eyes  of  the  Legislature.  Labour  unions 
gained  adhesion  of  members,  and  then  again  lost  members 
in  the  varying  phases  of  "contraction  of  trade  in  1892  and 
1893,  and  agricultural  depression  in  1894  and  1895,  the 
margin  of  adherents  being,  however,  very  largely  in  their 
favour.  On  the  whole,  organisation  was  their  obvious  ideal, 
and  gradual  pressure  for  such  regulation  of  the  conditions 
of  employment  as  would  give  to  workers  a  minimum 
standard  of  life,  that  long-standing  demand  of  trade  unions. 
Government  had  established  a  Royal  Commission  on  Labour, 
resulting  in  a  very  negative  report.  In  the  face  of 
unemployment,  it  is  not  easy  to  meet  employers  who  in 
answer  to  demands  would  close  a  business  without  much 
demur,  if  it  is  being  run  with  very  small  profit  or  at  an 
absolute  loss.  Shortening  of  hours  was  being  pressed  in  some 
industries,  culminating  in  the  engineering  dispute  of  1897, 
but  chiefly  with  a  view  to  better  certainty  of  being  main- 
tained in  work.  Nationalisation  was  feebly  advocated 
in  the  belief  that  the  national  purse  was  longer  than  that 
of  individual  employers.  A  salient  fact  which  did  seem 
to  emerge  was  that  conciliation  in  the  coal  strike  of  1893 
and  in  the  boot  dispute  of  1895  had  been  deemed  to  end 
protracted  and  obstinate  disputes ;  and  in  1896  the 
Government  of  the  day  ventured  the  introduction  of  a  Bill, 
which  became  law  under  the  title  of  the  Conciliation  Act, 
1896,  or  "  An  Act  to  make  better  provision  for  the  Pre- 
vention and  Settlement  of  Trade  Disputes."  This  Act 
was  practically  permissive  in  its  terms.  Clause  1  allowed 
any  Board  constituted  or  authorised  for  the  purpose  of 

76 


LEGAL  AUTHORITY  FOR  CONCILIATION        77 

i 

settling  disputes  between  employers  and  workmen  by 
conciliation  or  arbitration  to  be  registered  with  the  Board 
of  Trade  ;  but  this  clause  has  been  utilised  to  a  very  small 
extent.  Clause  2  (1)  gave  power,  where  a  difference  exists 
or  is  apprehended,  (a)  to  inquire  into  the  causes  and  cir- 
cumstances of  the  difference  ;  (b)  take  such  steps  as  to  the 
Board  may  seem  expedient  for  the  purpose  of  enabling 
the  parties  to  the  difference  to  meet  together,  by  themselves 
or  their  representatives,  under  the  presidency  of  a  chairman 
mutually  agreed  upon  or  nominated  by  the  Board  of  Trade, 
or  by  some  other  person  or  body,  with  a  view  to  the 
amicable  settlement  of  the  difference  ;  (c)  on  the  application 
of  employers  or  workmen  interested,  and  after  taking  into 
consideration  the  existence  and  adequacy  of  means  avail- 
able for  conciliation  in  the  district  or  trade  and  the  circum- 
stances of  the  case,  appoint  a  person  or  persons  to  act  as 
conciliator  or  as  a  board  of  conciliation ;  (d)  on  the 
application  of  both  parties  to  the  difference,  appoint  an 
arbitrator.  A  conciliator  so  appointed  was  to  inquire  into 
the  causes  and  circumstances  of  the  difference  and  report 
his  proceedings  to  the  Board.  By  clause  4  the  expediency 
of  establishing  conciliation  boards  for  a  district  or  trade 
might  be  discussed,  and  by  clause  7  three  obsolete  Acts  of 
1824,  1867,  and  1872  were  repealed. 

Any  success  likely  to  occur  under  this  Act  entirely 
depended  on  the  acceptance  by  both  parties  of  any  aid 
which  an  inquiry  might  give,  but  it  gave  no  power,  without 
agreement  of  both  sides,  for  any  arbitration  to  be  held,  and 
no  power  to  get  one  side  or  the  other  to  accept  any 
suggestions  made  by  a  conciliator,  either  in  a  report  or  at 
a  meeting  where  he  might  be  present.  The  Act  itself  gave 
no  indication  of  the  principles  to  be  pursued,  or  in  what 
direction  either  an  arbitrator  or  conciliator  was  to  act. 
Different  men  might  pursue  different  methods.  No 
system  of  co-ordination  was  proposed.  At  the  last 
moment  powers  to  compel  attendance  of  witnesses  or 
disclosure  of  documents  were  omitted.  The  Act  did  little 
more  than  declare  that  the  Board  of  Trade  could  make 
inquiry  or  send  an  appointed  officer  to  see  the  parties,  with 
the  slight  protection  that  officer  might  have  by  being  able 
to  say  that  he  was  acting  under  a  statute,  if  the  right  to 
inquire  was  challenged.  In  the  course  of  a  generation  the 
Act  has  become  known  through  the  United  Kingdom.  It 


78  THE    CONCILIATION    ACT,    1896 

was  proposed  to  repeal  it  in  the  Bill  which  has  recently  led  to 
the  Act  establishing  Industrial  Courts,  but  the  Government 
ultimately  decided  that  it  should  remain  upon  the  Statute- 
book.  It  may  be  that  its  practical  use  will  continue  when 
more  novel  enactments  have  been  scrapped,  but  it  will  at 
least  always  be  remarkable  as  the  very  slight  legislative 
base  upon  which  all  the  conciliation  and  arbitration  work 
done  by  the  Government,  with  the  wide  extension  in 
imitation  of  it  carried  out  by  associations  of  employers  or 
firms  and  trade  unions,  was  administered  from  the  year 
1896  until  the  passing  of  the  Munitions  of  War  Acts  in  1915. 
It  marked  a  period,  but  did  nothing  by  itself  to  reconcile 
the  growing  force  of  Labour  and  the  resistance  of  Capital. 
The  idea  of  united  action  may  perhaps  be  discerned  in  the 
fact  that  the  Act  was  passed.  It  was  not  shown  that 
conciliation  was  possible,  much  less  that  any  step  could 
be  taken  to  organise  Capital  and  Labour  in  any  trade  as  a 
joint  effort.  In  fact,  it  was  a  mere  skeleton,  and  a  skeleton 
so  restricted  in  shape  and  size  as  necessarily  to  affect  any 
life  with  which  it  might  be  endowed. 

As  this  Act  was  the  sole  legislative  authority  under  which 
any  efforts  at  conciliation  or  arbitration  by  me,  and  later 
under  my  direction,  were  authorised  during  a  number  of 
years,  it  may  be  permissible  to  mention  how  I  came  into 
connection  with  it. 

It  was  in  April  1895,  when  Sir  Henry  James  was  requested, 
by  agreement  of  the  parties,  in  face  of  a  general  strike,  to 
arbitrate  on  the  wages,  hours,  and  some  of  the  conditions 
affecting  men  on  the  North-Eastern  Railway,  that  I  was 
for  the  first  time  brought  into  contact  with  a  labour  dispute. 
Each  railway  company  at  that  date  acted  by  itself,  and 
considerable  disapproval  and  apprehension  existed  over 
this  consent  to  arbitration  and  any  recognition  of  a  trade 
union.  It  was  felt  by  other  companies  that  decisions, 
particularly  on  a  connecting  railway  like  the  North-Eastern, 
would  react  upon  their  lines.  The  method  pursued,  and 
necessarily  pursued,  owing  to  the  large  number  of  grades 
and  the  interlocking  of  wage  questions  and  relative 
positions  between  grade  and  grade,  so  characteristic  of 
every  railway  company,  had  to  be  a  friendly  discussion  by 
Mr.  George  Gibb,  the  general  manager,  and  Mr.  Richard 
Bell  for  the  railway  servants,  before  an  umpire  who  could 
not  possibly  know  the  details,  but  who  had  the  power  to 


THE  NORTH-EASTERN   RAILWAY  79 

give  a  final  decision,  and  thus  override  differences  which 
he  could  not  solve  by  conciliation.  I  was  only  present 
as  an  assistant  and  friend  of  Sir  Henry  James,  becoming 
during  the  proceedings  a  friend  also  of  the  representatives  of 
the  parties  :  but  the  experience  of  the  many  days  during 
which  the  case  lasted  showed  me  that  conciliation  was 
much  more  likely  to  adjust  differences  and  to  be  acceptable 
than  arbitration,  and  that,  however  different  were  the 
interests  and  characters  of  the  parties  concerned,  the 
humanising  of  the  matter,  the  element  of  sympathy,  could 
remove  difficulties  apparently  impossible  to  reconcile  when 
they  were  first  discussed.  The  difficulty  of  reconciling 
the  parties  outside  who  were  awaiting  the  result  of  the 
decisions  which  might  be  reached  was  a  question  not  so 
apparent  to  me  at  that  time  as  it  afterwards  became.  I 
could  not  then  try  to  gauge  what  they  would  think,  except 
by  the  statements  of  the  spokesmen  as  to  their  belief  of 
probable  effects. 

Sir  Henry  James  also  asked  me  to  assist  him  in  an  inquiry 
into  lead-poisoning  in  the  Potteries  ;  disputes,  of  which  he 
was  umpire,  in  the  boot  and  shoe  trade  ;  and  an  engineering 
and  shipbuilding  dispute  on  the  Clyde.  These  cases 
proved  to  be  useful  lessons  in  different  forms  of  inquiry, 
but  I  cite  them  only  to  show  that  cognisance  of  labour 
questions  cannot  be  gained  in  a  day,  as  so  many  would-be 
conciliators,  especially  politicians,  appear  to  think,  and 
in  remembrance  of  a  man  who  received  much  confidence 
from  both  employers  and  employed,  largely  owing  to  his 
desire  to  bring  them  together. 

Work  on  these  cases  probably  led  to  my  selection  by  the 
Board  of  Trade  for  certain  cases  under  the  Conciliation 
Act,  while  practising  at  the  Bar  and  sometimes  occupied 
for  a  long  time  in  cases,  like  the  Anglo-Venezuelan-Guiana 
boundary  arbitration,  which  prevented  continuity  of  work. 
Like  other  barristers  or  neutral  persons  chosen  by  the 
Board  of  Trade  for  cases  of  arbitration  or  conciliation  as 
they  might  arise,  I  took  cases  to  which  the  Board  of  Trade 
appointed  me.  There  was  no  opportunity  of  a  fixed  scheme 
or  development  of  ideas  ;  but  only  the  chance  of  doing  the 
best  that  one  could  in  cases  not  selected  by  oneself.  Mr. 
Arthur  Wilson  Fox,  who  had  to  deal,  under  the  President 
for  the  time  being  and  also  under  the  Comptroller-General 
of  the  Commercial  Labour  and  Statistical  Department,  then 


80  THE    CONCILIATION    ACT,    1896 

a  small  department,  with  cases  under  the  Conciliation  Act, 
was  an  extremely  busy  man.  Departmentally  he  had 
tried  to  work  the  Act,  and  in  some  instances  with  great 
success,  as  in  assisting  to  establish  in  1897  the  basis  of  a 
conference  between  the  parties  in  the  great  engineering 
strike  on  the  subject  of  an  eight-hour  day  and  workshop 
control.  He  could  not  possibly  afford  the  time  both  for  the 
office  work  done  under  the  control  of  others  and  for  uncer- 
tain and  prolonged  absences  from  Whitehall.  Mr.  John 
Burnett,  indeed,  was  attached  to  the  office,  but  he  was 
not  given  much  opportunity,  and  had  become  chiefly 
interested  in  the  study  of  various  labour  questions  and 
writing  excellent  reports  upon  strikes  and  lockouts  from 
a  statistical  point  of  view.  There  was,  therefore,  an  open- 
ing for  work  to  any  man  who  could  successfully  carry  out 
and  continue  to  carry  out  the  delicate  work  of  conciliation. 
At  first  the  Conciliation  Act  had  not  led  to  many  important 
cases,  and  the  Board  of  Trade  averred  that  their  policy  was 
caution.  There  were  a  few  arbitrations,  on  questions  such 
as  the  rise  or  fall  of  \<L.  an  hour  in  wages  of  different  districts 
in  the  building  trade,  a  few  hopeless  cases  where  the  men 
were  already  beaten  and  interference  was  resented,  a  few 
'*  tries  "  at  a  New  Act  to  see  how  it  worked,  but  no  salient 
cases  are  to  be  found  in  the  reports  presented  to  Parliament, 
with  the  exception  of  the  Penrhyn  Quarry  dispute.  While 
agreeing  with  some  of  the  proposals  of  his  employees,  Lord 
Penrhyn  had  refused  an  advance  in  wages  and  the  recogni- 
tion of  a  quarry  committee,  with  the  result  that  about 
2,800  quarrymen  leit  work  in  September  1896.  At  the 
same  time  they  applied  to  the  Board  of  Trade  to  take  action 
under  the  Conciliation  Aet  passed  in  the  previous  month. 
It  is  unnecessary  to  enter  into  the  details  of  this  dispute, 
but  it  excited  great  popular  interest  and  led  to  debates 
in  the  House  of  Commons.  Mr.  Ritchie,  then  President 
of  the  Board  of  Trade,  dealt  with  the  case  himself.  Appa- 
rently he  wrote  a  strong  letter  to  Lord  Penrhyn,  which  was 
taken  as  an  order  or  a  threat.  Lord  Penrhyn  replied, 
rejecting  any  interference  between  him  and  his  men,  and 
the  strike  eventually  lasted  at  least  eleven  months,  without 
any  successful  solution  by  the  Board  of  Trade.  This  case 
was  a  salient  example  of  the  inadvisability  of  interference 
which  was,  or  might  be  construed  to  be,  political  interference 
in  a  trade  dispute  by  a  Minister,  in  place  of  handing  over 


THE  PENRHYN   QUARRY  DISPUTE  81 

the  dispute  to  an  official  or  an  outside  person  who  would  deal 
with  it  without  any  possible  political  complexion,  express 
or  implied.  It  was  for  a  time  a  precedent  which  warned 
Ministers  against  political  interference.  It  was  a  lesson, 
too,  to  the  trade  unions,  who,  in  furtherance  of  old  prece- 
dents, again  attempted  to  dabble  in  industry  by  buying 
and  setting  up  rival  works  in  other  quarries,  where  they 
lamentably  failed.  The  alluring  prospect  has  not,  so  far 
as  I  am  aware,  been  since  attempted,  though  sometimes 
advocated  by  newspapers  or  proposed  by  employers 
ignorant  of  its  futility.  A  definite  offer  to  run  the 
Chepstow  shipyards  under  the  control  of  trade  unions  was 
refused  quite  recently  by  the  unions  concerned.  Incident- 
ally, however,  the  strike  happened  to  give  me  an  oppor- 
tunity and  an  experience  which  coloured,  and  still  colours, 
my  views  on  the  relations  of  Capital  and  Labour.  Mr. 
Ritchie,  much  heckled  at  Croydon,  in  November  1897,  over 
his  action  in  the  Penrhyn  strike,  was  able  to  cite  a  telegram 
that  the  Board  of  Trade  had  successfully  settled  a  long- 
standing and  bitter  dispute  in  Scotland,  and  claimed  that 
the  Board  of  Trade  could  and  did  settle  strikes.  The 
telegram  arrived  in  the  nick  of  time.  It  enabled  him  to 
cope  with  a  real  difficulty — and  probably  led  to  my  appoint- 
ment in  a  succession  of  the  most  difficult  cases  where  action 
under  the  Conciliation  Act  was  suggested. 

The  telegram  had  been  sent  by  me  from  Scotland.  I 
had  been  asked  by  the  Board  of  Trade  whether  I  would 
make  an  effort  to  settle  a  strike  which  had  lasted  for  over 
four  months.  From  the  very  first  the  matter  seemed  to 
be  almost  hopeless.  The  union,  although  it  was  making 
no  headway,  did  not  like  to  make  any  move,  for  fear  of 
showing  weakness.  Their  leaders  even  asked  to  see  me  in 
another  part  of  the  country.  There,  after  a  long  interview, 
beginning  with  some  bluff,  they  told  me  they  would  wish 
the  strike  to  be  settled  in  any  possible  way,  provided  the 
workers  could  return  to  their  work.  Going  to  Glasgow 
and  then  to  the  place  itself,  I  found  the  employers  as 
obstinate  as  men  could  be — no  recognition,  no  conditions, 
no  return  of  any  person  who  was  supposed  to  have  taken 
any  active  part  in  the  dispute,  no  listening  to  any  com- 
plaints. I  found  the  various  works  situated  in  the  hills, 
where  factories  had  been  built  and  the  people  taught  by  a 
man  obtained  from  an  English  trade  which  certain  Scottish 


82  THE    CONCILIATION    ACT,    1896 

merchants  hoped  to  cut  out  and  undersell  by  means  of 
cheap  labour  and  low  rates  of  wages.  They  were  supposed 
to  have  made  large  profits,  and  the  claim  had  been  for  2s. 
a  week  advance  and  reinstatement  of  some  workers  alleged 
to  have  been  dismissed  for  adhesion  to  a  union.  When 
the  dispute,  germinating,  according  to  the  employers  at 
the  dictation  of  outsiders,  according  to  the  workers  because 
they  could  not  stand  the  wages  any  longer,  resulted  in  a 
strike,  and  then  in  a  general  lock-out,  free  labour  was 
called  in.  The  mills  were  working  night  and  day  with  men 
collected  by  a  well-known  "  free  labour "  man  from 
Lancashire.  A  strong  guard  of  police  formed  a  ring  round 
the  works.  When  I  arrived  in  the  evening  men  were  list- 
lessly standing  at  street-corners,  with  empty  pipes  in  their 
mouths,  unable  to  work.  There  was  no  other  work  in  the 
district  to  which  they  could  turn  their  hands.  Women 
and  children  were  pale  with  absolute  hunger.  Some  went 
on  their  knees  and  prayed  me  to  settle  the  dispute.  From 
that  day  to  this  I  have  loathed  the  effects  of  a  strike,  the 
continual  uselessness  of  this  method  of  settling  differences. 
I  went  to  those  employers  next  day,  determined  to  get  a 
settlement.  I  kept  them  in  argument  and  without  food 
for  nine  hours  on  end.  I  tried  every  means  I  could  devise, 
and  I  think  literally  wore  them  down.  At  last  they  signed 
a  document  even  better  than  what  the  men  had  told  me 
they  would  take  ;  but,  foodless  as  I  was,  it  took  me  two 
hours  more  to  persuade  those  men  that  they  could  not 
possibly  get  more,  when  they  advanced  new  points  as  soon 
as  they  saw  there  was  a  possibility  of  a  settlement. 

The  document  being  signed  by  both  parties,  I  went  under 
escort  of  two  constables,  who  insisted  on  guarding  me  lest 
I  should  be  taken  in  the  night  for  an  employer,  down  to 
the  brilliantly  lighted  mills,  working  their  night-shift. 
There  the  employers,  guarded  as  were  the  mills,  were  hold- 
ing a  concert,  the  free-labour  leader,  a  good  singer  and 
comedian,  entertaining  them.  Their  astonishment  when 
I  suddenly  entered  and  told  them  the  strike  was  ended, 
and  at  meeting  in  converse  the  man  who  had  been  fighting 
them  all  day,  remains  in  my  memory.  The  next  day, 
on  leaving  the  station,  I  met  the  free-labour  leader.  He 
told  me  that,  though  his  life  was  given  to  breaking  strikes, 
owing  to  his  father  being  killed  by  strikers  at  Pittsburgh, 
he  had  got  sick  of  this  one — the  distress  was  too  great. 


FIRST  EFFORT  AT  CONCILIATION  83 

He  was  glad  to  go,  and  so  were  his  men.  At  a  later  date  he 
gave  up  this  work,  and  in  fact,  in  a  difficult  dispute  in  Lan- 
cashire, voluntarily  gave  me  useful  information  which  aided 
me  in  settling  it.  At  a  later  date,  too,  years  after,  I  met 
the  same  firms  and  their  workpeople  over  a  dispute  which 
required  the  longest  consecutive  sitting  I  ever  endured — 
twenty-two  hours  on  end,  from  10  a.m.  on  a  Friday  to 
8  a.m.  on  a  Saturday.  They  no  longer  objected  to  meet 
the  union  men.  The  dispute  was  not  so  much  between 
these  employers  and  unionists,  but  whether  both  could 
unite  to  raise  the  wages  in  other  new  firms  in  other  towns 
to  the  same  level  as  existed  in  their  works.  The  old 
obstinacy  remained,  as  the  length  of  sitting  showed  ;  but 
the  feeling  was  infinitely  better.  Could  it  be  that  each  side 
had  learned  a  lesson  ?  One  employer,  at  least,  said  to  me, 
"  We  took  your  lessons  to  heart,  and  have  learned  much 
since  then."  Both  sides  hailed  me  as  an  old  friend  ;  but 
were  curious  to  learn  how  I  knew  or  remembered  so  much 
about  then*  trade — one  of  the  most  intricate  in  the  country. 
My  knowledge  had  been  brought  up  to  date  by  disputes  in 
the  same  trade,  and  in  the  mills  of  their  rivals  in  England. 


CHAPTER   IX 

THE  TAFF  VALE  RAILWAY  CASE  AND  THE  TRADE 
DISPUTES   ACT,    1906 

THE  success  of  Conciliation  in  indicating  a  common 
interest  and  effecting  better  understanding  between  em- 
ployers and  employed  does  not  seem  to  have  made  good 
in  1898,  though  I  cannot  claim  to  have  personally  followed 
the  movements,  owing  to  engagement  in  this  and  the 
following  year  on  the  Guiana  Boundary  arbitration.  In 
1898  there  appear  to  have  been  no  important  disturb- 
ances, except  for  one  great  dispute  in  the  South  Wales 
Coal  Trade,  which  lasted  117  days,  and  involved  100,000 
workpeople  on  claims  for  an  immediate  advance  of  10  per 
cent,  in  wages,  higher  percentage  advances  or  reductions 
for  every  rise  or  fall  of  Is.  in  the  average  selling-price  of 
coal,  a  minimum  wage,  and  a  joint  committee,  with  an 
umpire  to  decide  on  matters  on  which  the  joint  committee 
failed  to  agree.  A  strike  began  in  the  first  week  in  April, 
and  continued  with  claims  and  counter-claims.  It  was 
not  till  June  28th  that  the  men  applied  to  the  Board  of 
Trade  for  the  appointment  of  a  conciliator,  and  when  the 
Board  appointed  Sir  Edward  Fry,  late  Lord  Justice  of 
Appeal,  "  the  Associated  Employers  declined  to  recognise 
his  position  as  a  conciliator  in  any  way,  or  to  admit  of  the 
intervention  of  any  person  appointed  by  the  Government 
or  otherwise,"  a  clear  indication  of  the  weak  effect  of  the 
Conciliation  Act  as  an  empowering  statute. 

The  year  1899  was  "  a  year  of  settled  good  trade  ; 
changes  of  wages  were  in  an  upward  direction  and  differ- 
ences were  easily  settled.  The  year  is  noteworthy  for  the 
absence  of  any  dispute  of  considerable  magnitude.  Of  all 
the  changes  of  wages  and  hours  in  the  year,  47  per  cent.,  as 
measured  by  the  number  of  persons  affected,  were  arranged 
by  wages  boards,  sliding  scales,  or  various  methods  of  con- 

84 


LONDON  COMPOSITORS  85 

ciliation  and  arbitration,  while  only  3  per  cent,  of  the 
changes  followed  strikes."  It  seemed  as  if  the  efficacy  of 
conciliation  was  slowly  growing. 

In  1900  disputes  were  again  below  the  average.  "  There 
was  no  single  dispute  of  such  magnitude  as  to  overshadow 
all  others,  and  58  per  cent,  of  the  changes  of  wages  and 
hours  were  arranged  by  wages  boards,  sliding  scales,  or 
various  methods  of  conciliation  and  arbitration,  while  only 
5  per  cent,  followed  strikes  or  lock-outs."  Nevertheless 
there  were  signs  of  a  change.  In  the  building  trades, 
particularly  in  the  North,  employers  began  to  press 
successfully  for  reductions  in  wages  ;  while 'in  other  trades, 
particularly  in  the  mining  districts  of  South  Wales,  the  grow- 
ing strength  of  trade  unions  led  to  strikes  arising  from  the 
refusal  of  unionists  to  work  with  non-unionists.  This 
policy  was  also  tried  by  iron-dressers  in  the  West  of  Scot- 
land, resulting  in  a  lock-out  and  failure,  while  more  than  a 
hint  that  the  Amalgamated  Society  of  Rail  way  Servants  were 
trying  to  get  recognition  arose  on  the  Taff  Vale  Railway. 

The  years  1901  to  1905  passed  in  comparative  calm, 
although  a  tendency  to  reduction  of  wages  led  to  many 
small  disputes,  and  in  some  districts  the  non-unionist  ques- 
tion became  from  time  to  time  more  prominent.  The  war 
in  South  Africa  may  have  had  some  effect  in  preventing 
open  disputes.  Among  the  various  minor  cases  to  which 
I  was  appointed  arbitrator  or  conciliator,  a  threatened 
strike  of  printing  compositors  in  London  may  be  worthy  of 
mention. 

There  had  arisen  in  the  autumn  of  1900  a  strong  demand 
for  an  increase  of  wages,  and  a  reduction  of  hours  from 
fifty-four  to  forty-eight  hours  a  week,  among  the  London 
compositors.  The  request  was  met  by  an  absolute  refusal ; 
but  after  some  preliminary  work  by  the  Board  of  Trade, 
both  parties  at  length  agreed  that  the  dispute  should  be 
referred  to  an  arbitration,  to  which,  in  February  1901,  I 
was  appointed.  It  was  urgently  pressed  by  the  employers 
that  a  period  of  depression  in  trade  was  imminent,  or 
existing,  and  that  even  through  the  years  of  good  trade  no 
change  had  been  possible  in  the  "  stab  "  or  standard  rate  of 
compositors,  and  ought  not  be  be  asked  for  now.  This 
argument  cut  both  ways,  as  the  men  had  had  no  share  in 
better  times.  It  was  a  difficult  arbitration,  owing  to  the 
great  divergency  of  views  of  the  parties.  After  a  long 


86  THE  TRADE  DISPUTES   ACT 

argument,  I  decided  on  a  moderate  increase  of  wage  and  a 
reduction  of  hours  by  one  and  a  half  hours  per  week.  The 
employers  were  very  dissatisfied.  Some  of  the  men,  who 
wanted  a  larger  increase  of  wage  rather  than  a  reduction 
of  hours,  also  complained  ;  but  in  the  result  the  decision 
proved  right.  The  award  held  for  many  years,  and  only 
a  few  months  later  several  large  employers,  who  had  bitterly 
objected  to  the  reduction  of  hours,  told  me  that  it  had 
brought  better  time-keeping,  better  work,  and  better 
feeling  between  the  parties.  The  conciliation  board,  estab- 
lished by  the  award  as  a  method  of  dealing  with  future  dis- 
putes, brought  the  parties  together  in  a  manner  which  had 
not  existed. 

The  case  influenced  me  to  the  view  that  the  hours  of  work 
in  some  trades  were  too  long  ;  that  the  small  retrograde 
firms  ought  not  to  govern  the  standard  of  the  whole  of  a 
large  trade,  even  if  improvement  in  wages  or  conditions 
made  it  difficult  for  small  firms  to  continue ;  and  to  an 
increased  belief  that  better  relationship  was  necessary 
between  the  parties  for  the  maintenance  of  peace  in  the 
shop.  Owing  to  the  extreme  pressure  of  the  employers, 
and  only  as  an  opinion,  I  appended  a  footnote  indicating 
that  work  might  be  driven  to  Holland  as  a  result  of  my 
decision.  This  addition  was  not  liked  by  the  Union 
leaders,  though  in  fact  it  was  harmless  ;  but  with  better 
experience  I  think  it  was  a  mistake.  It  is  unnecessary  for 
an  arbitrator  to  prophesy  or  state  pious  opinions.  No  real 
detriment  as  suggested  occurred  in  the  printing  trade, 
although  importations  in  some  classes  of  the  trade  may 
have  increased.  Constant  argument  that  trade  will  be 
driven  away  if  any  alteration  at  all  be  made,  or  that  some 
rival  will  capture  it,  often  proves  to  be  fallacious. 
Amelioration  of  conditions  is  apt  to  produce  better  work. 
If  the  conditions  are  improved  in  some  firms,  the  employees 
of  others  are  not  slow  to  make  demands  that  the  improve- 
ments should  be  copied.  The  regulations  for  safety,  ven- 
tilation, etc.,  required  by  the  Factory  Acts  have  not  driven 
trade  into  other  lands.  Many  of  them  have  probably 
caused  better  goods  to  be  produced,  prolonged  the  powers 
of  the  workers,  and  obviated  the  drain  of  sickness  and  ill- 
health.  They  have  tended  to  make  the  shop  more  com- 
fortable, a  necessity  if  the  worker  is  to  work  with  any  good 
heart. 


LONDON   COMPOSITORS  87 

As  to  opinion  about  the  award,  a  printers'  paper  summed 
it  up  by  saying,  "  On  the  face  of  it,  it  appears  that  the  men 
have,  if  not  won  all  along  the  line,  gained  substantial  ad- 
vantages. But  we  believe  there  are  among  their  numbers 
many  to  whom  the  award  is  wholly  distasteful,  as  being  too 
piecemeal.  Many  would  have  had  the  40s.  and  no  reduc- 
tion in  hours  ;  others  would  have  preferred  less  hours  and 
the  same  stab  rate  ;  yet  others,  again,  think  they  would 
have  done  far  better  if  they  had  struck  ;  and  a  few,  of  the 
younger  ones  we  need  not  perhaps  add,  are  for  the  Society 
refusing  the  award  altogether.  That  arbitrator  who  could 
give  a  decision  which  would  wholly  satisfy  so  diversified 
a  body  of  men — the  large  majority  thinking  men — as  the 
London  Society  of  Compositors,  would  be  a  veritable  arch- 
angel ;  possessed  in  addition  with  the  diplomacy  of  an 
astute  politician." 

Another  type  of  case  may  be  illustrated  by  one  of 
a  series  of  small  decisions  in  the  tinplate  industry,  in 
1904. 

This  industry  had  suffered  very  heavily  from  the 
McKinley  Tariff,  which  had  suddenly  upset  a  practical 
monopoly.  The  monopoly  had  led  to  obsolete  machinery 
and  methods,  complete  lack  of  uniformity  of  payment  in 
certain  grades,  incomplete  appreciation  of  the  importance 
of  certain  grades  in  an  industry  which  was  bound  quickly 
to  reconstitute  itself  if  its  trade  was  to  be  saved.  It  did  so 
very  well,  as  the  history  of  the  industry  in  later  years  has 
demonstrated  ;  but  at  that  time  it  had  not  become  so  fully 
organised.  A  decision  given  by  a  third  party  who  had  no 
interest  in  the  trade,  after  careful  hearing  of  evidence, 
carried  some  authority,  and  was  not  unwelcome  to  the  trade 
as  a  whole,  even  if  nominally  it  affected  only  a  single  firm. 
Thus  a  decision  as  to  bar-cutters'  rates  of  wages  was 
thought  by  a  firm  to  be  rather  a  high  rate,  but  I  came  to 
the  conclusion  that  these  men  were  an  integral  part  of  the 
working  of  the  business  ;  they  were  continually  striking  ; 
there  was  no  recognised  rate  of  payment,  the  supply  of 
hefty,  strong  men  being  large,  however  onerous  and  un- 
pleasant the  operation  might  seem.  They  were  engaged 
at  the  cheapest  rates  such  men  could  be  got  for,  lasted  a 
short  time,  and  were  superseded  by  others.  Every  time 
they  struck  the  whole  business  was  held  up,  numbers  of 
other  men  losing  work.  My  view  was  to  make  them  con- 


88  THE    TAFF    VALE    RAILWAY    CASE 

tented,  willing  to  do  their  part  and  recognise  their  position 
in  the  success  of  the  undertaking.  A  few  months  after- 
wards, the  same  employers  came  to  see  me,  asking  to  cancel 
all  their  remarks  ;  the  result  had  been  good,  there  had  been 
no  further  trouble,  and  the  rate  had  been  adopted  by  their 
competitors  as  a  rate  for  South  Wales. 

The  industrial  problem  which  was  actually  the  most 
important  during  these  years  was  the  protracted  dis- 
cussion over  the  Taff  Vale  Railway  case,  to  which  allusion 
has  been  made  ;  a  case  which  led  up  to  the  Trade  Disputes 
Act  of  1906,  and  largely  assisted  in  establishing  the  power 
of  the  Labour  Party  in  Parliament. 

This  dispute  ostensibly  arose  over  conditions  of  work 
and  wages,  complaints  which  the  directors  and  general 
manager,  Mr.  Beasley,  so  far  met  before  the  actual  strike 
that  by  themselves  they  should  have  become  insufficient 
to  cause  a  stoppage.  The  feeling  engendered  by  these 
complaints  was  aggravated  by  alleged  victimisation  of  a 
signalman  who  did  not  want  to  move  to  a  box  with  higher 
pay,  but  not  so  convenient  to  his  home,  and  who  found  that, 
after  an  illness,  his  own  box  and  the  proposed  box  had 
been  filled  up.  This  complaint  was  so  narrowed  by  the 
proposals  of  the  Company  as  to  be  a  bad  case,  and  practic- 
ally negligible.  Underlying  these  economic  complaints 
there  was  the  great  activity  of  a  local  delegate  and  some 
members  of  his  Committee  of  the  Amalgamated  Society 
of  Railway  Servants  in  favour  of  recognition  of  the  union, 
which  as  a  matter  of  principle  the  Railway  Company 
refused  to  give.  It  must  be  remembered  that  the  policy 
of  the  railway  companies  was  to  refuse  any  recognition  of 
unions,  and  that  they  were  not  prepared  to  follow  the 
example  of  the  North-Eastern  Railway  in  the  late  nineties. 
In  December  1896  the  London  and  North-Western  Railway 
absolutely  refused  to  "  consent  to  the  intervention  of  third 
parties  in  the  relations  between  them  and  their  workmen." 
The  contention  was  that  the  Society  was  weak  in  numbers 
and  did  not  represent  the  men  ;  that  it  was  inadvisable 
that  one  company  should  pursue  a  policy  entirely  incon- 
sistent with  the  general  policy  of  other  companies  ;  and 
that,  in  the  interests  of  public  safety  on  the  railways,  inter- 
ference by  arbitration  or  otherwise  with  the  management 
and  regulation  of  the  railways  could  not  be  admitted.  Mr. 
Beasley  agreed  with  the  opinions  of  other  railway  managers, 


TAFF  VALE   STRIKE  89 

"  that  the  risk  of  a  strike  would  be  preferable  to  the  settle- 
ment of  a  dispute  by  outside  arbitration." 

The  head  office  of  the  Society  had  intermittently,  for 
about  eight  months,  during  which  they  had  once  proposed 
arbitration,  corresponded  with  South  Wales,  but  although 
they  agreed  to  give  strike  pay,  they  do  not  seem  to  have 
taken  much  active  interest  in  the  situation  until  after  a  good 
deal  of  whipping-up.  A  section  of  men  went  out  on  termina- 
tion of  their  notices,  and  others  followed  without  waiting 
for  their  notices  to  expire.  Mr.  Richard  Bell,  the  General 
Secretary  of  the  Society,  had  now  arrived  at  Cardiff,  with 
the  support  of  the  President  of  the  Board  of  Trade  and  a 
resolution  from  his  executive.  This  resolution  concluded 
that  the  procedure  of  the  men,  "  by  taking  action  prior  to 
obtaining  the  consent  of  the  executive  committee  of  the 
Society,  was  most  condemnatory,"  that  by  removal  of 
the  signalman  the  management  of  the  company  had  acted 
most  arbitrarily,  inciting  the  men  to  the  present  act,  and 
that,  "  having  regard  to  both  sides  of  the  issue,  we,  as 
administrators  of  the  Society,  decide  that  every  effort  be 
made  by  the  general  secretary  and  others  we  may  appoint 
to  bring  the  dispute  to  a  speedy  termination." 

Mr.  Bell  therefore  went  down  to  Wales  ostensibly  on  a 
mission  of  peace,  and  it  must  have  been  apparent  to  him 
that  to  force  the  question  of  recognition  on  one  railway, 
even  if  the  attempt  was  successful,  would  not  be  very 
valuable ;  indeed,  he  subsequently  persuaded  the  Welsh- 
men not  to  press  this  form  of  representation.  He 
arrived  in  the  midst  of  turmoil,  local  agents  sending  out 
telegrams  about  blacklegs,  stoppage  of  trains,  warnings  to 
other  railwaymen  on  other  lines  not  to  handle  Taff  Vale 
goods,  pickets,  and  the  usual  incidents  of  an  excited  strife. 
He  is  said  to  have  made  a  speech,  with  the  words  that  he 
came  with  the  determination  to  fight,  but  with  the  addi- 
tional remark  that  he  did  not  wish  to  say  anything  to 
irritate  the  situation,  which,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  was  not 
improved  by  the  collieries  having  to  stop  and  100,000 
sympathetic  miners  joining  in  the  shouting  crowds. 

It  would  be  clear  to  anyone  that  the  introduction  of 
"  blacklegs  "  into  such  a  district,  apart  from  objection  to 
their  presence  as  strike-breakers,  must  add  fuel  to  the 
flame.  Mr.  Bell  has  told  me  that  his  great  desire  was  to 
stop  them  from  coming  in,  as  worse  outrages  and  riots 


90  THE    TAFF    VALE    RAILWAY    CASE 

would  certainly  ensue,  and  he  would  not  be  able  to  settle 
the  strike.  On  August  23  he  handed  a  printed  paper  to 
some  of  them  at  Cardiff  with  these  words  : 

"  Strike  on  the  Taff  Vale  Railway.  Men's  headquarters, 
Colbourn  Street,  Cathays.  There  has  been  a  strike  on  the 
Taff  Vale  Railway  since  Monday  last.  The  management 
are  using  every  means  to  decoy  men  here  whom  they 
employ  for  the  purpose  of  blacklegging  the  men  on  strike. 
Drivers,  firemen,  guards,  brakesmen,  and  signalmen  are  all 
out.  Are  you  willing  to  be  known  as  a  blackleg  ?  If  you 
accept  employment  on  the  Taff  Vale,  that  is  what  you  will 
be  known  by.  On  arriving  at  Cardiff  call  at  the  above 
address,  where  you  can  get  information  and  assistance. — 
RICHARD  'BELL,  General  Secretary" 

The  men  observed  the  hint,  or  threat,  according  to 
opinion,  and  Mr.  Bell  paid  their  fares  back  to  London. 

"  That  is  the  episode,"  says  Mr.  Beasley,  "  which  led  to 
the  proceedings  being  taken  against  Bell  and  Holmes  and 
the  union.  On  the  previous  day  the  company's  solicitor 
and  myself,  having  regard  to  the  number  of  outrages  which 
were  taking  place,  were  very  anxiously  considering  how  we 
could  put  a  stop  to  them.  He  was  rather  of  opinion  that 
there  must  be  some  overt  act  on  the  part  of  an  official  of 
the  union  before  any  proceedings  could,  with  any  success, 
be  taken.  The  material  was  now  supplied,  and  writs  were 
immediately  issued  against  Mr.  Bell  and  Mr.  Holmes  and 
against  the  Society.  That  was  the  foundation  of  the  Taff 
Vale  case  which  has  excited  so  much  interest,  and  I  think 
I  may  venture  to  say  that,  if  it  had  not  been  for  that 
episode,  there  would  have  been  no  Taff  Vale  case  at  all." 

It  is  unnecessary  to  follow  the  details  of  the  strike,  which 
ended  after  eleven  days.  The  important  matter  is  the 
litigation  which  ensued.  It  will  be  sufficient  to  note  that 
Mr.  Francis  Hopwood  (now  Lord  Southborough)  came 
down  on  August  24  from  the  Board  of  Trade,  and  sug- 
gested certain  points  which  Mr.  Bell  more  or  less  adopted 
and  endeavoured  to  impress  on  a  stubborn  local  executive. 
He  left  on  the  29th,  without  effecting  a  settlement,  which 
subsequently  was  secured  by  the  intervention  of  Sir  W.  T. 


IN  THE   LAW   COURTS  91 

Lewis,  on  terms  slightly  different.  Mr.  Hopwood's  report 
on  the  strike  and  Mr.  Bell's  attitude  contains  this  passage  : 

"  Mr.  Bell,  as  is  usual  in  cases  in  which  I  have  negotiated 
with  him,  played  his  difficult  part  with  admirable  firmness. 
He  struggled  hard  to  gain,  and  did  obtain  through  me, 
everything  which  he  deemed  to  be  essential  to  the  best 
interests  of  the  men,  and  I  do  not  in  the  least  blame  him 
for  being  unable  to  induce  the  Executive  Committee  to 
accept  terms  which  he  knew  to  be  fair  and  equitable  under 
all  the  circumstances  of  the  case.  Mr.  Bell,  taking  a  wide 
and  generous  view  of  the  pros  and  cons  of  the  whole  matter, 
grasped  the  fact  that  the  terms  would  receive  the  approval 
of  public  sentiment.  The  Executive  Committee,  influenced 
by  the  strong  feeling  of  their  constituents,  could  merely 
deal  with  the  subject  from  a  narrower  point  of  view." 

This  opinion  of  Mr.  Bell's  action  did  not,  however,  appeal 
to  Mr.  Beasley,  who  proceeded  with  his  action,  or,  having 
entered  it,  found  it  difficult  to  withdraw,  even  when  the 
strike  had  come  to  an  end.  Mr.  Beasley  might  have 
paused  if  he  could  have  foreseen  the  future,  but  he  had  a 
passion  for  litigation.  His  shelves  were  filled  with  rows 
and  rows  of  reports  of  the  different  cases  and  commissions 
into  which  he  had  brought  his  Company.  He  took  pride  in 
them,  and,  I  believe,  loved  litigation  for  its  own  sake.  He 
came  once  to  denounce  me  for  some  supposed  action  in  hot 
wrath,  which  I  disarmed  by  chaffing  him  upon  his  success, 
and  suggesting  I  would  not  like  to  lessen  it  by  putting  him 
in  a  position  to  bring  an  action  against  me.  Afterwards  he 
was  actually  helpful  and  kindly  in  giving  hints  how  dis- 
putes in  South  Wales  might  be  brought  to  an  end,  and 
advising  me  of  threatened  trouble.  If  Mr.  Bell  and  he 
had  only  met,  how  different  the  future  might  have  been  ! 

On  August  28  and  30,  during  the  strike,  Mr.  Justice 
Farwell  granted  an  interim  injunction  against  Bell  and 
Holmes  : 

"  to  restrain  the  defendants  from  watching,  or  besetting,  or 
causing  to  be  watched  or  beset,  the  Great  Western  Railway 
station  at  Cardiff,  or  the  works  of  the  plaintiffs,  or  any  of 
them,  or  the  approaches  thereto,  or  the  places  of  residence, 
or  any  places  where  they  might  happen  to  be,  of  any  work- 
man employed,  or  proposing  to  work  for  the  plaintiffs,  for 


92  THE    TAFF    VALE    RAILWAY    CASE 

the  purpose  of  persuading  or  otherwise  preventing  persons 
from  working  for  the  plaintiffs,  or  for  any  purpose  except 
merely  to  obtain  or  communicate  information,  and  from 
procuring  any  persons  who  had  or  might  enter  into  any 
contracts  with  the  plaintiffs  to  commit  a  breach  of 
contracts." 

The  Judge  took  time  to  consider  an  application  against 
the  Society,  who  had  applied  to  be  struck  out.  On  Sep- 
tember 5  he  granted  an  injunction  against  the  Society, 
from  which  they  immediately  appealed.  On  November  21, 
the  Court  of  Appeal  reversed  the  decision,  holding  that  a 
trade  union  could  not  be  sued  in  its  registered  name.  The 
Railway  Company  appealed  to  the  House  of  Lords,  where 
the  judgment  of  Mr.  Justice  Farwell  was  restored,  and  it 
was  plainly  indicated  that  a  trade  union  could  be  sued, 
whether  registered  or  unregistered.  Meanwhile,  a  further 
writ  had  been  issued  by  the  Railway  Company  against 
Bell,  Holmes,  and  the  trustees  of  the  Society  for  an  injunc- 
tion and  damages  ;  and  in  December  1902  the  jury,  after  a 
trial  of  thirteen  days,  found  against  the  defendants,  Mr. 
Justice  Wills  asking  the  jury,  after  explanation  of  the  law  of 
agency,  the  payment  of  strike-pay  by  the  Society,  and  the 
picketing,  "  Have  you  any  doubt  as  to  Mr.  Bell's  responsi- 
bility for  the  general  course  of  this  strike  in  all  its  ille- 
galities and  excesses  ?  " — though  he  also  paid  a  tribute  to 
Mr.  Bell's  personal  character. 

The  Society  did  not  pursue  the  litigation.  They  paid 
£23,000  agreed  damages,  and  with  their  own  costs  had  to 
find  about  £35,000.  The  sensation  was  considerable. 
Anyone  who  knew  Mr.  Bell,  all  his  Labour  colleagues,  found 
one  of  the  most  moderate  and  good-hearted  of  men  saddled 
with  "  illegalities  and  excesses  "  when  he  claimed  to  have 
been  upon  a  mission  of  peace.  One  strike,  with  the 
ordinary  incidents  of  a  big  strike,  had  led  to  lawsuits 
extending  over  a  year  and  a  half,  with  a  cost  of  tens  of 
thousands  of  pounds  extracted  from  the  innumerable 
contributions  of  working  men.  Every  trade  union,  every 
trade  union  secretary  or  official,  found  themselves  face 
to  face  with  the  law  in  a  struggle  where  the  law  had  the 
whip-hand.  Strikes  might  be  legal,  but  strikes  under  the 
restrictions  laid  down  by  the  law  became  for  all  practical 
purposes  absolutely  illegal  and  absurd. 


OPINIONS   ON  THE  LAW  98 

The  two  points  of  view  may  in  some  measure  be  illus- 
trated, without  too  long  argument  of  technical  character, 
by  quotations  from  the  Minority  Report  of  the  Royal 
Commission  on  Labour  in  1894,  and  the  judgment  of  Mr. 
Justice  Farwell  in  1900. 

The  first  statement  says  that  the  suggestion  that  it  would 
be  desirable  to  make  trade  unions  liable  to  be  sued  by  any 
person  who  had  a  grievance  against  the  action  of  their 
officers  or  agents  appears  to  be  open  to  the  gravest 
objection. 

"  To  expose  the  large  amalgamated  societies  of  the 
country,  with  their  accumulated  funds,  sometimes  reaching 
a  quarter  of  a  million  sterling,  to  be  sued  for  damages  by 
any  employer  in  any  part  of  the  country  or  by  any  dis- 
contented member  or  non-unionist,  for  the  action  of  some 
branch  secretary  or  delegate,  would  be  a  great  injustice. 
If  every  trade  union  were  to  be  liable  to  be  perpetually 
harassed  by  actions  at  law  on  account  of  the  doings  of 
individual  members,  if  trade  union  funds  were  to  be 
depleted  by  lawyers'  fees  and  costs,  if  not  even  by  damages 
or  fines,  it  would  go  far  to  make  trade  unionism  impossible 
for  any  but  the  most  prosperous  and  experienced  artisans. 
The  present  freedom  of  trade  unions  from  any  interference 
by  the  courts  of  law,  anomalous  as  it  may  appear  to 
lawyers,  was,  after  prolonged  struggle  and  Parliamentary 
agitation,  conceded  in  1871,  and  finally  became  law  in  1876. 
Any  attempt  to  revoke  this  hardly  won  charter  of  trade 
union  freedom,  or  in  any  way  to  tamper  with  the  voluntary 
character  of  their  associations,would  in  our  opinion  provoke 
the  most  embittered  resistance  from  the  whole  body  of 
trade  unionists,  and  would,  we  think,  be  undesirable  from 
every  point  of  view." 

The  second  statement,  by  Mr.  Justice  Farwell,  is : 

**  If  the  contention  of  the  defendant  Society  were  well 
founded,  the  Legislature  has  authorised  the  creation  of 
numerous  bodies  of  men  capable  of  owning  great  wealth 
and  of  acting  by  agents,  with  absolutely  no  responsibility 
for  the  wrongs  that  they  may  do  to  other  persons  by  the 
use  of  that  wealth  and  the  employment  of  those  agents." 


94  THE    TAFF    VALE    RAILWAY    CASE 

On  the  top  of  these  opinions  came  the  judgments  of  the 
law  lords  in  1901  and  the  summing-up  of  Mr.  Justice  Wills 
in  1902,  which,  taken  together,  rendered  any  attempt  at 
a  strike,  and  also,  it  may  be  said,  a  lock-out,  almost  certain 
to  bring  some  of  those  engaged  in  the  dispute  within  the 
purview  of  the  criminal  or  civil  law.  The  relation  of  the 
law  to  practical  facts  was  intricate,  involved,  and  sur- 
rounded with  a  cloud  of  uncertainty.  The  Government 
took  refuge  in  a  Royal  Commission  (Lord  Dunedin,  Sir  W.  T. 
Lewis,  Sir  Godfrey  Lushington,  Mr.  Arthur  Cohen,  and 
Mr.  Sydney  Webb,  all  well-known  names),  with  a  view  to 
elucidating  this  maze  of  difficulty  and  considering  the 
shower  of  Parliamentary  Bills,  protests,  and  resolutions 
which  the  course  of  events  had  excited,  while  Labour  pressed 
in  every  constituency  pledges  from  Members  that  trade 
unions  should  not  be  subject  to  the  crushing  powers  of  the 
law.  The  trade  unions  were  asked  to  take  part  in  the 
inquiry,  but  refused,  on  the  curious  ground,  so  I  have  been 
told,  that  the  Commission  was  formed  with  a  view  to  the 
establishment  of  compulsory  arbitration,  a  matter  which 
was  not  even  discussed.  I  am  inclined  to  think  they  made 
a  mistake.  The  difficulties  were  real  difficulties,  and  an 
agreed  settlement  might  have  avoided  much  subsequent 
bitterness. 

The  Board  of  Trade  asked  me  to  give  evidence ;  and 
appearing  as  the  first  witness,  I  was  examined  and  cross- 
examined  for  nine  days  on  the  legal  cases  which  had  come 
before  the  Courts.  The  Commissioners,  in  their  report, 
rewarded  me  by  saying  :  "  We  desire  to  take  this  oppor- 
tunity of  saying  how  indebted  we  have  been  to  Mr.  Askwith 
for  the  assistance  he  gave  us,  and  we  recommend  his 
evidence  to  the  perusal  of  anyone  who  wishes  a  clear  and 
exhaustive  summary  of  the  whole  case  law  on  the  matters 
in  question  " — an  unusual  compliment,  I  believe,  to  a  wit- 
ness before  a  Royal  Commission,  but  indicating  accurately 
the  trend  of  my  statement,  a  summary  of  the  case  law. 

That  case  law  had  been  administered  by  judges  of  whom 
every  one  had  been  brought  up  or  practised  at  the  Bar  at 
a  time  when  trade  unions  were  unlawful.  "  By  a  com- 
bination of  causes,"  to  quote  the  Commissioners,  "  the 
presence  of  Trade  Unions  or  Trade  Unionists,  as  such,  in 
the  Common  Law  Courts,  either  as  plaintiffs  or  as  defend- 
ants, either  in  cases  of  tort  or  in  cases  of  contract,  was 


THE   RESULT   OF  THE  DISPUTE  95 

unknown,  and  to  all  appearance  it  was  as  if  they  were  out- 
side the  civil  law  altogether.  Hence  the  popular  notion 
that  Trade  Unionists  as  such  were  subject  to  the  criminal 
law  alone."  I  have  no  hesitation  in  saying  that  the  result  of 
a  summary  of  the  case  law  showed  a  mutual  shyness,  if  a 
mild  term  may  be  used,  on  the  part  of  trade  unions  to 
trust  tribunals  from  which  they  had  been  excluded,  and  on 
the  part  of  judges  to  realise  fresh  facts,  to  keep  in  touch 
with  the  movement  of  events,  and  to  overcome  prejudices, 
a  difficulty  not  mitigated  by  an  apparent  impression  that, 
when  some  of  the  great  cases  came  before  the  House  of 
Lords,  political  considerations  or  opinions  affected  the 
colour  of  some  of  their  decisions. 

The  surprise  caused  by  the  Taff  Vale  case  turned  into 
set  purpose  to  change  the  law,  when  it  was  found  that  a 
succession  of  other  legal  cases  involved  other  unions  in 
heavy  law-costs  and  damages,  and  retarded  movements  in 
big  trades.  At  the  general  election  of  January  1906, 
twenty-nine  Labour  Members  were  elected,  other  Labour 
officials  secured  election  as  ostensible  Liberals,  and 
Members  all  over  the  country  had  had  to  give  pledges 
that  the  law  should  be  changed.  There  was  a  wave  of 
feeling  which  had  a  great  influence  in  almost  every  con- 
stituency. The  Royal  Commission  reported  in  favour  of 
relief  to  the  trade  unions  from  being  involved  in  actions 
of  civil  conspiracy — as  they  were  already  relieved  by  Act 
of  Parliament  from  proceedings  from  criminal  conspiracy — 
and,  with  safeguards,  from  the  more  stringent  effects  of 
judicial  interpretation  of  peaceful  persuasion  and  giving 
information  and  the  law  of  tort.  Their  conclusions,  without 
the  safeguards,  were  accepted,  and  the  far  larger  step  of 
immunity  under  practically  all  conditions  from  legal 
liability  for  torts  and  from  actions  at  law  was  pressed 
upon  the  Government.  For  a  time  the  Attorney-General 
stood  his  ground,  and  made  a  strong  speech  against 
trade  unions  being  put  outside  the  laws  which  affected 
all  other  corporations  or  associated  bodies.  His  Govern- 
ment threw  him  over,  and  as  a  matter  of  policy,  in  answer 
to  political  pressure  and  for  political  reasons,  passed  the 
Trade  Disputes  Act  (6  Edward  VII,  c.  47). 

This  Act  is  now  regarded  as  a  charter  of  liberty  by  some 
trade  unionists,  and  is  denounced  as  a  charter  of  licence  by 
some  employers.  It  is  neither  one  nor  the  other,  but  it  has 


96  THE    TAFF    VALE    RAILWAY    CASE 

been  used  to  shield  some  acts  by  individual  officials  which, 
in  the  interests  of  the  community,  might  well  not  be 
shielded,  under  the  cry  of  proposed  infringement  of  privi- 
leges of  a  trade  union.  It  has  also  caused  a  bitterness  of 
feeling  against  many  actions  of  trade  unions  which  sensible 
laws  would  not  have  touched,  in  the  belief  that,  but  for 
the  Trade  Disputes  Act,  they  ought  to  have  and  would  have 
been  made  amenable  to  results  everyone  else  had  to  risk. 
Class  feeling  on  the  part  of  employers  has  been  increased 
by  suspicion  and  anger  at  its  supposed  effects,  often  quite 
irrationally.  The  people  as  a  whole  have  a  grudge  against 
presumed  privileges  being  accorded  to  one  section  of  the 
community.  It  was  passed  under  pressure,  and  believed 
to  be  passed  for  the  sake  of  a  temporary  political  advantage. 
My  own  opinion  is  that  many  of  the  complaints  against  it 
are  not  based  on  good  grounds,  and  that  it  has  not  been 
so  harmful  as  many  suppose.  It  would,  I  think,  serve  a 
good  purpose  and  clear  away  much  misunderstanding  if 
an  inquiry  was  instituted  into  the  working  of  the  Act, 
when,  if  there  were  any  real  cases  of  gross  abuse,  safe- 
guards might  be  devised  against  their  repetition,  with 
advantage  to  the  trade  unions  themselves  ;  and  if  there  were 
not,  the  strong  feeling  against  present  alleged  privileges 
and  many  misunderstandings  would  be  allayed.  I  have 
not  much  belief,  however,  that  such  a  course  will  be  taken. 
Privilege,  once  legalised,  is  not  easily  changed  ;  but  it  will 
last  much  longer  if  it  is  found  not  to  have  been  abused. 


CHAPTER  X 

ARMY  BOOTS  AND  NOTTINGHAM  LACE 

IN  the  spring  of  1905  improvement  in  employment  began 
to  cause  an  upward  tendency  in  demands  for  advances  of 
wages,  and  also  difficulty  in  some  of  the  trades  which  had 
been  specially  active  during  the  war,  but  with  its  close 
began  to  lose  Government  orders.  In  March  much  public 
interest  was  caused  by  a  strike  of  about  700  army-boot 
makers  round  Kettering  and  Raunds  in  Northamptonshire. 
The  demand  for  army  boots,  after  the  great  rush  of  the 
Boer  War,  came  to  an  end.  Work  grew  slack,  and  there 
was  no  disposition,  in  the  absence  of  contracts,  to  keep  up 
the  high  wages.  The  district  got  more  and  more  excited, 
and  finally,  after  some  weeks,  the  men  started  on  a  march 
to  London,  held  meetings,  and  proposed  to  besiege  the 
War  Office.  On  May  17,  the  Secretary  of  State  for  War, 
Mr.  Arnold  Forster,  asked  me  to  make  an  inquiry  whether 
there  was  any  rate  of  wages  current  in  Northamptonshire 
for  the  making  of  army  boots,  and  what  was  the  rate  in  any 
of  the  processes.  The  answer  could  have  easily  been  given 
at  once.  There  was  no  rate  ;  but  it  was  possible  to  estab- 
lish a  rate  and  make  some  arrangement  for  future  rates,  and 
this  I  determined  to  attempt,  and  not  only  settle  the  strike, 
but  establish  some  solid  basis  for  the  future.  Accordingly 
I  managed  to  get  hold  of  some  of  the  employers  and 
official  leaders  of  the  boot-and-shoe  trade,  and  had  it 
announced  that  I  would  make  an  inquiry  next  day  at 
Leicester,  where  I  met  a  mass  of  unorganised  employers, 
each  competing  against  the  other,  their  competition  com- 
plicated by  the  existence  of  small  co-operative  firms,  and  a 
mass  of  men  quite  recently  organised  under  the  pressure  of 
common  interest  in  a  strike.  Recognition  was  the  first 
point,  and  after  that  matters  which,  in  the  light  of  later 
days,  seem  almost  absurd — a  minimum  wage,  a  piecework 
statement  with  prices  set  out  in  a  price-list  for  existing  and 
future  contracts,  and  a  fixed  price  for  the  boots  most 

97 


98        ARMY    BOOTS    AND    NOTTINGHAM    LACE 

largely  required  for  the  army.  No  two  firms  had  similar 
piecework  prices,  and  on  every  single  point  the  discussion 
was  long  and  warm.  I  had  no  power  to  decide  anything, 
but  after  two  days  managed  to  effect  an  agreement  on  all 
points.  Some  order  was  thus  evolved  out  of  the  chaos  ; 
and  amendments  were  made,  according  to  changing  cir- 
cumstances, during  the  twelve  years  in  which  both  parties 
annually  elected  me  as  umpire  of  the  Conciliation  Board 
then  formed,  until  this  branch  of  the  trade  merged  with 
the  general  arrangements  of  the  boot-and-shoe  trade,  now 
one  of  the  best  organised  trades  in  the  country.  The  boot- 
and-shoe  trade  was  not  organised  then  in  anything  like 
the  measure  now  reached  :  and  many  were  the  arbitrations 
and  conciliations  in  which  the  late  Mr.  Alderman  Thomas 
Smith,  of  Leicester,  and  myself  were  engaged  with  respect 
to  it,  besides  the  consultations  between  us  on  the  subject 
of  policy,  particularly  in  relation  to  the  minimum  wage, 
now  firmly  established  in  that  industry.  I  would  take  this 
opportunity  of  saying  how  much  good  work  Mr.  Alderman 
Smith  did  up  to  the  last  months  of  his  life,  in  spite  of  trying 
illness.  He  was  for  many  years  almost  a  standing  chairman 
of  conferences  about  price-lists  for  making  boots  and  shoes, 
particularly  in  the  Midlands,  the  great  centre  of  that  trade. 
To  return  to  army  boots,  the  notorious  figure  of  Council- 
lor or  "  General"  Gribble,  who  started  the  march  to  London, 
gave  way  to  others  less  known  to  the  public  but  none  the  less 
keen  in  argument,  met  on  the  other  side  with  equal  keenness. 
Generally  I  went  to  Kettering,  sometimes,  owing  to  stress 
of  work,  I  had  to  bring  the  members  of  the  Board  to  London. 
Discussion  raged  over  every  detail  of  the  piecework  prices  of 
cavalry  boots,  Canadian  boots,  navy  and  marine  boots, 
Crown  Colony  boots,  Wellington,  telegraph,  mud,  and  police 
boots,  and  canvas  shoes  for  the  navy ;  but  far  more  seriously 
over  the  Army  combination  boots,  for  general  use  by  the 
troops.  It  may  be  of  some  interest  to  note  that  this 
district  has  an  historic  past.  History  and  tradition  allege 
that  King  Burhtred  of  Mercia,  defeated  by  the  Danes,  fled 
from  the  Midlands  and  died  in  poverty  in  Paris.  Certainly 
he  lost  his  treasure  in  the  Thames,  because  it  was  found 
when  a  section  of  Waterloo  Bridge  was  being  repaired — new 
coins  with  his  name  upon  them.  Possibly  he  tried  to 
avoid  the  ferry  or  ford  at  Lambeth  lest  His  Grace  of 
Canterbury  should  levy  toll,  and  in  the  crossing  his  loaded 


MIDLAND   DIALECT  99 

wherries  sank.  In  any  event,  he  left  his  relative,  King 
Alfred,  to  fight  the  Danes,  and  it  is  said  King  Alfred  settled 
the  undesired  aliens  down  in  Northamptonshire  and  its 
neighbourhood,  with  certain  lands  and  commission  to  make 
boots  for  the  King's  armies,  without  which  commodity  one 
of  the  highest  authorities  in  military  matters  has  indicated 
no  army  can  exist.  From  that  day  to  this  army  boots  have 
come  from  the  Midlands.  The  descendants  of  the  Danes, 
it  is  known,  made  the  boots  for  Henry  VIII  for  the  Field 
of  the  Cloth  of  Gold,  for  Marlborough,  and  for  Wellington. 
They  have  made  them,  too,  for  Roberts,  Kitchener,  and 
Haig.  Leicester  and  Northampton  have  been  and  are  the 
centres  of  the  boot  trade  of  the  world.  Others  have 
imitated  them,  with  ebb  and  flow  of  success,  but  these  great 
centres  hold  their  own.  In  face  of  this,  who  can  talk  of 
lack  of  tradition  and  precedent  in  British  life  ?  I  lived 
for  some  time  near  them,  at  St.  Ives  in  the  county  of 
Huntingdon,  amongst  a  race  like  them  but  not  of  them, 
and  they  will  not  take  amiss  an  anecdote  concerning  them. 
The  fact  is,  they  have  a  dialact  of  their  own,  as  have  many 
parts  of  Great  Britain.  On  one  occasion  I  had  to  summon 
them  to  London,  and  could  give  them  very  little  time. 
They  argued  on  a  point  referred  to  me,  and  would  willingly 
have  argued  for  hours.  I  managed  to  bring  the  discussion 
to  a  close,  and  when  they  left  turned  to  my  secretary,  now 
a  distinguished  civil  servant,  with  the  remark,  "  That 
seems  quite  clear.  Draft  an  award  in  six  lines,  and  we  will 
get  it  out  at  once."  To  which  he  replied,  "  I  am  very 
sorry,  but  I  didn't  understand  a  single  word  they  were 
saying."  Such  are  the  minor  difficulties  of  arbitrators,  if 
they  or  their  assistants  do  not  understand  the  English 
language  as  she  is  spoke  !  It  is  said  a  difficulty  in  the 
American  army  arose  from  the  men  not  understanding 
English  in  the  words  of  command.  Difficulty  may  arise 
much  nearer  than  that.  I  interviewed  an  eminent  peer 
who  had  consented  to  arbitrate  in  West  Yorkshire  over  a 
mining  dispute.  After  telling  him  the  exact  issue,  I 
remarked  that  he  might  have  one  considerable  difficulty, 
of  which  he  might  like  to  be  warned.  "  What  are  you 
suggesting  ?  "  said  he,  suspiciously,  thinking  I  was  going 
to  propose  a  solution,  a  course  I  have  never  pursued. 
"  Only  this,"  I  remarked  :  "  that  if  you  do  not  understand 
what  the  miners'  leader  says,  avoid  asking  him  what  his 


100      ARMY    BOOTS    AND    NOTTINGHAM    LACE 

meaning  is,  or  he  will  think  you  a  fool  straight  off,  and 
not  able  to  understand  plain  English :  you  will  not  have  a 
chance  as  a  wise  arbitrator  ;  but  if  you  wait,  the  proper 
issue  will  become  apparent  before  you  have  finished." 
"  Oh,"  he  said,  "  I  can  follow  them."  "  Reet,"  I  replied. 
"  Tak'  t'  loomp  an'  wrastle  wi'  it !  "  "  What  do  you  say  ?  " 
he  remarked,  and  I  had  to  tell  him  he  had  asked  the  very 
question  I  had  been  trying  to  explain  he  should  not  ask. 
It  is  well  to  understand  good  Yorkshire  before  attempting 
to  settle  mining  or  wool  disputes  in  that  county,  not  to 
mention  the  dialects  in  districts  of  Scotland,  Ireland,  or 
Wales. 

If  piecework  statements  on  boots  and  shoes  at  Raunds, 
and  afterwards,  in  other  cases,  at  Kettering  for  army  boots, 
and  the  East  End  of  London  for  the  civilian  trade,  were 
complicated  statements,  these  were  child's  play  in  com- 
parison with  the  fixing  of  piecework  rates  in  the  Nottingham 
lace  trade. 

This  trade  had  had  at  one  time  a  great  monopoly,  but 
severe  and  undercutting  competition  had  arisenfrom  France, 
Scotland,  and  elsewhere  ;  and  outside  the  city  walls  large 
factories  had  been  erected  at  Long  Eaton  to  escape  the  city 
rates  of  pay  and  the  city  restrictions,  and  filled  with  modern 
machinery.  Workers  were  migrating  where  full  work  could 
be  got,  while  in  the  city  there  was  heavy  unemployment. 
The  trade  was  subject  to  continual  strikes  and  petty 
squabbles  over  the  prices  to  be  paid  on  different  classes  of 
lace,  the  whole  trade  being  governed  by  a  large  number  of 
piece-rate  cards,  prices  being  payable  according  to  the  card 
to  which  the  lace  was  allotted,  and  the  details  of  the  cards, 
which,  often  in  an  anomalous  fashion,  settled  the  prices  for 
all  the  variations  in  the  pattern  of  the  lace  when  allotted 
to  a  particular  card.  Many  employers  and  more  employees 
did  not  understand  the  principles  of  the  cards,  and  much 
less  were  they  able  to  work  out  clearly  the  proper  amounts 
to  be  paid  for  a  given  pattern  of  lace.  There  were  always 
quarrels  as  to  the  cards  on  which  a  new  lace  was  to  be 
worked,  and  still  more  as  to  the  prices  for  the  details  of  the 
patterns.  The  strange  anomalies  had  been  the  result  of  a 
long  series  of  accretions  to  the  original  cards,  or  additions 
of  fresh  cards  on  the  supposition  that  any  new  lace  required 
a  new  card.  Further,  the  majority  of  the  firms  were  using 
obsolete,  old  machinery  from  which  no  adequate  return 


LACE   COMPLICATIONS  101 

could  be  got  by  the  workman,  who  was  naturally  jealous 
at  seeing  his  colleague,  working  by  the  same  card,  but  with 
new  machinery  in  an  up-to-date  firm,  getting  far  larger 
returns  than  himself.  The  position  is  outlined  by  the 
following  extract  on  the  award  from  the  Board  of  Trade 
Report : 

"  The  old  price-lists  for  the  Levers  section,  or  Fancy 
Lace  trade,  were  the  gradual  product  of  many  years  of  lace 
manufacture.  A  person  wishing  to  calculate  wages  and  cost 
of  manufacture  had  to  know  the  class  of  machine,  its  gauge, 
width  and  number  of  bars,  whether  top  or  top  and  bottom 
bars.  For  each  variation  in  gauge,  width,  and  bars  a 
different  price  was  paid.  At  the  present  time  many  bars 
are  generally  employed.  The  old  price-list  sent  the  price 
up  by  rapid  stages  when  bars  were  used.  In  addition  to  the 
difficulties  arising  from  bars,  some  laces  could  not  be  made 
on  wider  machines,  if  introduced,  as  they  would  be  blocked 
by  the  price  of  gauges.  The  increase  in  price  by  progression 
of  amounts  for  the  gauges  or  quarters  or  both,  and  the 
complicated  process  of  adding  points  to  the  width  of  the 
machines  (now  entirely  abolished),  virtually  prohibited 
their  manufacture.  Simplification  in  the  use  of  all  extras, 
and  latitude  in  such  processes  as  flossing,  gimping,  and  using 
threads  traversing  gaits,  and  simplification  by  the  establish- 
ment of  a  wider  standard  machine  on  a  single  rack  basis, 
instead  of,  on  some  cards,  by  estimate  on  the  double  rack 
of  3,840  motions  (this  complication  is  now  abolished  and  the 
standard  width  raised  and  made  uniform),  as  well  as  simpli- 
fication of  gauges  and  bars,  were  alleged  to  be  necessary 
for  purposes  of  competition  even  with  places  in  the  imme- 
diate neighbourhood,  close  to  the  boundaries  of  the  city." 

I  concluded  there  must  be  a  reconstruction  from  the  base. 
For  eight  months  committees  of  employers  and  employed 
had  been  negotiating  without  success,  and  it  took  me  eight 
weeks,  with  interminable  discussion  over  lace  curtains, 
lace  nets,  and  the  fancy  laces,  or  "  levers  "  section,  the  latter 
being  the  real  crux.  The  price-lists  would  be  quite  un- 
intelligible to  the  ordinary  reader,  owing  to  the  mass  of 
detail  required  in  these  decisions,  but  in  the  result  the  cards 
were  cut  down  from  twenty-one  to  fifteen,  and  very  much 
simplified.  A  basis  was  fixed  on  which  new  laces  could  be 


102      ARMY    BOOTS    AND    NOTTINGHAM    LACE 

adapted  to  the  cards,  an  inducement  given  for  the  employ- 
ment of  modern  and  bigger  machines,  and  a  complete  code 
of  working  conditions  arrived  at.  Percentages  added  to 
the  amounts  fixed  on  the  cards  could  be  settled  if  trade  was 
flourishing,  the  cards  still  remaining  as  the  basis.  There 
were  also  arrangements  for  future  trade  on  these  cards. 
Bickerings  there  have  been,  but  nothing  like  the  trouble 
preceding  their  introduction.  They  cannot,  however,  be 
said  to  have  brought  the  employers  sufficiently  to  value 
the  importance  of  new  machinery.  Trade  has  been  too 
bright  in  certain  classes  of  goods,  preventing  the  scrapping 
of  old  machines,  except  with  a  minority  of  firms. 

This  revision  of  the  lace  trade  continued  the  policy  I 
had  endeavoured  to  carry  out  in  the  boot-and-shoe  and 
other  conferences — namely,  to  make  as  complete,  plain,  and 
solid  a  basis  as  possible  for  a  trade  in  the  conditions  existing 
at  the  time,  and  by  agreement  between  the  parties  to 
establish  methods  by  which  the  parties  could  them- 
selves settle  future  difficulties,  and  effect  revisions  made 
necessary  by  new  processes,  new  developments,  or  fluctu- 
ations of  trade,  in  such  manner  that  each  party  might  learn 
the  views  and  position  of  the  other,  and  govern  themselves 
by  mutual  knowledge  accordingly. 

These  elaborate  Nottingham  piece-work  statements, 
covering  a  large  number  of  factories  and  many  thousands 
of  operatives,  as  well  as  the  minute  statements  required 
in  the  East  End  boot  trade,  proved  also  to  be  of  practical 
importance  outside  the  particular  trades  affected  by  them, 
because  they  formed  ocular  proof  to  officials  in  Government 
departments  and  to  a  Committee  of  the  House  of  Commons 
that  the  most  elaborate  piecework  statements  could  be 
worked  out  by  employers  and  employed  mutually  set  upon 
the  task,  with  some  assistance  from  an  unbiased  and 
patient  chairman,  even  in  the  most  complicated  industries, 
and  that  statements  or  calculations  were  not  inconsistent 
with,  and  could  form  the  basis  for,  time  rates  and  minimum 
rates,  even  in  scattered  and  underpaid  sections  of  a  trade, 
or  in  a  trade  with  many  grades  and  classes  of  workpeople. 
These  facts  endorsed  the  more  sentimental  aspirations  of 
many  supporters  of  the  principle  of  Trade  Boards,  when 
shortly  afterwards  the  establishment  of  these  bodies,  now 
being  so  widely  extended,  came  into  practical  prominence 
and  became  the  subject  of  legislation. 


CHAPTER  XI 

THEATRES    OF   VARIETIES 

SKIPPING  a  number  of  arbitration  and  conciliation  cases  in 
various  parts  of  the  country  in  1906,  a  year  to  which  notice 
for  other  reasons  will  be  given  in  the  next  chapter,  I  would 
refer,  as  an  important  factor  in  the  promotion  of  labour 
troubles,  to  the  outbreak  of  the  variety  artistes,  musicians, 
and  music  hall  employees  in  1907.  It  would  seem  a 
contradiction  that  this  industry  is  now  one  of  the  most 
law-abiding,  organised,  and  progressive  industries  in  the 
United  Kingdom.  Its  initiative  has  been  followed,  after 
some  years,  by  the  actors  in  theatres,  and  will  be,  or  is 
being,  followed  by  the  cinema  trade,  the  biggest  educative 
force  in  the  world.  From  the  Labour  point  of  view,  the 
serious  aspect  of  the  dispute  was  the  notorious  and  adver- 
tised success  of  a  strike  in  obtaining  recognition,  order,  and 
a  vast  improvement  in  conditions.  For  years  trade  union 
after  trade  union  had  been  struggling  for  these  results,  but 
their  efforts  had  excited  no  popular  interest,  and  on  the 
whole  there  had  been,  in  the  great  manufacturing  trades,  a 
see-saw,  with  a  possible  balance  in  favour  of  the  employers. 
Then  this  unexpected  strike  caused  a  thrill  of  interest. 
Every  phase  was  reported  in  the  newspapers.  The  reports 
were  followed  by  the  whole  of  Great  Britain  with  more 
interest  than  those  of  an  international  football  match 
where  the  odds  were  doubtful ;  and  the  strike  appeared 
to  succeed.  Why  should  not  others  do  likewise  ? 

The  public  christened  the  strike  "the  Music  Hall  Strike," 
although  those  engaged  in  it  adhered  to  the  title  "  Theatres 
of  Varieties."  Few  of  the  public  who  now  frequent  the 
splendid  music  halls  of  the  Metropolis  can  remember  the 
conditions  existing  at  the  old  "  Pav  "  and  other  music- 
halls  in  the  early  eighties.  The  room  filled  with  smoke 
8  103 


104 

and  the  smell  of  drink  ;  the  crowd  of  noisy  men  and  youths, 
and  women  generally  of  little  respectability  ;  the  chairman 
with  his  hammer,  and  the  turns  frequently  characterised 
by  coarseness  of  every  kind.  Gradually  more  and  more 
halls  had  been  built ;  gradually  able  men  had  seen  that 
the  public  appreciated  good  music  or  singing  or  dancing, 
clever  turns,  and  respectability.  The  industry,  however, 
had  grown  up  without  mutual  understanding  between 
employers  as  to  any  common  rules  suitable  for  the  industry 
as  a  whole,  and  without  guidance  or  cohesion  on  any  suit- 
able relations  between  employers  and  employed.  Very  low 
wages  for  all  classes  were  paid  in  some  halls.  The  methods 
and  contracts  for  engagements  were  remarkably  varied  in 
character.  They  gave  rise  to  continual  disputes  in  the 
law-courts.  Although  vast  improvement  had  taken  place 
since  1880,  the  industry  was  not  in  a  satisfactory  condition, 
either  in  London  or  the  Provinces.  At  the  beginning  of 
1907  a  storm  broke  out  over  contracts.  It  created  immense 
excitement  in  London.  All  the  artistes,  musicians,  and 
stage-hands  at  twenty-two  theatres  of  varieties  in  London 
struck.  Pickets  numbering  over  2,500  "  peacefully  per- 
suaded "  both  artistes  and  employees  not  to  act,  play, 
or  clean  in  any  theatre.  There  was  no  violence,  but  the 
sight  of  the  pickets  sufficed.  The  Scala  Theatre  was  taken, 
and  some  artistes  produced  a  show  of  their  own,  for  the 
benefit  of  the  cause.  The  "  stars  "  had  to  join  with  the 
lift-boys,  and  a  "  National  Alliance "  between  artistes, 
musicians,  and  employees  was  temporarily  established, 
soon  breaking  up  after  the  strike.  After  a  few  weeks  of 
this  excitement,  which  proved  to  be  very  expensive,  a 
suggestion  was  made,  I  believe  by  Mr.  Somerset  Maugham, 
the  well-known  author,  that  a  dull  arbitration  might  be 
useful.  The  idea  was  accepted  by  a  so-called  Board  of 
Conciliation,  which  after  three  days  of  discussion  had 
failed  to  agree,  and  a  resolution  passed  that  the  declarations 
and  definitions  proposed  by  the  Board  of  Conciliation  should 
be  submitted  to  the  parties,  and  in  the  event  of  either 
not  agreeing,  *'  all  matters  in  dispute  be  referred  to  Mr. 
George  R.  Askwith."  As  a  paper  remarked,  "  All  parties 
to  the  music  hall  dispute  selected  him  because  they  all 
wanted  to  make  certain  of  a  particular  judge." 

The  Board  of  Trade,  however,  for  the  first  time  in  its  life, 
showed  desire  to  be  sensational,  and  discussed  who  should 


FACT  AND  FICTION  105 

be  appointed  with  a  view  to  a  sensational  appointment. 
One  gentleman  at  least  refused  to  take  it  on,  and  faute 
de  mieux  I  was  appointed  as  the  agreed  arbitrator  on 
February  14. 

My  idea  was  not  to  be  sensational,  but  to  try  to  establish 
a  solid  groundwork  for  the  industry,  which  I  thought  the 
employees,  the  musicians,  half  the  employers,  and  half  the 
artistes  really  desired.  The  other  halves  wanted  to  have 
nothing  done,  except  to  get  out  of  the  mess.  So  I  sat  down 
to  the  work,  and  ended  by  being  taken  off  by  Mr.  Arthur 
Roberts  on  the  Tivoli  stage,  in  the  kindliest  manner,  but 
with  an  exact  imitation  of  gestures  and  cigarette  smoking, 
and  a  sketch  of  the  artistes  bickering  with  each  other,  and 
standing  to  attention  directly  the  arbitrator  appeared  on 
the  scene.  Hearing  this  effort  was  to  be  made,  I  went  to 
see  it.  Some  papers  depicted  me  as  surrounded  by  the 
stars  of  the  stage,  all  impressing  me  by  histrionic  abilities 
or  comic  suggestions  ;  but  though  some  of  them  did  appear, 
all  were  very  grave,  except  Miss  Marie  Lloyd,  who  had  to 
be  sent  for  at  11.30,  complained  of  having  had  no  breakfast 
— though  she  had  time  to  don  a  most  dainty  gown — and 
thumped  her  counsel  on  the  back  in  pleasure  at  having 
finished  her  evidence. 

On  the  day  the  Board  of  Trade  confirmed  my  appoint- 
ment, a  brief  award  was  issued  dealing  with  the  Scala 
Theatre,  which  closed  the  strike,  as  far  as  absence  from 
fulfilment  of  contracts  or  work  was  concerned.  Then 
followed  two  more  interim  awards  providing  for  the  return 
to  work  of  the  musicians  and  stage-hands,  a  very  difficult 
arrangement  to  negotiate.  A  return  to  work  was  thus 
effected,  but  this  did  not  end  the  matter.  It  seemed  that  a 
temporary  settlement  could  only  lead  to  renewed  friction 
in  a  short  time.  I  had  determined  that  more  ought  to  be 
effected,  the  foundations  of  goodwill  and  peace  procured, 
if  possible,  for  the  future.  It  was  accepted,  though  with 
some  demur  by  some  of  the  managers,  that  the  whole 
question  of  wages  and  hours  and  all  questions  of  dispute  for 
all  the  three  classes  should  be  dealt  with.  The  result  was 
the  Music  Hall  Award  of  1907,  settled  after  hearing  more 
than  one  hundred  witnesses,  and  holding  twenty-three 
formal  sittings  and  innumerable  conferences.  The  diffi- 
culties were  much  increased  by  the  long  time  taken  by  the 
preliminary  cases  of  the  musicians  and  stage-hands,  which 


106  THEATRES    OF   VARIETIES 

were  more  or  less  the  usual  trade  cases.  The  artistes'  case 
was  on  quite  a  different  footing. 

The  award  contained  a  complete  code  for  the  variety 
artiste,  dealing  with  existing  and  future  contracts,  rules 
to  be  observed,  a  model  contract  with  some  compulsory 
clauses,  and  rules  for  settlement  of  any  future  disputes. 

The  award  might,  in  some  points  of  detail  and  also  of 
principle,  have  gone  farther  than  it  did,  but  I  do  not  think 
that  at  the  time,  and  in  view  of  the  various  views  and 
conditions  which  existed,  wider  terms  would  have  been 
practicable  or  found  acceptance.  In  the  result  it  was 
accepted  both  for  London  and  the  Provinces.  The  same 
parties  again  asked  me  to  deal  with  its  revision  when  its 
full  term  and  more  had  run.  A  further  revision  was  due 
during  the  War,  but  during  the  War  both  managers  and 
artistes  decided  to  postpone  a  revision,  and  continue  under 
the  terms  decided  in  1911.  Since  the  War  the  same  methods 
of  settlement  have  been  adopted,  and  again  an  arbitrator, 
after  I  had  left  office,  has  been  able  to  build  and  revise 
upon  the  basis  of  the  previous  awards.  The  award  of  1907 
was  also  followed  by  a  decision  given  between  artistes  and 
agents,  which  completed  a  gap,  settling  clearly  the  principle 
that  artistes  should  know  what  their  contracts  were,  their 
payments  and  their  obligations. 

I  think  both  managements  and  artistes  would  agree  that 
these  awards  have  had  a  most  lasting  and,  I  hope,  salutary 
effect  upon  this  industry ;  that  mutual  good  relations 
between  the  parties  are  infinitely  better  than  they  were  ; 
and  that  a  great  amount  of  useless  litigation  has  been  saved. 

The  award  itself  covered  the  whole  work  and  engagements 
of  an  artiste,  both  at  one  show  a  night  and  two  shows  a  night 
houses.  Matinees,  transference  from  theatre  to  theatre, 
troupes  and  sketches,  closing  of  theatres,  re-engagements, 
rehearsals,  illness,  vulgarities,  encores,  play-bills,  and  other 
details  were  all  provided  for  ;  but  the  chief  difficulty  arose 
over  "barring"  clauses.  Was  "barring"  to  be  allowed? 
If  allowed,  what  were  to  be  the  terms  of  "  barring  "  ? 
"  Barring  "  means  that  an  artiste,  before  or  after  a  certain 
number  of  performances  at  a  given  place  and  for  a  given 
time,  should  not  contract  with  any  other  management  to 
appear  at  the  same  place,  or  within  a  radius  of  distance 
from  such  place,  for  a  certain  time  before  or  after  these 
performances.  The  radius  and  the  time  were  matters  to 


BARRING   CLAUSES  107 

be  determined,  coupled  with  the  problem  of  the  rights  of 
re-engagement  of  an  artiste  whose  success  might  be  largely 
due  to  the  discovery,  training,  or  expenditure  of  a  particular 
management. 

It  soon  became  apparent  that,  in  spite  of  a  few  enthu- 
siasts urging  that  the  artiste  should  be  entirely  free,  the 
majority  knew  that  the  industry  had  been  built  up  by 
"  barring,"  and  that  the  artiste  would  really  suffer  for  a 
possible  present  gain  if  there  was  perfect  freedom  of  sale  to 
the  highest  bidder ;  yet  at  the  same  time  it  was  most  impor- 
tant that  unfair  terms  binding  the  artiste  to  unfair  restric- 
tions should  not  be  permitted.  Other  minor  points  ranged 
round  this  difficulty,  but  the  main  principles  depended 
upon  radius  and  time,  with  the  addition,  in  London,  of 
the  grades  of  halls  and  the  geographical  position  of  halls. 
The  great  West  End  music  halls  paid  hundreds  of  pounds 
a  week  for  a  "  star."  They  had  individual  contracts 
settled  after  weeks  of  negotiation  with  those  "  stars," 
possibly  imported  from  abroad  after  much  search,  exercise 
of  judgment,  and  heavy  outlay.  It  was  useless  to  import 
"  stars,"  announce  their  coming,  and  find  that  the  "  star  " 
had  anticipated  the  date  of  performance  by  performing  for 
a  rival  beforehand ;  or  if  the  "  star  "  was  a  success  (and  there 
were  many  failures,  all  costing  money),  to  find  that,  at  the 
end  of  an  engagement,  that  "  star  "  would  draw  off  audi- 
ences to  a  neighbouring  rival,  to  the  detriment  of  the  new 
programme  of  a  hall.  There  had  to  be  zones  within  or 
without  which  artistes  under  certain  conditions  might 
contract  to  perform.  The  zone  theory  was  also  invoked 
for  the  settlement  of  the  time  within  which  an  artiste 
might  again  appear  without  undue  disturbance  of  the  new 
programme  of  a  hall.  It  was  contended  that  an  artiste 
did  not  draw  from  the  north  to  the  south  of  the  Thames, 
that  East  Ham  could  not  get  an  audience  from  Hammer- 
smith, and  that  a  London  artiste  could  appear  one  day  at 
Woolwich  and  the  next  day  at  Hampstead  without 
affecting  either  the  quantity  of  audience  or  derogating  from 
the  artiste's  own  freshness.  Fresh  artistes,  with  a  repu- 
tation, but  new  in  their  bloom  to  a  district,  were  desirable 
flowers  to  show.  There  were  managers  ready  to  get  them 
at  the  expense  of  other  managers  ;  and  not  caring  much 
if  their  bloom  suffered.  There  were  managers  anxious 
to  be  sure  of  their  flowers,  that  they  should  not  be 


108  THEATRES    OF    VARIETIES 

bruised  before  they  had  been  shown.  There  were  flowers 
anxious  to  show  themselves  at  one  production  and  immedi- 
ately go  on  to  the  nearest  exhibition,  regardless  of  the  fact 
that,  carefully  handled,  they  might  bloom  for  many  years, 
but  mauled  or  too  frequently  exhibited  might  soon  pass 
into  the  limbo  of  commonplace,  fatigue,  or  lack  of  novelty. 
There  were  a  few  exotics  who  could  afford  to  take  little 
note  of  time  and  place,  and  even  contracts,  secure  in  the 
knowledge  that,  even  at  enhanced  terms,  their  original 
exhibitors  would  only  be  too  glad  to  show  them  again. 

The  problem  under  the  circumstances  of  1907  was  far 
more  difficult  than  in  1911,  when  the  matter  was  again 
referred  to  me  for  revisions  which  the  light  of  experience 
and  working  indicated  as  feasible.  In  1907  the  foundations 
had  to  be  laid  and  the  industry  organised  at  a  time  of  stress 
and  strong  feeling.  In  1911  the  industry  was  organised, 
but  adjustments  were  desirable.  Since  then  further  adjust- 
ments have  been  made,  but  the  result  is  as  much  due  to  the 
common  sense  and  mutuality  of  work  which  men  like  Sir 
Oswald  Stoll  and  Sir  Alfred  Butt  have  brought  into  the 
music  hall  world  as  to  any  awards  upon  which  they  have 
been  able  to  build,  and  also  to  the  great  energy  *and 
wonderful  persistence  of  the  late  Mr.  Clemart,  who  may 
be  said  to  have  died  in  the  artistes'  cause. 

Looking  back,  I  feel  interested,  when  visiting  these 
theatres,  in  the  thought  that  every  man,  woman,  and  child 
appearing  on  those  stages  is  governed  by  a  contract  which 
I  had  aided  in  drafting. 


CHAPTER   XII 

BELFAST,    1907 

THE  contrast  of  the  next  big  strike  was  startling.  It  was 
no  half-genial  dispute,  with  latest  details  interesting  to  the 
readers  of  evening  newspapers  ;  no  orderly  arbitration 
with  grave  attempt  to  settle  the  right  lines  for  future 
development  and  peace  of  an  industry ;  but  the  city  of 
Belfast  held  up  by  a  state  of  civil  turmoil,  guards  at  the 
railway-stations,  double  sentries  with  loaded  rifles  at 
alternate  lamp-posts  of  the  Royal  Avenue,  a  very  few 
lorries,  with  constabulary  sitting  on  the  bales  and  soldiers 
on  either  side,  proceeding  to  guarded,  congested,  but  lifeless 
docks,  and  ten  thousand  soldiers  in  and  about  the  city. 
There  had  been  fights  in  the  streets,  charges  of  cavalry, 
the  Riot  Act  read,  shooting  to  disperse  wrecking  mobs, 
a  few  men  and  women  killed  and  scores  wounded,  and  the 
whole  business  of  the  city  at  a  standstill.  The  dockers, 
headed  by  Mr.  James  Larkin,  already  well  known  as  the 
leader  of  many  strikes  in  both  hemispheres,  and  Mr.  James 
Conolly,  the  brain  of  the  movement,  who  was  wounded,  and 
afterwards  shot  for  the  part  he  played  in  the  Easter 
troubles  at  Dublin  in  1916,  had  first  gone  out  with  no 
defined  claims.  The  National  Union  of  Dock  Labourers, 
whose  treasurer,  Mr.  James  Sexton,  was  over  in  Belfast 
trying  to  quiet  matters,  was  practically  ignored.  At  the 
end  of  June  certain  general  carters  refused  to  cart  goods 
for  ship-owning  companies  whose  dockers  were  on  strike, 
and  claimed  an  advance  of  wages.  The  Belfast  Carriers' 
Association  replied  by  locking  out  all  the  carters  on 
July  4.  The  coal-carters  and  porters  then  struck  in  sym- 
pathy, and  though  for  this  section  a  truce  had  been  fixed 
on  July  25  by  Mr.  Mitchell  of  the  Board  of  Trade,  and  Mr. 
Alderman  Gee  of  the  General  Federation  of  Trade  Unions, 
it  was  only  temporary.  The  sequence  of  events,  so  far  as 

109 


110  BELFAST,    1907 

regards  the  carters,  seemed  to  be  a  sympathetic  strike,  a 
sympathetic  lock-out,  an  enlarged  sympathetic  strike. 
It  was  the  process  so  frequently  tried  in  Great  Britain 
at  a  later  date. 

In  the  first  week  of  August  1907  I  had  entered  the 
Board  of  Trade  as  a  civil  servant,  Mr.  Lloyd  George,  the 
then  President,  whom  I  had  never  previously  seen  or 
spoken  to,  proposing  that  I  should  come  in  as  Assistant 
Secretary  in  control  of  the  Railway  Department.  He  had 
in  view  the  coming  disputes  on  the  railways  :  but  when 
pressing  telegrams  arrived  from  Sir  Anthony  MacDonnell, 
the  Permanent  Under-Secretary  of  State,  urging  the  con- 
dition of  Belfast  after  the  six  weeks  of  strike,  and  almost 
demanding  that  I  should  be  sent  to  assist  him,  it  was 
decided  that  I  should  go,  with  Mr.  Mitchell,  lately  secretary 
of  the  General  Federation  of  Trade  Unions  and  recently 
appointed  to  the  Board  of  Trade,  an  officer  whose  loyal 
and  able  assistance  in  many  subsequent  labour  troubles 
cannot  be  overrated. 

We  arrived  at  Belfast  on  the  morning  of  August  13,  not 
encouraged  by  meeting  a  distinguished  Irishman  on  the 
boat,  who  I  thought  might  be  a  possible  arbitrator,  if  one 
became  necessary.  This  hope  of  impartiality  was  stopped 
by  his  remark  at  breakfast  that  he  knew  his  countrymen  ; 
I  had  no  chance  of  settling  the  dispute,  even  if  I  was  not 
shot,  as  I  probably  should  be,  and  Larkin  ought  to  be 
hanged.  After  a  brief  talk  with  Sir  A.  MacDonnell,  it 
appeared  that  his  difficulties  were  enhanced  by  the  fact 
that  under  no  circumstances  would  the  employers  meet 
Larkin ;  that  Larkin  said  he  was  tired  of  both  employers 
and  Government  officers,  and  would  not  come  to  see  them  ; 
and  that  nothing  could  or  would  be  done  as  regards  dockers 
till  they  returned  to  work,  but  that  the  carting  employers 
might  be  willing  to  settle  if  a  fair  tariff  could  be  arranged. 

In  Irish  strikes  the  strikers  frequently  begin  to  strike 
without  saying  or  knowing  what  they  want,  and  if  they 
do  formulate  some  demands,  and  get  some  part  of  what 
they  allege  is  wanted,  are  apt  to  change  and  say  they  want 
something  else.  This  strike  was  no  exception. 

Mr.  Mitchell  and  I  decided  we  must  get  hold  of  Mr. 
Larkin,  and  so,  after  walking  to  the  deserted  quays,  we 
found  Mr.  Larkin' s  headquarters,  where  we  sat  on  a  table, 
chatting  with  some  dockers  till  he  returned  :  a  tall,  thin 


JAMES   LARKIN  111 

man,  with  long  dark  hair  and  blue-grey  mobile  eyes,  at 
that  time  wearing  a  very  heavy  black  and  drooping  mous- 
tache, a  large  black  sombrero  hat,  and  a  kind  of  black  toga. 
In  later  years  he  shaved  his  moustache,  cut  his  hair,  and 
dressed  in  ordinary  clothes.  He  was  very  surprised  to  see 
us,  but  after  intimating  that  the  British  Government  and 
all  connected  with  it  might  go  to  hell,  launched  into  long 
exhortations  on  the  woes  of  the  carters  and  dockers  and 
denunciation  of  the  bloodthirsty  employers,  collectively 
and  individually.  I  said  that  all  this  might  be  true,  though, 
not  having  been  an  official  for  more  than  ten  days,  I  could 
scarcely  be  responsible  for  the  acts  of  the  British  Govern- 
ment, and  in  fact  wanted  some  help  myself.  Could  he  tell 
me  what  the  carters  wanted,  and  put  it  on  paper  ?  Unless 
he  desired  to  continue  the  strike  till  starvation  stopped  it, 
it  might  be  useful  to  know  the  claim.  For  all  I  knew,  the 
employers  might  be  willing  to  grant  their  demands  ;  but  I 
had  not  yet  seen  those  gentlemen.  I  knew  that  carters  are 
always  difficult  in  a  dispute,  because  of  the  variety  of  grades, 
the  strict  relative  position  of  grades,  and  the  importance  of 
conditions,  such  as  overtime,  distance,  care  of  horses,  etc. 
Mr.  Larkin  could  not  tell  exactly  what  the  carters  wanted, 
so  it  was  suggested  some  of  them  should  be  got,  and  we 
would  jointly  try  to  find  out.  This  idea  interested  him, 
and  it  was  done.  We  got  chairs  from  somewhere,  and  sat 
down  to  work  it  out,  sending  for  some  lunch  to  consume  as 
we  worked.  So  great  was  Mr.  Larkin' s  zest  on  this  new 
tack,  and  so  angry  did  he  get  at  the  carters'  differences  of 
opinion  and  changing  proposals,  that  he  did  most  of  the 
talking,  with  an  occasional  phrase  from  me,  and  gave  them 
lectures  which  no  employer  would  have  dared  to  utter. 
Armed  at  last  with  a  document,  Mr.  Mitchell  and  I  sought 
Mr.  Alexander  McDowell,  the  solicitor  acting  for  the 
employers,  a  most  able  man,  whose  death  during  the  War 
was  a  great  blow  to  the  chances  of  an  Irish  political  settle- 
ment. Mr.  McDowell  said  it  was  the  first  definite  state- 
ment of  claim  he  had  seen,  and  he  must  consult  his  clients. 
When  some  of  them  had  arrived,  another  long  conference 
brought  suggestions  in  certain  cases  better  than  the  men 
had  proposed,  but  necessary  in  view  of  the  relation  of  grades, 
and  in  other  cases  required  by  the  terms  on  which  railway 
carters  were  working  in  the  same  yards.  It  was  now 
very  late,  and  we  adjourned  till  the  next  day.  This  time 


112  BELFAST,    1907 

Mr.  Larkin  with  his  carters  came  to  see  me,  the  master- 
carters  being  in  another  room  of  the  hotel.  The  changes 
were  explained,  suggestions  carried  backwards  and  forwards, 
and  finally  a  provisional  agreement  made,  subject  to  ratifi- 
cation. Ratification  meant  endorsement  before  signature 
by  the  constituents  of  both  parties,  dockers  and  carters 
being  summoned,  by  a  crier  with  a  bell,  to  St.  Mary's  Hall. 
Sir  A.  MacDonnell  proposed  that  he  should  explain  the 
terms  to  the  employers,  if  I  would  take  the  men.  The 
employers  agreed  in  ten  minutes,  but  we  took  an  hour  and 
a  half,  behind  locked  doors,  with  the  Lord  Mayor  sending 
down  messengers  who  could  not  get  in,  but  reported  so 
much  noise  that  it  was  seriously  discussed  whether  I  ought 
to  be  rescued.  The  body  of  the  huge  hall  was  filled  with 
carters,  while  the  galleries  were  crammed  with  dockers, 
who  got  nothing,  but  who  might  not  accept  the  view  that, 
if  the  carters  were  settled,  their  course  was  to  return  to 
work,  when  they  would  certainly  get  a  corresponding  rise 
from  employers  who  would  do  nothing  while  they  were 
out  on  strike.  They  had  had  a  long  wait,  and  might  be 
hostile.  Afterwards  we  chaffed  Mr.  Sexton,  a  small  man, 
for  having  taken  the  precaution  of  putting  two  revolvers 
in  his  breast-pocket.  As  we  entered  the  hall,  Mr.  Larkin 
asked  me  if  I  would  sit  next  to  him.  I  said,  "  Yes.  Why  ?  " 
"  Because,"  he  replied,  "  I  wish  you  would  pull  my  coat- 
tails  if  I  say  anything  wrong."  There  was  no  need  for  that 
precaution.  In  two  minutes  Mr.  Larkin  had  the  men 
throwing  up  their  caps  and  roaring  applause.  He  ridiculed 
the  employers  and  ridiculed  their  own  representatives, 
who,  he  said,  would  never  have  known  their  own  minds  if 
I  had  not  told  them  what  to  say,  the  fact  being  that  he 
himself  had  settled  these  uncertain  persons.  The  men 
wanted  to  hear  every  detail,  and  hence  the  noise  and 
passage  of  time  before  the  agreement  was  ratified.  In  this 
manner  Mr.  Larkin  settled  the  Belfast  strike. 

Going  out  by  a  side-passage  to  get  to  the  Town  Hall 
for  formal  signing,  I  stopped  short  on  the  threshold.  The 
passage  was  full  of  women,  shawls  round  their  heads. 
"  What  is  it  ?  "  they  cried  in  unison.  "It's  all  right,"  I 
said.  "  Your  boys  go  back  to-morrow  morning."  Women 
suffer  from  strikes.  Some  of  them  knelt  in  the  mud  to 
pray,  others  seized  my  hands,  some  kissed  me,  and  others, 
slapping  my  back,  shot  me  through  into  the  Royal  Avenue, 


END   OF   A   STRIKE  113 

up  which  I  ran  so  fast,  with  two  or  three  thousand 
shouting  women,  dockers,  and  carters  after  me,  that  I 
could  not  answer  at  first,  from  lack  of  breath,  the  eager 
inquiries  in  the  Lord  Mayor's  parlour  as  to  what  had 
happened. 

The  next  day  Mr.  Larkin  took  me  through  the  disturbed 
districts,  where  the  troops  had  separated  two  quarters  of 
the  city  by  a  cordon  down  the  Albert  Road,  and  showed 
me  the  places  where  the  cavalry  charged,  admitting  he  had 
told  the  crowd  not  to  mind  the  cavalry,  as  they  could  not 
charge  on  the  cobbles  :  he  had  seen  it  himself  on  the  Con- 
tinent ;  where  the  infantry  fired  after  having  endured 
filth  thrown  on  them  from  empty  tenement-houses,  and 
stones  levered  up  from  the  roads  by  children  with  old 
pokers  ;  and  a  cul-de-sac  into  which  a  Highland  regiment 
inadvertently  marched  and  had  to  fight  their  way  out, 
every  door  and  window  broken.  He  was  an  interesting 
man.  "  I  don't  know  how  you  can  talk  to  that  fellow 
Larkin,"  said  a  Dublin  employer  at  a  later  date.  "  You 
can't  argue  with  the  prophet  Isaiah."  It  was  not  an  inapt 
description  of  a  man  who  came  to  believe  he  had  a  mission 
upon  earth  ;  and  when  one  reflects,  Isaiah  must  have  been 
rather  a  difficult  person  and  liable  to  go  off  at  a  tangent. 
It  is  not  wise  to  argue  with  such  men,  but  it  is  possible  to 
suggest  to  their  minds  a  different  facet  of  thought. 

A  paper  describing  the  settlement  correctly  said  : 

"  The  effect  of  the  settlement  of  the  carters'  dispute 
upon  the  aspect  of  affairs  at  the  docks  was  instant — almost 
magical.  By  breakfast-time  a  marvellous  change  had 
come  over  the  scene.  Lethargy  had  given  place  to  energy  ; 
furtive  activity  to  open  bustle.  The  strikers,  or  those  of 
them  to  whom  employment  was  available,  lost  not  a 
moment  in  returning  to  work.  From  six  o'clock  in  the 
morning  wagons  and  lorries  moved  to  and  from  the  docks 
in  ceaseless  procession,  and  the  mountains  of  merchandise, 
which  three  months'  enforced  idleness  had  accumulated 
on  the  quayside,  began  to  crumble  away.  The  soldiers  on 
duty  whiled  away  the  time  by  reading  the  newspapers. 
The  stalwart  constabulary  who  paraded  the  adjacent 
streets  preserved  an  attitude  of  passive  alertness.  There 
was  no  call  for  the  interference  of  either  military  or  police 
— everybody  was  too  busy." 


114  BELFAST,    1907 

But  still,  although  the  back  of  the  strike  was  broken  by 
the  carters'  settlement,  the  work  of  Sir  A.  MacDonnell  and 
myself  was  not  yet  done.  The  city  was  still  very  dis- 
turbed, other  outbreaks  might  occur  at  any  time  ;  it  was 
necessary  to  watch  the  dockers'  case,  and  to  consolidate, 
by  request  of  all  parties,  into  a  tariff  which  might  be  of 
lasting  benefit  in  the  future,  the  various  agreements  and 
anomalies  of  the  coal-porters'  and  coal-carters'  wages  and 
conditions.  It  was  a  long  tariff,  with  many  details,  which 
was  not  finally  settled  till  August  24,  and  is  subject  to  the 
observation  that  the  prevailing  Irish  wages  of  1907  were 
on  a  different  scale  from  the  wages  of  Great  Britain,  and 
differed  widely  from  the  Irish  wages  of  1920. 


CHAPTER   XIII 

RAILWAYS,    1907 

WHILE  the  Belfast  disputes  had  been  creating  turmoil  in 
the  north-east  of  Ireland,  there  had  been  slowly  gathering 
on  the  railways  of  Great  Britain  a  much  more  momentous 
difference,  which,  unlike  the  two  previous  disputes,  was 
concluded  for  the  time  being  without  a  strike  having  been 
commenced,  but  heralded  a  change  in  the  attitude  of  the 
State  to  a  great  industry  in  the  country.  It  was  of  a 
different  type  to  either  of  the  two  disputes  which  have 
been  just  described. 

The  Taff  Vale  case  and  the  Trade  Disputes  Act,  coupled 
with  active  organising  work,  had  led  to  an  enormous 
increase  in  the  numbers  and  strength  of  the  Amalgamated 
Society  of  Railway  Servants.  Freed,  too,  from  the 
liability  to  an  action  such  as  that  which  Mr.  Beasley  had 
launched  against  Mr.  Richard  Bell,  the  union  leaders  could 
advance  their  programme  with  greater  confidence  and  less 
caution  in  their  hints  of  possible  results  if  their  demands 
were  not  considered  or  grievances  met.  There  was  a 
feeling  of  something  more  than  annoyance  that  litigation 
had  held  up  efforts,  delayed  improvements,  and  restrained 
action.  On  the  other  hand,  there  was  no  cohesion  among 
the  railway  companies,  each  acting  on  its  own,  but  each 
waiting  upon  the  other  before  attempting  or  making  any 
mportant  change  in  the  condition  of  their  servants.  At 
the  same  time  those  servants  saw  large  expenditure  in  com- 
petitive races  to  the  North  and  in  various  developments, 
while  their  wages  were  unchanged.  Although,  during 
periods  of  unemployment  such  as  had  occurred,  men  had 
been  glad  to  seek  and  obtain  the  safe  shelter  of  continuous 
work  and  the  subsistence,  present  and  future,  which 
employment  on  the  line  gave  to  an  employee  of  a  railway 
company,  the  cost  of  living  had  been  going  up,  but  the 

115 


116  RAILWAYS,    1907 

payment  of  grades  had  not  increased  proportionately. 
Wages,  generally  speaking,  were  dangerously  low.  The 
system  of  grades,  rendered  necessary  by  the  great  size  of 
the  undertakings,  grouped  men  of  very  varied  abilities  in 
one  dead  level  of  payment.  Although  there  were  instances 
of  men  getting  through,  promotion  was  slow.  Once  in 
a  grade,  always  in  a  grade,  where  young  men  found  their 
chances  stopped,  and  their  only  chance  of  increased  pay 
lying  in  an  improved  payment  for  the  whole  grade,  a 
principle  leading  to  solidarity  and  support  of  the  Union 
which  gave  strength  to  solidarity.  Improved  payment 
of  one  grade  was  not  easy  for  a  company  to  achieve,  because 
change  of  payment  of  one  grade  inevitably  led  to  revision 
or  demand  for  revision  of  the  pay  of  other  grades,  in  order 
that  relative  position  and  contentment  might  be  attempted. 
Some  companies  had  endeavoured  to  meet  the  difficulty 
by  the  creation  of  a  number  of  small  artificial  grades  which 
produced  confusion  and  the  appearance  without  the 
actuality  of  promotion,  or  only  gave  men  temporary  or 
acting  jobs  ;  but  even  then  small  changes  might  ultimately 
lead  to  heavy  expenditure.  Heavy  expenditure  meant 
decrease  of  dividends  and  difficulty  in  raising  capital,  or 
increase  of  passenger  and  goods  rates,  limited  by  law  to 
statutory  maxima.  Any  increases  meant  complaints  by 
the  general  public,  growls  and  perhaps  law-suits  from 
merchants  and  traders,  or  the  diversion  of  traffic  to  com- 
peting lines  which  had  not  moved  or  expended  money,  or 
to  sea-borne  commerce,  ever  watchful  for  freights  and  un- 
restricted in  their  quotations  of  charges.  Hedged  round 
by  restrictions  and  afraid  of  innumerable  complications, 
the  railway  companies  were  rather  inclined  to  let  sleeping 
dogs  lie.  They  were  not  watching  such  problems  as  cost 
of  living,  abatement  of  anomalies,  or  the  rise  of  wages  in 
other  employments.  They  had  no  leader  and  no  general 
governing  or  co-ordinating  body,  except  such  limited 
opinion  as  the  few  managers  meeting  at  the  railway 
clearing  house,  chiefly  upon  such  subjects  as  rates,  might 
venture  to  hazard.  The  Railway  Department  of  the 
Board  of  Trade  had  little  power  or  authority,  and  the 
slightest  movement  beyond  the  statutory  duties  given  to  it 
would  have  been  resented,  questioned,  and  refused,  as  an 
interference  with  management  and  action  for  which  no 
authority  legally  existed.  As  regards  recognition  of  the 


CONCILIATION  BOARDS  117 

Union,  the  policy  of  1896  still  held  good,  when  the  general 
manager  of  the  London  and  North- Western  Railway  had 
written  : 

"  The  directors  are  at  all  times  willing  to  consider  the 
reasonable  demands  of  their  employees,  addressed  to  them 
through  the  proper  channel,  and  in  the  usual  manner,  with 
which  the  men  are  quite  familiar  ;  but  they  could  not, 
having  regard  to  their  responsibility  for  the  safe  and 
sufficient  conduct  of  the  traffic  upon  the  railway,  and  for 
other  obvious  reasons,  consent  to  the  intervention  of  third 
parties  in  the  relations  between  them  and  their  workmen." 

The  men  were  beginning  to  think  that  their  "  reasonable 
demands  "  were  not  being  considered,  and  were  taking  refuge 
in  the  Union,  which  they  insisted  should  act  for  them  in 
pressing  their  demands,  and  should  obtain  recognition 
from  the  companies.  The  companies  shelved  the  "  reason- 
able demands  "  and  concentrated  on  refusal  of  recogni- 
tion. On  this  difference  of  view  action  was  joined  and 
ended  in  a  compromise,  which  in  1907  did  not  give  recogni- 
tion, but  gave  the  employees  a  method  by  election  to 
Conciliation  Boards  of  obtaining  consideration  of  most  of 
the  claims  embodied  in  the  Union  programme,  and  some 
authority  for  members  of  the  Union,  a  half-loaf  which  they 
seized  very  quickly.  In  subsequent  years  the  powers  of 
the  Conciliation  Boards  were  further  amended  and 
increased,  until  they  broke  down  under  the  stress  of  the 
War,  giving  place  to  the  present  system  of  a  supreme 
executive  of  the  men,  negotiating  with  a  few  general 
managers  acting  on  behalf  of  the  Government,  from  whose 
decisions  and  attempted  settlements  the  supreme  execu- 
tive proceed  to  the  Minister  of  Transport,  and,  if  his  views 
do  not  suit  them,  periodically  proceed  to  the  Prime  Minister, 
who  has  to  choose  between  a  sudden  outlay  of  millions 
out  of  the  public  purse  or  a  general  railway  strike. 

The  "  All  Grades  Programme,"  as  it  was  called,  had  been 
embodied  in  November  1906,  and,  with  slight  differences 
for  Scotland  and  Ireland,  made  the  following  demands  : 

"  Hours. — (a)  That  eight  hours  constitute  the  standard 
day  for  all  men  concerned  in  the  movement  of  vehicles  in 


118  RAILWAYS,    190? 

traffic,  viz.  drivers,  firemen,  guards  (goods  and  passenger), 
shunters,  and  signalmen  ;  also  for  motormen,  conductors, 
and  gatemen  on  electric  railways. 

"  (b)  That  ten  hours  a  day  be  the  maximum  working 
day  for  all  other  classes  of  railwaymen,  except  platelayers. 

"  (c)  That  no  man  be  called  upon  to  book  on  more  than 
once  for  one  day's  work. 

"  Rest. — That  no  man  be  called  out  for  duty  with  less 
than  nine  hours  rest. 

"  Overtime. — (a)  That  each  day  stand  by  itself. 

"  (b)  That  a  minimum  of  rate  and  a  quarter  be  paid  for 
all  time  worked  over  the  standard  hours. 

"  Sunday  Duty. — (a)  That  Sunday  duty  be  regarded  as 
distinct  from  the  ordinary  week's  work. 

"  (b)  That  a  minimum  of  rate  and  a  half  be  paid  for  all 
time  worked  between  twelve  midnight  Saturday  and 
twelve  midnight  Sunday. 

"  (c)  That  Christmas  Day  and  Good  Friday  be  regarded 
as  Sundays. 

"  Guaranteed  Week. — That,  independent  of  Sunday  duty, 
a  week's  wages  be  guaranteed  to  all  men  whose  conditions 
of  service  compel  them  to  devote  their  whole  time  to  the 
companies. 

"  Wages. — (a)  That  an  immediate  advance  of  2s.  per 
week  be  given  to  all  grades  of  railwaymen  who  do  not 
receive  the  eight- hour  day. 

"  (b)  That  all  grades  in  the  London  district  be  paid  a 
minimum  of  3s.  per  week  above  the  wages  paid  in  country 
districts. 

"  One  Man  in  Motor-Cab. — That  the  system  of  working 
with  only  one  man  in  motor-cab  be  abolished  on  electric 
railways." 

Whether  the  demands  could  have  been  met  at  that  date 
may  be  questioned,  although  almost  every  point  is  now 
fully  adopted  on  all  railways  ;  but  the  Companies,  when  the 
programme  was  presented  in  January  1907,  did  not  con- 
sider the  programme.  They  considered  only  the  request 
made  with  it,  that  "  the  directors  of  the  companies  would 
arrange  to  meet  a  deputation  of  the  men,  accompanied  by 
the  General  Secretary  of  the  Amalgamated  Society,  to 
negotiate,"  and  gave  a  categorical  refusal  to  accede  to  this 
request  for  recognition  of  the  Society's  officials.  They  were 


MR.   BELL'S   TACTICS  119 

again  approached  with  a  similar  request  in  February,  and 
again  repeated  their  refusal. 

The  fat  was  now  in  the  fire.  Meetings  began  to  be  held 
in  June  and  July,  particularly  at  Birmingham,  Glasgow, 
and  Dublin.  The  movement  spread,  the  railwaymen 
began  to  talk  of  force,  in  face  of  such  a  non  possumus 
attitude,  which  seemed  to  imply  neither  consideration  of 
demands  nor  reception  of  chosen  spokesmen  from  the 
Society,  to  which  the  majority  of  railwaymen  now  belonged. 
It  was  interpreted  as  an  intention  to  break  the  Union, 
a  challenge  to  every  other  trade  union,  which  roused  the 
whole  of  the  trade  unions  to  sympathy  and  at  least  moral 
support,  particularly  as  the  challenge  seemed  to  come 
when  the  trade  union  was  short  of  funds,  owing  to  pro- 
longed litigation. 

But  Mr.  Richard  Bell,  the  secretary  of  the  Amalgamated 
Society,  was  a  cautious  man.  He  knew  the  great  strength 
of  the  railway  companies,  the  advantage  of  playing  for 
place,  so  as  not  to  appear  to  be  aggressive  in  the  eyes  of  the 
public ;  the  conservative  temper  of  many  railwaymen,  proud 
of  their  service  and  accustomed  to  discipline ;  and  possibly 
the  knowledge  that  a  strike  would  be  very  expensive,  and 
difficult  with  depleted  funds  and  capital  locked  up,  it  was 
said,  in  mortgages  issued  by  building  societies,  not  the 
easiest  securities  for  quick  liquidation  in  times  of  crisis. 

Mr.  Bell  was  at  the  time  represented  as  an  agitator  and 
a  firebrand.  Nothing  could  have  been  more  remote  from 
the  truth.  The  fact  is,  in  his  desire  for  peace,  he  did  not  go 
fast  enough  for  some  of  his  executive,  who  did  not  treat 
him  well  some  years  later,  when  they  ousted  him  from 
office,  left  him  without  any  career,  and  forgot  the  great 
services  he  had  rendered  to  their  cause.  I  knew  him  well, 
and  have  very  high  respect  and  esteem  for  him.  On  this 
occasion  he  handled  his  case  in  a  masterly  manner,  and 
persuaded  his  men  at  the  end  of  July  to  make  a  third 
application  to  the  railway  companies.  It  was  refused. 
The  railwaymen  now  waited  till  September  before  taking 
a  ballot  whether  they  were  prepared  to  strike  work  in 
order  to  enforce  the  programme,  including  the  principle  of 
"  recognition."  The  answer  came  in  October,  nearly  a 
year  after  the  programme  had  been  formulated,  and  was 
emphatic  :  76,825  for  a  strike,  8,773  against. 

It  was  almost  impossible,  even  if  they  had  wished  it,  for 
9 


120  RAILWAYS,    1907 

the  Government  to  stand  by,  in  a  situation  like  this,  and 
see  the  country  drift  into  a  general  railway  strike,  when  the 
parties  were  not  even  attempting  to  negotiate.  Agree- 
ments between  employers  and  employed  may  be  the  best 
type  of  agreements,  because  they  have  to  work  together, 
know  the  business  on  which  they  are  engaged,  and  can 
feel  that  they  have  settled  a  difficulty  without  dictation 
or  suggestion  from  outside  persons.  A  big  industry  may 
agree  to  formulate  within  itself  certain  methods  of  settle- 
ment which  the  individuals  composing  it  consider  so  suit- 
able as  to  make  it  worth  while  to  adhere  and  follow  in 
general  association  the  rules  laid  down  by  common  consent. 
It  is,  however,  of  little  use  to  say  that  an  industrial  dispute 
should  be  settled  within  the  industry,  and  to  object  alto- 
gether to  any  interference  of  any  kind,  when  that  industry 
is  so  vital  to  the  whole  country  and  to  every  other  trade  in 
the  country  as  the  railway  service,  and  yet,  in  face  of  a 
persistent,  growing,  and  heavily  supported  demand  by  the 
workpeople,  does  nothing  at  all  to  examine,  remedy,  or 
deal  with  the  demand. 

In  my  opinion,  the  railway  companies  would  not  examine 
any  or  all  of  the  demands  for  improved  conditions  of  service, 
and  despised  the  claimants,  who,  they  thought,  were  not 
strong  enough  to  carry  the  railway  employees  up  to  or 
through  a  strike.  There  was  no  group  of  men  controlling 
or  influencing  them  who  could  act  in  common  and  deal 
with  the  whole  question  in  a  broad  manner,  and  with  fair 
and  statesmanlike  considerations  of  the  whole  of  the  facts 
of  the  case,  the  condition  of  the  labour  world,  and  the 
relations  between  Capital  and  Labour,  or  take  stock  of  the 
growing  power  of  Labour,  or  consider  its  causes.  There 
was  no  one  man  big  enough  to  get  them  together  as  an 
industry  and  say,  "  Here  is  this  position.  We  must 
carefully  consider  it,  and  we  must  meet  it  with  care,  not 
only  in  the  interests  of  our  shareholders,  for  whom  we  are 
trustees,  but  also  in  the  interests  of  our  workpeople,  whose 
livelihood  is  subject  to  our  actions,  and  the  community, 
whose  interests  are  vitally  concerned  with  peace  upon  the 
railways."  Not  even  after  1907  did  they  take  any  steps 
in  this  direction.  It  was  not  till  1911,  in  face  of  an  alleged 
danger  from  abroad  and  an  actual  strike,  that  they  had 
to  permit  a  group  of  able  men  to  act  on  their  behalf  and 
deal  with  the  crisis  for  the  time  being,  and  after  that  date 


THE   QUESTION  OF  RECOGNITION  121 

it  was  only  in  1914,  in  face  of  actual  and  open  danger  and 
war  abroad,  that  they  were  compelled  to  repeat  the 
process.  Foreign  affairs  have  twice  reacted  upon  and 
controlled  the  destinies  of  the  British  railway  companies. 
On  this  occasion  of  1907  Mr.  Lloyd  George,  the  President 
of  the  Board  of  Trade,  did  it  for  them,  "  in  view,"  as  the 
official  report  says,  "  of  the  serious  distress  and  dislocation 
of  trade  which  would  have  been  caused  by  a  general  railway 
strike."  He  had  no  very  difficult  task.  He  summoned 
the  chairmen  of  the  six  principal  railway  companies — rather 
to  the  annoyance  of  the  general  managers,  who  felt  they 
were  more  acquainted  with  the  working  of  railways — and, 
having  arranged  they  should  come  with  authority  from 
their  Boards,  gave  them  a  lecture  with  admirable  skill, 
urging  that  he  should  be  allowed  to  complete  his  statement 
without  interruption,  and  putting  off  a  well-known  Member 
of  Parliament  who  did  interrupt,  by  calling  him  "  an 
eminent  controversialist,  as  we  well  know  in  the  House  of 
Commons,"  and  pleading  for  his  "  momentary  silence." 
I  think  the  chairmen  must  have  expected  that  some  such 
action  would  be  taken,  and  when  Mr.  Lloyd  George  was 
able  to  tell  them  that  he  would  not  press,  and  they  would 
escape,  recognition,  consent  to  a  proposed  scheme  of 
Conciliation  Boards  was  not  withheld. 

The  fact  was  that  I  had  been  able  to  inform  Mr.  Lloyd 
George  that  Mr.  Bell  was  not  going  to  press  for  recognition 
if  he  obtained  a  satisfactory  method  of  dealing  with 
grievances,  consideration  of  the  programme,  and  more 
opportunity  for  the  men  to  deal  with  the  conditions  of 
their  lives,  besides  the  certainty  that  his  union  would 
infallibly  be  strengthened  and  could  demand  more 
recognition,  if  it  should  prove  desirable,  on  another 
occasion,  with  greater  force  and  more  certainty.  "  Why," 
he  said,  in  effect,  to  me,  "  should  I  push  myself  per- 
sonally forward  and  plunge  the  country  into  a  railway  war, 
because  these  gentlemen  do  not  desire  to  meet  me  ?  I 
cannot  deal  myself  with  all  these  grades,  classes,  wages, 
and  conditions  on  all  the  railways  of  Great  Britain,  and  I 
have  no  clerks  at  headquarters  whom  I  can  send  out  for  the 
purpose.  Union  men  in  localities  will  be  elected,  and  they 
can  deal  with  them,  and  become  educated  in  the  process. 
I  will  not  sacrifice  the  substance  for  the  shadow,  or  fight 
unnecessarily  on  a  false  and  unpopular  issue." 


122  RAILWAYS,    1907 

Mr.  Bell  was,  I  think,  quite  right,  and  many  a  trade 
union,  when  demanding  recognition  and  endeavouring  to 
force  a  man  possibly  disliked  by  employers  upon  them, 
might  note  his  attitude,  and  remember  that  it  is  not  the 
acceptance  of  a  particular  man,  but  the  position  of  the 
Union,  which  counts. 

The  agreement  was  signed  in  two  documents,  without 
"  recognition  "  by  any  joint  document,  the  first  with  the 
signatures  of  six  chairmen  : 

"  The  undersigned  duly  authorised  representatives  of 
the  Railway  Companies  named  below  declare  that  they  are 
prepared  on  their  behalf  to  adopt  a  scheme  of  Conciliation 
and  Arbitration  for  the  settlement  of  questions  relating  to 
the  rates  of  wages  and  hours  of  labour  of  various  classes 
of  their  employees,  on  the  general  lines  of  the  scheme 
appended  to  this  Agreement.  They  will  also  use  their 
good  offices  to  induce  other  Railway  Companies  to  adhere 
to  this  agreement.  Such  adherence  may  be  notified  at  any 
time  within  the  next  three  months." 

The  second,  signed  by  seven  railwaymen,  stated  : 

"  The  undersigned  duly  authorised  representatives  of 
the  Amalgamated  Society  of  Railway  Servants  accept,  on 
behalf  of  its  members,  the  terms  of  the  Agreement  with 
regard  to  Conciliation  and  Arbitration  signed  this  day  at 
the  Board  of  Trade  by  the  representatives  of  the  Railway 
Companies." 

Added  to  which  were  two  documents  accepting,  by 
representatives  of  the  Associated  Society  of  Locomotive 
Engineers  and  Firemen,  and  the  General  Railway  Workers' 
Union,  on  behalf  of  their  members,  "the  arrangements 
entered  into  to-day  by  the  Board  of  Trade."  The  scheme, 
largely  composed  by  that  admirable  draftsman,  Sir  Hubert 
Llewellyn  Smith,  Permanent  Secretary  of  the  Board  of 
Trade,  began  with  an  outline  which  explains  it,  and  which 
stated  : 

"GENERAL  PRINCIPLES 

"  (a)  Boards  to  be  formed  for  each  Railway  Company 
which  adheres  to  the  Scheme  to  deal  with  questions  re- 


THE   CONCILIATION   SCHEME  123 

ferred  to  them,  either  by  the  Company  or  its  employees, 
relating  to  the  rates  of  wages  and  hours  of  labour  of  any  class 
of  employees  to  which  the  Scheme  applies,  which  cannot 
be  mutually  settled  through  the  usual  channels. 

"  (b)  The  various  grades  of  the  employees  of  the  Company 
who  are  covered  by  the  Scheme,  to  be  grouped  for  this 
purpose  in  a  suitable  number  of  sections,  and  the  area 
served  by  the  Company  to  be  divided  if  necessary,  for  pur- 
poses of  election,  into  a  number  of  suitable  districts. 

"  (c)  The  employees  belonging  to  each  section  so  grouped 
to  choose  from  among  themselves  one  or  more  representa- 
tives for  each  district,  these  representatives  to  form  the 
employees'  side  of  the  Sectional  Board,  to  meet  representa- 
tives of  the  Company  to  deal  with  rates  of  wages  and  hours 
of  labour  exclusively  affecting  grades  of  employees  within 
that  section. 

"  (d)  The  first  election  of  representatives  to  be  conducted 
in  the  manner  set  out  in  the  Rules  of  Procedure.  Sub- 
sequent elections  to  be  regulated  by  the  Boards  themselves. 

"  (e)  Where  a  Sectional  Board  fails  to  arrive  at  a  settle- 
ment, the  question  to  be  referred  on  the  motion  of  either 
side  to  the  Central  Conciliation  Board,  consisting  of 
representatives  of  the  Company  and  one  or  more  representa- 
tives chosen  from  the  employees'  side  of  each  Sectional 
Board. 

"  (/)  In  the  event  of  the  Conciliation  Boards  being  unable 
to  arrive  at  an  agreement,  or  the  Board  of  Directors  or  the 
men  failing  to  carry  out  the  recommendations,  the  subject 
of  difference  to  be  referred  to  Arbitration.  The  reference 
shall  be  to  a  single  Arbitrator  appointed  by  agreement 
between  the  two  sides  of  the  Board,  or  in  default  of  agree- 
ment to  be  appointed  by  the  Speaker  of  the  House  of 
Commons  and  the  Master  of  the  Rolls,  or  in  the  unavoidable 
absence  or  inability  of  one  of  them  to  act,  then  by  the 
remaining  one.  The  decision  of  the  Arbitrator  shall  be 
binding  on  all  parties. 

"  DURATION  OF  THE  SCHEME 

"  The  present  Scheme  to  be  in  force  until  twelve  months 
after  notice  has  been  given  by  one  side  to  the  other  to 
terminate  it.  No  such  notice  to  be  given  within  six  years 
of  the  present  date. 


124  RAILWAYS,    1907 

"  INTERPRETATION 

*'  If  any  question  should  arise  as  to  the  interpretation  of 
this  Scheme,  it  shall  be  decided  by  the  Board  of  Trade,  or, 
at  the  request  of  either  party,  by  the  Master  of  the  Rolls." 

The  title  of  the  English  judge  "  Master  of  the  Rolls  " 
proved  puzzling  to  some  Scots,  who  asked  whether  he  was 
a  Chief  Baker ;  and  for  Scotland  the  President  of  the  Court 
of  the  Session  was  selected  to  appoint  in  case  of  a  final 
arbitrator  being  necessary.  It  may  be  noted  that  this 
finality  of  arbitration  was  not  compulsory  arbitration,  but 
agreement  under  certain  circumstances  to  abide  by  the 
finding  of  an  arbitrator. 

It  fell  to  my  department  to  conduct  the  election,  receiving 
nominations  of  candidates  for  each  of  the  boards,  generally 
four  or  six  on  each  of  the  thirty-three  railways  in  England 
and  Wales,  six  in  Scotland,  and  seven  in  Ireland,  causing 
the  circulation  of  voting-papers  to  each  of  the  thousands  of 
employees  on  all  the  railways,  receiving  and  counting  the 
votes,  and  declaring  the  result  of  the  polls,  no  light  work, 
but  done  without  a  hitch  by  a  very  small  number  of  civil 
servants. 

There  followed  further  proposals  from  other  sources, 
perhaps  as  a  natural  result  of  the  public  interest  aroused  in 
the  railways,  for  reviewing  some  of  the  more  important 
questions  affecting  the  railway  companies,  traders,  and  the 
general  public  :  such  questions  as  the  acquisition  and 
holding  of  land  by  railway  companies,  increase  of  railway 
rates,  owners'  risk  conditions,  the  machinery  for  the  settle- 
ment of  disputes  between  railway  companies  and  traders, 
and  the  desirability  of  the  formation  of  an  Advisory 
Committee  on  railway  matters.  We  held  many  meetings 
and  produced  a  long  Blue  Book,  but  little  practical  result 
ensued  from  the  proposals. 

There  followed,  too,  some  difficult  questions  of  inter- 
pretation, and  on  the  inclusion  or  exclusion  of  grades  in 
schemes  which  for  some  railways,  such  as  the  London  and 
North- Western  Railway  Company,  covered  over  a  score 
of  closely-printed  pages  ;  and  an  enormous  number  of 
points  of  detail,  explanations  to  be  given,  and  difficulties 
to  be  smoothed,  with  a  view  to  the  oiling  of  wheels  and 
effective  running  in  such  a  hastily  prepared  group  of  ma- 


EFFECT   OF  THE   RAILWAY   STRIKE  125 

chinery  as  these  Conciliation  Boards  in  effect  were.  Such 
questions  are,  however,  connected  with  the  administration 
of  an  active  Government  department,  and  are  not  a  direct 
Labour  problem. 

The  broad  result,  the  general  effect,  of  the  railway 
dispute  was,  I  think,  that  it  strengthened  the  belief  of 
Labour  in  its  power  ;  that  it  showed  the  value  of  organi- 
sation; that  it  intensified  bitterness  against  capitalistic 
bodies  and  the  alleged  pride  of  Capital,  and  conveyed  the 
impression  that  many  of  them  were  harshly  and  callously 
governed,  and  ought  to  be  reformed  :  and  that  it  turned 
claims,  primarily  economic,  into  a  more  militant  channel. 


CHAPTER  XIV 

SCOTTISH    MINERS,    1909 

MEN  are  imitative,  and  the  power  of  suggestion  is  very  great. 
It  may  be  that  these  railway  schemes  were  an  example, 
and  suggested  development  on  these  lines,  to  other  trades. 
In  any  event,  by  the  end  of  1909,  sixty-seven  Conciliation 
Boards  in  different  trades  had  been  added  to  the  number 
existing  in  August  1907,  in  addition  to  the  Railway  Boards. 
In  addition,  too,  to  the  very  large  number  of  cases  dealt  with 
by  existing  and  new  Boards,  cases  under  the  Conciliation  Act 
rapidly  increased.  In  the  whole  eleven  years  since  1896 
the  total  cases  had  amounted  to  209,  but  in  the  three  years 
1907-1909  the  total  came  to  156  (39,  60,  and  57  in  each 
year  respectively).  Conciliation  was  in  the  air,  but  while 
the  number  of  workpeople  involved  in  disputes  which  were 
settled  in  1908  by  conciliation  and  arbitration  was  the 
highest  on  record,  the  amount  of  industrial  disturbance 
caused  by  trade  disputes  was  greater  in  1908  than  in  any 
year  since  1898,  largely  due  to  the  disputes  in  the  engineer- 
ing and  shipbuilding  industries  of  the  North-East  Coast, 
and  in  the  cotton-spinning  industry  of  Lancashire. 

Being  immersed  in  the  work  of  the  railway  department, 
and  riot  being  concerned  in  these  disputes,  I  am  unable  to 
consider  the  reasons  why  the  personal  intervention  of  the 
President  of  the  Board  of  Trade,  Mr.  Lloyd  George,  in  the 
cotton-spinning  dispute,  was  only  accepted  for  the  purpose 
of  obtaining  an  opinion  by  the  law  officers  on  an  alleged 
breach  of  the  Brooklands  Agreement,  that  well-known 
agreement  by  which  the  cotton  trade  was  governed,  and 
why  in  December  both  parties  would  not  see  him  until  they 
had  settled  the  dispute  by  themselves  ;  though  I  have  heard 
the  refusal  was  due  to  the  frequently  expressed  objection 
to  the  interference  of  a  Minister  of  the  Crown  in  a  trade 
dispute,  and  the  use  which  partisan  newspapers  made  of 
such  interference. 

126 


ARBITRATION  PANELS  127 

For  the  same  reason  I  am  unaware  of  the  exact  causes 
why  he  failed  to  settle  the  great  strike  of  engineers  on  the 
North-East  Coast,  which  began  on  February  20,  in  which  he 
intervened,  and  which  did  not  close  till  September  24, 
Mr.  Churchill,  the  then  President,  getting  the  parties  to 
meet  again  in  conference  on  September  9  ;  or  the  even 
more  important  strike  of  the  shipwrights  and  joiners  on  the 
North-East  Coast,  which  began  on  January  21,  in  which  he 
intervened  in  February,  and  which  did  not  close  till  June  1, 
Mr.  Churchill  following  the  same  course. 

Both  of  these  disputes  arose  over  the  question  of  reduc- 
tion of  wages,  which  the  workers  were  in  no  mood  to  accept ; 
and  yet  the  shipbuilding  dispute  led  to  conciliation  after  a 
series  of  conferences  between  the  parties,  as  a  result  of 
which  machinery  was  set  up  early  in  1909  for  dealing  with 
differences  between  employers  and  workpeople ;  and  similar 
arrangements  also  began  to  be  considered  in  engineering 
and  cotton,  for  the  future  automatic  regulation  of  wages, 
though  in  the  cotton  industry  at  least  they  came  to  no 
useful  result.  Even  in  the  most  adverse  cases  conciliation 
seemed  to  be  sought. 

In  order  to  provide  choice  of  arbitrators  for  those  boards 
which  might  require  them,  and  in  the  endeavour  to  promote 
arbitration  or  conciliation,  in  September  1908  the  Board  of 
Trade,  under  the  presidency  of  Mr.  Churchill,  tried  the 
publication  of  lists  or  panels — the  Chairmen's  Panel,  the 
Employers'  Panel,  and  the  Labour  Panel — from  which,  on 
the  application  of  the  parties  to  an  industrial  dispute,  a 
Court  of  Arbitration  could  be  nominated.  A  few  courts 
were  established  from  time  to  time  under  this  system, 
but  prior  to  the  War  no  great  use  was  made  of  them. 
During  the  later  years  of  the  war,  however,  the  principle 
of  a  neutral  chairman,  a  representative  employer,  and  a 
representative  workman,  was  adopted  for  the  Industrial 
Courts  then  established  as  interim  and  afterwards  perma- 
nent courts.  The  difference  lies  in  the  fact  of  permanence. 
A  tribunal  selected  from  a  list  of  busy  men  occupied  with 
other  affairs  inevitably  could  not  be  obtained  without 
delay,  and  the  difficulty  of  fixing  convenient  dates.  Such 
delay  the  parties  to  a  dispute  did  not  like,  one  essential  point 
of  settlements  being  speed  at  the  psychological  moment. 

The  strain  and  anxiety  of  dealing  with  the  efforts  of 
Ministers  over  the  engineering  and  shipbuilding  disputes, 


128  SCOTTISH    MINERS,    1909 

in  addition  to  the  killing  work  of  his  department,  certainly 
tended  more  than  anything  else  to  the  premature  death 
of  Mr.  Arthur  Wilson  Fox  in  January  1909— a  very  able 
man,  with  a  heart  of  gold,  thoroughly  overworked  by  the 
mass  of  toil  thrown  often  by  Governments  on  energetic 
civil  servants  to  whom  no  sufficient  assistance  was  given. 
I  was  appointed  by  Mr.  Churchill  to  succeed  him  as  Comp- 
troller-General of  the  Commercial,  Labour,  and  Statistical 
Departments  of  the  Board  of  Trade,  with  its  departments 
scattered  all  over  London,  and  correspondents  all  over  the 
country. 

So  far  as  Labour  matters  had  been  concerned,  I  had 
previously  had  no  voice  whatever  in  policy,  or  indication 
from  any  Government  of  the  line  which  they  might  desire 
to  follow.  In  fact,  I  do  not  think  that  the  Board  of  Trade 
had  any  policy.  It  might  be  said  that  they  waited  upon 
events.  They  appointed  on  application  arbitrators  or 
conciliators,  who  gave  a  decision  upon  issues  of  fact  after 
receiving  the  arguments  or  evidence  adduced  in  a  particular 
case,  or  acted  as  chairmen  of  conferences  where  each  side 
gave  way  a  little,  but  where,  after  discussion,  the  differences 
might  become  so  small  that  a  suggestion  or  timely  hint 
might  avert  much  trouble  and  effect  a  settlement.  Some 
few  had  gone  farther  and  proposed  working  rules  or 
arrangements,  particularly  in  the  building  and  boot-and- 
shoe  trades,  for  the  prevention  of  future  disputes.  For  the 
first  few  years  after  the  Conciliation  Act  had  been  passed, 
progress  had  been  very  slow.  In  1902,  indeed,  some  strong 
attacks  were  made  in  some  journals  on  the  inaction  of  the 
Board  of  Trade.  By  slow  degrees  the  success  achieved  by 
conciliators  began  to  make  itself  felt,  without  much  restraint 
arising  from  the  personal  intervention  of  the  Minister 
himself  during  the  years  following  the  Penrhyn  Quarry 
dispute.  Arbitrators  and  conciliators,  and  even  officials, 
began  to  be  regarded  as  non-political  and  as  having  no  axe  to 
grind.  The  attitude  of  Ministers  who  have  kept  aloof  has 
soon  become  known  and  has  been  appreciated  industrially, 
though  they  have  often  had  credit  given  to  them  by  the 
public  which,  as  persons  responsible  so  far  as  Parliament  is 
concerned,  they  could  scarcely  disown.  Employers  and 
employed,  if  they  happen  to  quarrel,  however  hot  their 
quarrel  may  be,  unite  at  least  on  common  ground  in  a 
mutual  dislike  that  third  parties  should  appear  to  use  their 


POLICY  AS   COMPTROLLER   GENERAL         129 

quarrels  as  a  source  of  self-advantage,  or  as  pawns  for 
real  or  possible  political  gain.  However  disinterested  a 
Minister  may  be  in  fact,  suspicion  is  aroused,  and  suspicion 
is  fatal  to  the  success  of  advice.  Since  the  War,  the  principle 
of  non-interference  by  Ministers  has  been  put  aside,  and  a 
Minister  or  a  succession  of  Ministers,  pitted  against  each 
other,  are  a  court  of  appeal  from  arbitrators,  conciliators, 
or  agreements,  with  a  final  resort  to  the  Prime  Minister, 
and  resulting  chaos. 

For  myself,  from  the  influence  of  the  first  strike  on  which 
I  had  been  engaged,  I  had  determined  that  wherever 
possible,  in  the  cases  coming  to  my  lot,  I  would  try  to  end 
the  lock-out  or  strike,  but  in  all  cases  where  an  opening 
occurred  in  the  course  of  settling  the  strike,  I  would  go 
farther  and  endeavour  to  suggest  and  establish  means  by 
agreement  between  the  parties  in  a  firm  or  an  industry 
for  the  prevention  of  future  strikes  and  better  relations, 
more  sympathy,  between  employers  and  employed,  in 
spite  of  the  hot  enmity  in  which  they  might  have  been 
engaged.  With  such  opportunity  as  occurred  I  had  con- 
sistently followed  that  policy,  and  in  some  cases  had  an 
opportunity  of  carrying  it  out.  Now  that  official  work  had 
come  to  me— and  it  was  one  of  the  chief  reasons  which 
induced  me  to  accept  official  work — I  determined  with  set 
purpose  to  pursue  the  same  policy.  I  knew  perfectly  well 
the  difficulties.  I  had  not  been  deaf  to  the  remarks,  formal 
and  informal,  made  in  a  long  series  of  arbitrations  and 
conciliations,  as  to  the  interference  of  Ministers,  politicians, 
Bishops,  and  mayors,  unjust  though  at  times  those  remarks 
might  be  ;  as  to  the  attitude  of  the  courts  and  lawyers, 
corroborated,  as  I  knew,  by  the  cheap  and  jeering  remarks 
made  by  some  County  Court  and  High  Court  judges  as  to  the 
incomprehensibility  of  industrial  awards  and  agreements, 
though  these  same  documents  were,  to  their  credit, 
invariably  upheld  and  sensibly  interpreted  by  the  Court 
of  Appeal  in  cases  reaching  them  ;  as  to  the  threats  and 
hatred  growing  among  the  young  men  against  Capital, 
because  mere  Capital  appeared  to  be  the  cause  why  they 
could  not  get  on  in  the  world  and  why  they  could  not  get 
more  leisure  and  why  they  must  stay  where  they  were, 
with  a  possible  halfpenny  an  hour  added  to  their  pay-sheet ; 
as  to  the  obsolete  objections  to  changes  possibly  endorsed  in 
every  surrounding  trade,  but  put  forward  by  firms  who 


130  SCOTTISH    MINERS,    1909 

failed  to  recognise  facts,  and  the  corresponding  warmth  of 
words  and  sometimes  deeds  which  such  opinions  evoked ;  as 
to  the  words  and  views  on  overthrow  of  Capital  and  classes, 
the  political  future,  the  tyranny  of  all  employers,  and  the 
coming  dawn  ;  and  finally,  if  I  may  close  a  long  sentence 
without  enumerating  more  particulars,  the  solid  common 
sense,  the  sound  views,  the  real  desire  to  work  in  general 
harmony  governing  the  base  relations  between  employers 
and  employed.  Whether  conciliation  might  be  a  mere 
stopgap  or  not,  I  determined  to  follow  the  policy  of  peace 
and  construction  I  had  previously  followed,  and  use  the 
greater  power  now  practicable  as  far  as  my  strength  allowed, 
in  an  office  where  there  could  be  no  holidays  and  an  eight- 
hour  day  was  a  short  day's  work,  but  where  variety  at 
least  created  interest. 

It  soon  became  apparent  that  the  difficulties  with  Labour 
were  rapidly  increasing.  In  May  1909  it  was  possible  to 
establish  Conciliation  Boards  for  the  employees  of  the 
tramways  department  of  the  London  County  Council,  after 
a  ballot  of  the  employees  had  adopted  the  proposal  by  a 
large  majority.  In  June  a  national  agreement,  supple- 
mental to  the  terms  of  settlement  of  April  1895,  was  arrived 
at  between  representatives  of  the  Federated  Associations  of 
Boot  and  Shoe  Manufacturers  and  the  National  Union  of 
Boot  and  Shoe  Operatives,  providing  for  reduction  of  hours 
to  fifty-two  and  a  half  per  week,  the  prevention  of  unauthor- 
ised strikes,  and  the  adoption  of  minimum  wages  for  men 
and  graduated  scales  of  wages  for  youths.  In  another 
industry,  however,  trouble  loomed  large.  The  coal-owners 
of  Scotland,  in  May  1909,  gave  notice  of  a  reduction  in 
wages,  the  effect  of  which  would  have  been  to  bring  wages 
below  the  level  of  50  per  cent,  above  the  basis  of  1888,  on 
which  wages  were  as  a  base  calculated,  or,  in  other  words, 
to  make  the  wages  37f  per  cent,  above  the  basis  of  1888 
instead  of  50  per  cent,  above  that  basis  ;  and  the  miners 
had  said  they  would  not  have  them  so  reduced  ;  anything 
below  50  per  cent,  above  this  level  was  too  low.  The 
Conciliation  Board  failed  to  agree.  An  offer  of  arbitration 
made  by  the  coal-owners  was  refused.  The  matter  was 
taken  as  a  question  of  principle  by  the  men,  upon  which 
they  were  not  prepared  to  risk  a  possibly  adverse  decision. 
In  July  the  owners  gave  notice  that  they  intended  to 
enforce  the  reduction ;  the  miners  in  reply  resolved  to 


MR.   ROBERT  SMILLIE  131 

instruct  their  men  to  cease  work  on  July  26.  The  miners 
were  strengthened  by  promise  of  support  from  the  Miners' 
Federation  of  Great  Britain,  who  had  agreed  to  back  up 
the  decision  to  secure  the  minimum  of  50  per  cent,  above 
basis.  A  ballot  was  being  organised,  the  Miners'  Feder- 
ation on  July  16  deciding  to  take  a  ballot  (which  ultimately 
showed  a  very  large  majority  in  favour  of  a  national 
stoppage)  on  the  question  of  supporting  the  action  of  the 
Scottish  miners,  by  putting  in  force  Rule  20,  under  which 
notices  would  be  given  for  a  stoppage  of  work  at  collieries 
throughout  Great  Britain. 

The  position  had  rapidly  become  very  serious.     It  was 
evident  that,  whatever  might  have  happened  in  regard  to  the 
engineers,  shipwrights,  and  joiners  in  the  preceding  year, 
the  miners  were  not  prepared  to  accept  any  reduction  of 
wage    beyond    a    certain    minimum.     It    seemed    almost 
certain  that  a  stoppage  in  Scotland  would  result,  and  fol- 
lowing that  stoppage,  a  general  strike  of  all  the  English 
coal-fields.     Mr.    Churchill   became   alarmed.     I   sounded 
the  ground  with  various  leaders  of  the  parties,   but  it 
seemed    very   unpromising.     On    July    16    Mr.    Churchill 
summoned  the  leaders  of  the  miners,  including  representa- 
tives of  the  English  Miners,  to  the  Board  of  Trade.     At 
the  end  of  a  long  conference  he  said  that,  if  nothing  else 
could  be  done,  the  Government  would  have  to  pass  an  Act 
of  Parliament  in  twenty-four  hours  referring  the  dispute 
to  compulsory  arbitration.     As  he  was  leaving  the  room, 
Mabon,  the  famous  Welsh  leader,  turned  on  him  with  the 
remark,   in  a  strong  Welsh  accent,   "  Mr  Churchill,   you 
cannot  put  600,000  men  into  prison  (preeson)."  It  was  a 
fairly  obvious  statement,  and  it  was  still  more  fairly  obvious 
that  Mr.  Smillie,  the  leader  of  the  Scottish  miners,  did  not 
intend   to   give   way.     Neither   did   he.     He   refused   all 
compromise   to  the   very  last.     To  me,  as  an  outsider, 
equally  determined  for  a  settlement  as  he  was  for  a  fight, 
it  seemed  a  most  unreasonable  thing  that,  if  a  fair  compro- 
mise without  sacrifice  of  principle  could  be  found,  the  whole 
coal  industry  of  the  United  Kingdom,  with  incalculable 
damage  to  every  other  interest,  should  be  forced  suddenly 
into  a  strike. 

The  first  conference  at  least  succeeded  in  the  appoint- 
ment of  a  sub-committee,  with  myself,  by  request  of  both 
parties,  as  chairman,  with  the  vague  reference,  "  What 


132  SCOTTISH    MINERS,    1909 

conditions  ought  fairly  to  be  attached  to  the  recognition 
of  a  new  minimum,  both  as  regards  the  limits  and  rates  of 
variation  of  wages  above  that  minimum,  and  the  procedure 
by  which  changes  in  wages  should  be  regulated  ?  "  Armed 
with  some  power  of  keeping  in  touch  with  the  parties, 
I  travelled  to  and  fro  between  London  and  Glasgow  in 
pursuit  of  conferences.  Angry  and  fierce  at  times  they 
were,  the  position  not  being  improved  by  the  English  ballot 
showing  a  very  large  majority  in  favour  of  a  national 
stoppage.  The  conferences  finally  centred  round  proposals 
I  had  suggested,  the  pith  of  which  came  to  the  concession 
of  the  principle  of  50  per  cent,  above  the  1888  basis  as  a 
new  minimum,  but  if  prices  obtained  for  coal  during  the 
following  nine  months  did  not  in  any  month  warrant  that 
wage,  then  an  increased  percentage  in  subsequent  months 
should  for  a  like  period  be  diminished,  or,  in  other  words, 
a  spread-over  of  loss  and  gain.  This  proviso  was  to  allow 
adjustments  to  be  made  in  view  of  contracts  and  standing 
arrangements,  while  for  the  future  the  basis-price  for  the 
50  per  cent,  minimum  was  to  be  fixed  by  an  arbiter,  and  also 
the  subsequent  steps  at  which  on  a  sliding  scale  advances 
were  to  be  made,  the  new  basis-price  not  to  be  below  the 
existing  basis-price.  These  clauses  meant  that  the  fairness 
of  the  existing  basis-price,  and  the  subsequent  steps  of  rise, 
were  to  be  reconsidered  and  finally  determined  in  a  less  heated 
discussion,  in  view  of  the  principle  of  50  per  cent,  on  the 
1888  basis  as  a  minimum  wage  below  which  wages  were  not 
to  be  reduced  being  conceded.  Mr.  Smillie  did  not  sign 
the  agreement.  The  difficulty  of  the  matter  was  not 
lessened  by  the  factor  that  his  own  executive  had  to  over- 
rule his  view,  the  acceptance  of  which  actually  meant  that  a 
national  coal  strike  must  ensue.  As  we  went,  on  July  30, 
to  the  place  of  signature,  he  stood  in  Parliament  Square, 
under  a  lamp-post,  a  solitary  figure  wrapped  in  thought ; 
as  we  came  back  he  was  still  there.  But  after  the  settle- 
ment had  been  signed,  he  kept  to  the  agreement  and  loyally 
obeyed  the  wishes  of  the  majority. 

I  have  seen  "  Bob  "  Smillie  on  various  occasions  since 
that  date.  He  holds  at  the  present  day  a  post  of  great 
responsibility  as  permanent  President  of  the  General 
Miners'  Federation  of  Great  Britain.  As  a  man  he  has 
had  a  hard  life,  the  history  of  which  he  would  tell  anyone 
who  cared  to  know.  He  can  be  a  warm-hearted  friend, 


BETTY'S   PORRINGER  133 

but,  brought  up  and  living  in  a  narrow  atmosphere, 
and  repeatedly  disappointed,  he  fails  to  see  that  views 
which  he  supposes  to  be  broad  are  in  fact  narrow,  and  that, 
schooled  as  he  has  been  by  Monsieur  Longuet,  Karl  Marx's 
grandson,  and  other  theoretical  economists,  he  exemplifies 
the  doctrine  that  a  little  knowledge  is  a  dangerous  thing. 
He  should  have  been  a  Covenanter  as  depicted  in  Old 
Mortality. 

A  personal  anecdote  may  perhaps  be  pardoned.  In 
making  a  short  speech  on  the  signature  of  the  agreement, 
I  said  that  there  would  be  a  sigh  of  relief  in  many  a  home- 
stead in  Scotland  when  it  was  known  that  the  bitter 
struggle  of  a  strike  would  not  occur  ;  and  many  a  woman 
and  child  might  look  back  with  gladness  to  the  settlement 
the  parties  had  effected.  Following  serious  words,  I  re- 
marked that  even  I,  too,  had  had  a  domestic  difficulty, 
owing  to  the  crucial  hours  coming  the  day  before  at  the 
time  of  the  christening  of  my  only  daughter,  which  I  had 
had  to  forgo.  Immediately  after,  the  miners  came  round 
me  and  asked  whether  it  was  true.  One  said,  "  I  don't  know 
what  would  be  said  of  a  father  in  Scotland  who  did  that." 
Another  said,  "  Fancy  your  doing  that  for  our  concerns,  and 
never  saying  anything  about  it ! "  Within  a  month  I  re- 
ceived a  letter  stating  that  the  coal-owners  and  coal-miners 
of  Scotland  had  united  in  presenting  a  silver  porringer  (a 
beautiful  work  of  art)  to  my  daughter  Betty  in  remem- 
brance of  her  christening.  A  few  months  later  it  was  given 
to  me  at  Edinburgh,  Mr.  Smillie  being  the  chief  spokesman 
for  the  miners,  and  Mr.  McCosh,  a  fine  man,  loved  by  all 
parties,  chief  spokesman  for  the  coal-owners.  I  told  the 
story  to  my  old  friend  Sir  Henry  James.  He  curtly  re- 
marked, with  a  gulp  in  his  throat,  "  That  is  a  good  thing 
for  a  man  to  hear,  and  for  men  to  do." 

The  remaining  months  of  1909  were  only  noticeable  by 
the  extension  of  conciliation  meetings  and  machinery, 
in  trades  such  as  trawler-fishermen,  trawlers'  engineers 
and  firemen,  the  brass  trades,  London  correctors  of  the 
Press,  watermen  and  lightermen  on  the  Thames,  and  the 
boot-and-shoe  trade,  which  led  to  such  heavy  work  in 
labour  matters  that  the  Commercial  side  had  to  be  separated 
off  from  the  Labour  side  of  the  department  in  December 
1909. 


CHAPTER  XV 

COTTON,    BOILERMAKERS,    AND    COAL,    1910 

THE  year  1910  was  a  year  of  improving  trade  and,  says  the 
official  report,  "  marked  by  considerable  industrial  dis- 
turbance ;  the  number  of  workpeople  involved  in  disputes 
commencing  during  the  year  was  the  highest  since  1893, 
while  the  aggregate  duration  of  all  the  disputes  in  progress 
during  the  year  has  been  exceeded  on  only  four  occasions 
during  the  last  eighteen  years." 

Curiously,  questions  of  wages  involved  only  20  per  cent. 
of  the  workpeople  directly  affected  by  these  disputes. 
A  large  number  were  concerned  with  strikes,  particularly 
in  South  Wales,  where  the  Miners'  Federation  was  steadily 
consolidating,  on  the  non-unionist  question,  but  more  than 
half  were  involved  in  great  disputes  in  the  coal  trade  of 
Northumberland  and  Durham  (refusal  of  certain  miners 
to  accept  arrangements  made  between  employers  and  their 
own  executive)  and  South  Wales  (refusal  to  follow  the 
advice  of  the  Conciliation  Board,  comprising  employers  and 
members  of  the  miners'  executive),  the  shipbuilding  in- 
dustry in  the  North  of  England  and  Scotland  (alleged 
breach  by  the  rank  and  file  of  an  agreement  made  be- 
tween the  employers'  and  men's  executives),  and  the 
cotton-spinning  industry  of  Lancashire  and  Cheshire 
(each  party  accusing  the  other  of  breach  of  the  Brooklands 
Agreement).  Besides  these  five  disputes,  in  all  of  which 
I  was  concerned,  more  cases  came  to  the  department  than 
in  any  year  since  the  passing  of  the  Conciliation  Act  of  1896. 

Each  of  these  serious  disputes  conveyed  different  lessons, 
but,  except  the  last,  were  largely  due  to  the  action  of  young 
men.  Coal  commenced  the  year  with  a  dispute  in  North- 
umberland. It  was  one  of  those  cases  where  sufficient 
explanation  did  not  seem  to  have  been  given  to  the  men, 
and  the  leaders  did  not  carry  them  along  the  lines  to  which 

134 


THE  MINERS'   EIGHT-HOUR  DAY  135 

they  themselves  had  agreed.  As  in  so  many  cases  of  these 
years,  the  official  leaders  could  not  maintain  authority, 
indicating  the  fact  that  there  is  often  more  difference 
between  the  men  and  their  leaders  than  between  the  latter 
and  the  employers.  They  had  agreed  with  the  coal- 
owners,  after  approval  by  the  miners'  lodges,  on  December 
31,  1909,  as  to  the  general  conditions  to  be  observed  under 
the  Coal  Mines  Regulation  Act,  1908,  which  came  into 
operation  in  Northumberland  on  January  1,  1910.  The 
miners  objected  to  the  arrangements  which  the  owners 
proposed  to  make  under  this  agreement ;  30,000  struck 
work,  and  though  some  resumed,  11,000  remained  out 
at  the  end  of  January,  chiefly  owing  to  the  methods  neces- 
sarily arranged  for  introducing  the  three-shift  system  in 
place  of  the  two-shift  system.  On  February  15  the 
Miners'  Executive  called  on  the  miners  to  resume  work, 
but  they  declined.  A  meeting  was  held  at  which  members 
of  the  Miners'  Federation  of  Great  Britain  were  present, 
and  advised  the  men  to  resume  work  and  to  observe  the 
agreement.  The  advice  was  not  accepted.  In  March  the 
Northumberland  Miners'  Council  endorsed  the  action  of 
their  executive  and  took  a  ballot  on  resumption,  still 
without  effective  result.  There  was  a  complete  deadlock 
among  the  miners  themselves,  to  the  detriment  of  the 
owners  and  the  public,  as  well  as  a  refusal  to  follow  the 
advice  given  by  local  and  national  leaders,  with  the  result 
that  the  only  chance  of  a  settlement  seemed  to  be  an 
attempt  to  deal  with  the  matter  under  the  Conciliation 
Act.  I  invited  the  Miners'  Executive  and  representatives 
of  all  the  districts  still  on  strike  to  meet  me,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  considering  the  difficulty.  Representatives  of  the 
Miners'  Federation  of  Great  Britain  also  came,  including 
Mr.  Smillie,  who  strongly  supported  the  opinion  that  the 
miners  should  adhere  to  the  agreement.  After  long  debate 
it  was  arranged  that  a  small  committee  of  the  miners' 
representatives,  backed  by  Mr.  Mitchell  from  my  depart- 
ment (who,  however,  tactfully  made  no  speeches  at  the 
meetings),  should  go  round  the  collieries,  explain  the  terms, 
and  then  take  a  ballot  on  the  question  of  resumption.  The 
men  from  the  districts  on  strike  did  no  like  it,  as  they  would 
have  to  explain  that  many  of  their  own  words  had  been 
misconceived ;  but  they  went  at  it  loyally,  and  succeeded, 
a  ballot  ending  in  a  vote  for  resumption.  Even  then  it 
10 


136     COTTON,    BOILERMAKERS,    AND    COAL,    1910 

was  some  time  before  work  was  resumed  at  all  the  pits, 
since,  in  addition  to  dislike  at  giving  way,  there  were  such 
matters  as  domestic  routine  interfered  with  by  the  change. 
If  a  husband  and  two  sons  worked  in  different  pits  and  came 
home  at  different  hours,  the  house  could  never  be  made  or 
kept  clean  ;  if,  instead  of  leaving  early,  a  man  wanted 
breakfast  and  hung  about  the  house,  the  babies  could 
not  be  so  well  minded  or  the  house-work  done,  and  shopping 
time  was  shortened. 

Coal  in  South  Wales  caused  the  next  difficulty.  The 
owners  had  given  notice  to  terminate  on  March  31  a  wages 
agreement  made  in  1905.  A  new  agreement  had  to  be  made, 
on  which  the  South  Wales  Conciliation  Board  could  not 
agree.  As  all  contracts  terminated  on  March  31  unless  an 
agreement  was  reached,  very  great  disorganisation  was 
certain  to  be  created  in  the  Welsh  coal-fields. i  It  was 
announced  that  no  arrangements  had  been  made  for  any 
further  meeting  of  the  Conciliation  Board.  In  fact,  the 
parties  were  drifting  into  a  great  dispute  without  any  steps 
being  taken  for  any  further  discussion.  On  March  23  I 
went  to  Cardiff,  and  managed  to  obtain  the  consent  of  the 
parties  to  resume  talking,  and  to  cement  the  understanding 
in  London.  The  parties,  separately,  met  Mr.  Buxton, 
President  of  the  Board  of  Trade,  myself  and  other  officials 
on  March  24,  and  on  March  26  had  another  meeting  at  Cardiff, 
from  which  a  new  Conciliation  Board  agreement  was  evolved 
"  to  determine  the  general  rate  of  wages  to  be  paid  to  the 
workmen,  and  to  deal  with  disputes  of  the  various  collieries 
of  the  owners,"  subject  to  the  conditions  which  were  set 
out  in  an  agreement  extending  to  twenty-seven  clauses, 
the  agreement  to  continue  in  force  till  March  31,  1915, 
and  thenceforth  until  either  party  should  give  three  calendar 
months'  notice  terminating  the  same.  I  waited  at  Cardiff 
while  this  agreement  was  being  settled,  but  let  it  be  ex- 
pressly known  that  I  was  only  there  to  report  results,  and 
not  to  interfere.  The  agreement  prevented  a  general  strike 
in  South  Wales,  and  perhaps  narrowed  the  serious  sectional 
dispute  later  in  the  year. 

Cases  not  dissimilar,  in  the  principle  that  the  parties  had 
got  into  a  deadlock,  had  ceased  negotiation,  and  were 
starting  on  strikes  which  were  bound  to  spread,  or  even 
cause  wide  disputes,  occurred  during  the  summer  in  Ayr- 
shire coal-mines  and  with  the  dock-labourers  at  Newport, 


A   ONE   MAN  DISPUTE  137 

Monmouthshire.  Suggestions  were  made  to  the  parties 
after  negotiations  which  occupied  much  time,  but  ulti- 
mately led  to  the  disputes  being  referred  to  Courts  of 
Arbitration.  Another  dispute,  of  Huddersfield  woollen 
manufacturers  and  spinners,  yarn-spinners  and  fine  cloth 
manufacturers  with  their  willeyers  and  fettlers,  promised 
to  have  serious  developments,  as  it  would  have  affected 
so  many  other  sections,  but  was  settled  after  a  long  confer- 
ence I  held  at  Huddersfield.  Then  in  September  came 
serious  trouble  in  the  cotton-spinning  industry,  all  through 
the  dismissal  of  one  man,  George  Howe,  who  by  instruction 
of  the  Card  and  Blowing  Room  Operatives'  Association  had 
refused  to  "  pick  "  or  clean  flats,  which  he  declared  not  to 
be  his  work  as  a  grinder,  at  the  Fern  Mill,  Shaw,  in 
Lancashire.  The  secretaries  of  the  two  Associations  got 
involved  in  a"  squabble  over  the  meaning  of  the  Brooklands 
Agreement,  that  famous  but  badly  drafted  agreement 
then  governing  a  great  part  of  the  cotton  trade.  It  is  not 
surprising  that  the  draft  was  vague,  as  it  had  been  signed 
after  an  all-night  conference  at  a  wayside  inn,  where  some 
representatives  of  each  party  had  managed  to  meet  and 
patch  up  a  settlement  after  all  other  negotiations  had 
broken  down.  The  cardroom  people  asserted  that  the 
employers  had  broken  one  clause  of  the  agreement ;  the 
employers  retaliated  by  asserting  that  the  operatives  had 
infringed  another  clause. 

The  269  mill-hands  at  the  Fern  Mill  had  all  struck  on 
June  7.  The  employers  insisted  they  should  return  to 
work,  but  finally  offered  arbitration,  either  by  me  or  the 
firms  of  solicitors  who  represented  the  organisations  at  the 
drawing  up  of  the  Brooklands  Agreement,  on  the  question 
as  to  which  side  had  broken  the  Brooklands  Agreement. 
Informal  conferences  of  the  representatives  led  to  nothing. 
On  September  19  the  Federation  of  Master  Cotton-spinners 
decided  on  a  general  lockout,  failing  an  agreement. 
Meanwhile  the  delegates  of  the  cardroom  operatives  had 
been  considering  the  matter,  and  almost  at  the  same  time 
agreed  to  accept  me  as  arbitrator,  but  they  demanded  that 
the  Fern  Mill  should  continue  to  be  stopped  until  the  award 
was  given.  This  proposal  the  employers  refused  :  they  said 
that,  prior  to  any  hearing,  work  must  be  resumed  without 
George  Howe,  whose  dismissal  was  the  question  in  dispute. 
It  was  a  very  delicate  matter  to  intervene  or  appear  to 


138    COTTON,    BOILERMAKERS,    AND    COAL,    1910 

intervene  in  the  cotton  trade.  That  trade  had  always  prided 
itself  on  settling  its  own  differences.  Mr.  Lloyd  George 
had  tried  to  intervene  in  November  1907,  when  a  strike 
had  been  threatened,  also  on  a  question  of  interpretation  of 
the  Brooklands  Agreement ;  but  though  he  had  gone  to 
Manchester  with  many  assistants,  the  parties  on  his  second 
visit  would  not  meet  him,  but  made  an  agreement  by 
themselves  which,  out  of  courtesy,  the  employers  reported 
to  him.  It  appeared  to  me,  however,  that  I  had  been 
chosen  as  an  arbitrator  by  both  sides,  and  that  as  an 
arbitrator  it  was  proper  for  me  to  discuss  the  procedure 
of  arbitration,  possibly  whether  there  was  to  be  an 
arbitration  or  not,  and  on  these  grounds  I  managed  to 
arrange  a  meeting  between  the  parties  at  Manchester. 
Both  sides  were  very  determined,  there  was  strong  and 
bitter  feeling  ;  the  question  of  George  Howe  was  discussed 
up  hill  and  down  dale,  the  following  proposals  being 
exchanged  : 

Employers — Before  arbitration  takes  place,  the  Fern 
Mill  must  start  without  George  Howe.  If  you  agree  to 
this  we  will  withdraw  the  lockout  notices,  and  in  the  event 
of  arbitration  going  against  us,  pay  George  Howe  the  whole 
of  his  wages  from  the  time  he  was  stopped  up  to  the  time 
the  arbitrators'  award  is  given.  Beyond  this  we  cannot 

go. 

Operatives — Your  proposal  is  practically  the  same  as 
offered  previously.  We  cannot  accept  it.  Either  the  mill 
must  stop  until  the  arbitration  is  over,  or  George  Howe 
start  work  with  the  other  workpeople  at  the  Fern  Mill. 
We  are  agreed  that  Mr.  Askwith  be  asked  to  arbitrate  on 
the  question  as  to  who  has  broken  the  Brooklands  Agree- 
ment, at  once. 

The  Employers  replied  :  "  We  have  nothing  further 
to  add  to  our  previous  proposal."  This  answer  closed  the 
conference.  The  parties  separated  without  any  arrange- 
ment for  further  discussion,  the  notices  terminated,  and  on 
October  3  the  lockout  commenced  with  about  102,000 
people,  and  the  certainty  that  in  a  few  days  other  sections 
would  have  to  stop  work.  The  evils  of  a  great  cotton 
stoppage  seemed  almost  inevitable. 

I  felt  that  I  had  no  alternative  but  to  attempt  to 
minimise  the  block  caused  by  the  position  in  which  George 
Howe  was  placed,  and  in  which  both  Associations  were 


THE  BROOKLANDS  AGREEMENT      189 

placed  by  crystallising  on  George  Howe.  My  contention 
was  that  the  real  point  was  to  consider  the  powers  each  side 
had  under  the  Brooklands  Agreement,  and  if  necessary 
to  amend  them,  not  to  assume  that  one  or  the  other  must 
have  broken  the  agreement.  Although  the  conference 
had  scattered  to  all  parts  of  Lancashire,  there  remained  in 
Manchester  some  of  the  leaders,  and  with  them  I  conferred 
the  whole  of  the  following  day,  when  these  arguments 
prevailed.  The  cardroom  workers  called  a  meeting  the 
next  day,  Sunday,  and  accepted  the  suggestion.  They 
proposed  to  the  employers  to  consider  and  decide,  at  a 
joint  conference  prior  to  arbitration,  if  arbitration  should 
be  necessary,  under  my  chairmanship,  the  respective  powers 
under  the  Brooklands  Agreement  with  the  significant 
addition,  "As  by  your  offer  of  September  30  it  is  provided 
that  George  Howe  shall  not  suffer  if  you  are  found  to  be 
in  the  wrong,  and  that  we  on  our  part  shall  not  allow  him 
to  suffer  if  we  are  found  to  be  in  the  wrong,  we  agree  to  the 
starting  of  the  Fern  Mill  under  the  conditions  of  your  offer 
of  September  30.  As  you  have  stated  you  have  no  feeling 
against  George  Howe,  we  take  it  you  will  recognise  that  he 
was  advised  by  us,  and  we  shall  be  glad  to  hear  that  you 
would  be  willing  to  find  him  another  similar  situation  as  a 
grinder  in  the  Shaw  district." 

The  secretary  of  the  employers  knew,  through  me,  that 
this  message  was  coming,  and  that  night  summoned  the 
employers  from  various  parts  of  Lancashire  to  a  special 
meeting  the  following  afternoon.  Then  the  whole  plan 
nearly  broke  down.  The  cardroom  representatives  had 
managed  to  send  a  letter  to  the  employers'  secretary, 
conveying  quite  a  different  impression,  of  which  I  heard 
early  on  Monday  morning.  This  letter,  if  read,  would  have 
roused  the  employers  as  a  useless  renewal  of  old  proposals, 
made  me  look  foolish,  and  given  colour  to  suggestions  of 
double-dealing  against  the  men.  The  employers  were 
in  trains  and  could  not  be  stopped.  It  was  vital  to  get 
the  matter  put  in  order  before  they  met  in  the  afternoon  ; 
but  fortunately  the  position  was  rectified  just  in  time. 
The  employers  replied  they  would  agree  to  the  conference, 
but  that,  while  they  were  willing  to  recommend  the  em- 
ployers in  the  Shaw  district  to  give  George  Howe  the  first 
vacancy  that  arose,  they  had  no  power  to  find  him  a  situa- 
tion. On  this  the  cardroom  representatives  said  that,  as 


140    COTTON,    BOILERMAKERS,    AND    COAL,    1910 

their  proposal  was  not  accepted,  they  could  not  accept  the 
suggestions  contained  in  the  employers'  reply.  This  did 
not  look  very  promising.  George  Howe  had  again  become 
the  stumbling-block  ;  but  it  was  possible  to  deduce  that 
if  George  Howe,  who  was  not  himself  overanxious  to  remain 
in  the  Fern  Mill,  provided  he  got  an  exactly  similar  berth, 
could  get  a  suitable  situation,  both  parties  would  have 
their  points  met.  Could  this  be  done  ?  As  neither  side 
would  move,  and  as  there  was  no  vacancy  in  any  mill 
except  at  the  Fern  Mill  if  George  Howe  left  it,  it  was  neces- 
sary to  find  a  mill-owner  who  would  accept  him  and  a  man 
who  would  fill  up  the  Fern  vacancy,  and  thus  create  a 
new  vacancy  into  which  George  Howe  could  step.  It  was 
eventually  done.  Another  company  agreed  "  to  engage 
George  Howe  as  stripper  and  grinder  to  work  for  them  on 
the  same  terms  and  conditions  as  the  men  now  in  their 
employ";  and  the  Fern  Spinning  Company  offered  "to 
engage  the  man  who  will  be  displaced  by  the  engaging  of 
George  Howe  elsewhere,  as  stripper  and  grinder  to  work 
for  them  on  the  same  terms  and  conditions  as  the  men  now 
in  their  employ." 

The  preliminary  difficulty  was  closed.  Return  to  work 
followed,  while  both  parties  agreed  that  an  opinion  on  the 
original  dispute  should  be  deferred  till  feeling  was  less 
acute.  It  had  become  practically  unnecessary,  except  for 
future  guidance,  but  two  conferences  were  held  on  the 
matter,  and  when  finally  an  opinion  was  given,  some  months 
after,  I  found  that  there  was  a  gap  in  the  Brooklands 
Agreement.  No  provision  was  made  in  it,  where  there  was 
a  difference  of  opinion  about  a  particular  change  of  work, 
to  ensure  that  it  must  be  dealt  with  before  a  stoppage  of 
work,  in  the  spirit  of  the  Brooklands  Agreement,  by  mutual 
understanding  or  agreement,  and  that  the  secretaries 
ought  to  meet,  and  if  they  differed  on  procedure,  the  matter 
should  come  before  the  Associations  for  discussion  on  merits. 
The  suggestion  was  made  that,  unless  steps  were  taken  in 
this  direction,  there  was  danger  of  recurrence  of  similar 
difficulties,  which  ought  to  be  obviated.  The  parties 
agreed  with  the  suggestion,  and  provided  a  clause  designed 
to  prevent  a  recurrence. 

In  the  same  autumn,  of  1910,  another  great  lockout 
occurred,  in  the  Federated  Shipyards  and  Ship-repairing 
yards  at  all  the  principal  ports.  It  was  alleged  the  boiler- 


BOILERMAKERS  141 

makers  were  not  keeping  the  agreement  of  March  9,  1909, 
at  certain  ports,  but  stopping  work  without  following  the 
procedure  laid  down.  The  employers  were  incensed  at  the 
number  of  sporadic  strikes,  and  the  absence  of  control 
over  their  men  which  the  executive  of  the  boilermakers 
appeared  to  exhibit.  The  boilermakers'  services  were 
dispensed  with  after  Saturday,  September  3,  with  a 
notification  that  resumption  of  work  would  not  be  permitted 
until  satisfactory  assurances  had  been  given  for  the  due 
observance  of  the  agreement  of  March  1909.  The 
boilermakers'  executive  council  were  thus  put  in  the  big 
fix  of  showing  the  employers  that  any  assurances  they  gave 
would  be  satisfactory  and  implemented  by  the  men,  a 
position  rendered  still  more  difficult  when  the  men,  by 
10,193  to  5,087,  decided  against  agreeing  to  support  them 
in  any  assurances  they  might  wish  to  give,  though  they 
did  agree  that  a  representative  meeting  should  be  held  at 
Newcastle.  Representatives  from  this  meeting  conferred 
for  three  days  with  the  employers  at  Edinburgh.  No 
agreement  resulted,  save  the  appointment  of  a  small  sub- 
committee of  each  party  to  confer  further.  These  sub- 
committees reached  a  provisional  agreement  on  October  11, 
but  on  a  ballot  the  men  turned  it  down  by  10,212  to  9,054. 
The  boilermakers'  representatives  now  tried  the  effect  of 
getting  an  explanation  of  certain  clauses  of  the  agreement 
from  the  Employers'  Federation.  They  were  given,  and 
another  ballot  taken  :  15,563  against  the  agreement,  and 
only  5,650  for  it.  The  difficulty  was  becoming  worse  and 
worse,  more  men  voting  at  each  ballot,  and  a  huge 
majority  turning  down  the  proposed  agreement.  I 
managed  to  see  some  of  the  boilermakers'  executive,  and 
put  to  them  a  suggestion  that  the  best  course  might  be  to 
get  at  the  heart  of  the  discontent.  That  procedure  had 
answered  earlier  in  the  year  with  the  Northumberland  coal 
trade  ;  and  I  thought  it  might  be  tried  in  this  very  obstinate 
dispute,  which  the  shipbuilders  were  quietly  watching. 
They  agreed,  and  made  arrangements  to  get  specially 
appointed  delegates  to  come  to  London.  Then,  after  a 
preliminary  meeting  of  the  emergency  committee  with 
Mr.  Buxton,  I  held  a  conference  for  three  days,  at  the  end 
of  November,  with  the  executive  council  and,  above  all,  the 
specially  appointed  delegates  from  the  districts  affected  by 
the  dispute.  The  Boilermakers'  Society  is  a  very  scattered 


142     COTTON,    BOILERMAKERS,    AND    COAL,    1910 

society,  its  members  being  in  every  port  in  the  country.  It 
is  a  very  difficult  society  to  control  from  Newcastle.  These 
meetings  were  probably  the  first  occasion  on  which  many 
of  the  delegates  had  ever  met  each  other.  Possibly  they 
did  more  to  weld  the  society  together  than  any  meetings 
it  could  usually  hold.  The  discussion  was  certainly  most 
interesting.  Every  man  had  his  say,  and  did  not  omit  to 
take  the  opportunity,  some  very  strong  remarks  being 
bandied  about.  After  two  days  it  was  suggested  they 
should  come  to  business,  and  a  small  draft  committee 
prepared  a  report.  It  was  unanimously  accepted  ;  and  the 
results  were  forwarded  to  the  employers.  On  December 
7  and  8  the  employers  again  met  the  boilermakers, 
including  the  special  delegates  ;  together  with  representa- 
tives of  the  other  shipyard  trade  unions,  who  would 
naturally  be  affected  by  any  change  in  the  1909  agreement. 
This  time  the  conference  was  fruitful.  The  method  of 
settling  disputes  was  revised  and  expedited.  An  agreement 
was  reached  and  signed  by  everybody,  with  the  following 
remarkable  paragraph  : 

"  We  the  undersigned  representatives  of  the  Boiler- 
makers' and  Iron  Shipbuilders'  Society,  consisting  of  the 
Executive  Council,  the  District  Delegates,  representatives 
of  District  Committees  and  specially  chosen  representatives 
from  the  various  areas  affected  by  the  dispute,  unanimously 
agree  that  the  foregoing  is  a  fair  and  equitable  settlement, 
and  we  unanimously  pledge  ourselves,  individually  and  col- 
lectively, to  recommend  it  as  such  to  our  members." 

The  ballot  of  the  members  of  the  Boilermakers'  Society 
resulted  in  a  large  majority  in  favour  of  the  agreement,  and 
work  was  accordingly  resumed  on  December  15.  The 
Boilermakers'  Executive  kindly  presented  me  with  a 
souvenir  in  the  shape  of  a  specially  bound  copy  of  their 
Annual  Report,  containing  the  new  rules. 

The  third  large  dispute  of  1910  lasted  for  a  whole  year, 
and  was  the  forerunner  of  the  disputes  of  1911.  Ostensibly 
it  arose  over  the  refusal  of  Welsh  coal-owners  to  entertain 
one  of  the  proposals  made  earlier  in  the  year,  when  the 
Conciliation  Board  was  formed,  to  give  payment  of  a  fixed 
wage  to  workmen  employed  in  "  abnormal  places  "  ;  a 
difficulty  not  reduced  till  the  passing  of  the  Coal  Mines 


THE   CAMBRIAN   STRIKE  143 

(Minimum  Wage)  Act  at  a  later  date,  but  it  indicated  other 
symptoms.  It  showed  that  South  Wales  miners  would  not 
accept,  under  certain  conditions,  either  the  proposals  made 
by  agreement  between  both  sides  of  the  Conciliation  Board, 
or  the  assurances  of  the  owners  or  the  advice  of  their  own 
Executive  or  the  Miners'  Federation  of  Great  Britain,  or 
the  suggestions  and  efforts  made  by  the  Board  of  Trade. 
A  large  section  of  10,000  men,  when  support  was  withdrawn 
by  their  own  Association  and  the  National  Association  to 
which  they  belonged,  still  held  out  by  themselves  for  months, 
ultimately  accepting,  in  August,  the  very  terms  put  before 
them  by  me  in  January,  and  in  the  result  finding  that  those 
terms  worked  satisfactorily  ;  but  resuming  work  with  a 
feeling  of  bitterness.  It  showed  that  there  was  serious  and 
growing  revolt  in  South  Wales  against  owners  and  against 
their  old  leaders,  a  new  spirit  of  disaffection  among  the 
younger  men,  which  the  events  of  subsequent  years  have 
not  dispelled. 

As  often  happens,  the  dispute  had  a  small  beginning. 
It  commenced  with  a  strike  of  a  few  men  in  the  employment 
of  the  Cambrian  Combine  in  the  Rhondda  Valley,  with 
differences  at  one  mine  called  the  Ely  Pit,  Penygraig,  over 
the  price-list  of  a  particular  seam.  The  owners,  on  Sep- 
tember 1,  closed  the  pit  on  the  ground  that  without  this 
price-list  the  mine  could  not  be  worked  at  a  profit.  A 
rumour  spread  that  the  men  out  of  work  by  this  closing 
were  being  boycotted  at  other  pits,  and  two  other  pits 
struck  in  sympathy.  A  price-list  was  provisionally  settled 
by  the  chairmen  of  the  two  sides  of  the  South  Wales  Miners' 
Conciliation  Board,  a  settlement  which  usually  would  have 
been  considered  final,  and  at  least  tried,  but  on  this  occasion 
the  Ely  men  rejected  it.  The  strike  now  spread  farther, 
about  10,000  men  ceasing  work.  On  November  7  serious 
riots  commenced,  and  police  and  military  were  called  in. 
The  situation  became  grave.  I  determined  to  try  again 
the  policy  of  getting  at  the  heart  of  the  difficulty,  and  invited 
the  officials  of  the  miners,  together  with  representative 
miners  from  the  district  where  the  trouble  existed,  to  meet 
me  in  London,  in  order  that  the  difficulty  in  acceptance  of 
the  price-list  might  be  fully  explained.  Several  conferences 
ensued,  but  the  various  representatives  of  the  men  could 
not  come  to  any  agreement  among  themselves.  It  seemed 
that  there  was  sufficient  ground,  however,  for  a  meeting 


144     COTTON,    BOILERMAKERS,    AND    COAL,    1910 

with  the  owners.  Three  were  held  during  December,  at 
Cardiff,  but  no  settlement  was  arrived  at.  The  suggestion 
was  continually  made  that  the  proposed  price-list  indicated 
a  desire  to  lower  general  wages  and  not  give  payment  for 
abnormal  places,  such  as  were  alleged  to  be  likely  to  occur 
in  this  seam.  There  seemed  to  be  distrust  of  the  faith 
of  the  owners,  so  that  I  suggested  and  received  an  assurance 
in  writing  from  Mr.  D.  A.  Thomas  (afterwards  Lord 
Rhondda)  that 

"  We  have  no  desire  or  intention  to  reduce  the  general 
level  of  wages,  while  we  would  readily  give  our  undertaking 
to  supplement  low  wages  by  allowances,  as  is  customary 
throughout  the  coal-field,  when  such  are  caused  by 
difficulties  of  working  places,  so  as  to  enable  fair  wages  to 
be  earned." 

An  assurance  had  been  asked  for  and  an  assurance  given, 
but  still  the  men  would  not  accept.  The  General  Miners' 
Federation  now  came  into  the  matter,  as  their  members  had 
decided  to  give  financial  assistance  to  the  Cambrian  men. 
Messrs.  Ashton  and  W.  E.  Harvey,  their  representatives, 
caught  hold  of  the  assurance  point,  and  after  a  long  meeting 
with  the  Welshmen  and  myself,  asked  me  to  arrange  another 
meeting  with  the  owners,  on  the  plea  of  explanations  of 
the  assurances.  A  meeting  was  held  on  February  10,  and 
I  put  down  the  strongest  assurances  in  writing  as  given 
by  the  manager  of  the  Cambrian  combine,  Mr.  Llewellyn. 

Even  these  did  not  satisfy  the  executive  council  of  the 
South  Wales  Miners'  Federation,  who  rejected  them.  The 
strike  dragged  on,  until  a  month  later  I  was  again  asked  to 
arrange  another  meeting  between  the  parties.  This  time 
the  owners  said  they  did  not  consider  any  good  purpose 
would  be  served  by  another  meeting.  They  could  not  add 
any  further  assurances.  The  miners'  executives  then 
decided  to  take  a  ballot,  with  the  result  that  the  miners,  on 
March  25,  voted  by  7,141  to  309  against  acceptance. 
The  Miners'  Federation  of  Great  Britain  once  more  took 
the  matter  up,  and  resolved  that  the  price-list  ought  to  be 
referred  to  arbitration,  calling  on  the  Executive  Council 
to  give  effect  to  this  resolution.  The  owners  would  not 
agree  to  this,  but  met  representatives  of  the  Miners' 
Federation,  and  on  May  15  these  two  parties  agreed  that 


A   SUMMING  UP  145 

the  list  of  October  22, 1910,  should  be  given  a  twelvemonth's 
trial,  the  men  having  the  assurances  of  the  owners,  and  it 
being  understood  that  members  of  the  Joint  Conciliation 
Board  should  deal  with  any  complaints.  It  was  practicable 
to  make  such  an  agreement,  which  was,  in  fact,  exactly  the 
same  as  had  been  suggested  at  our  conferences  in  the 
previous  January ;  but  it  was  unanimously  rejected  by  the 
lodges  of  the  South  Wales  Miners'  Federation.  On  this 
result,  the  Miners'  Federation  of  Great  Britain  withdrew, 
on  June  13,  1911,  and  cut  off  their  financial  support,  but 
the  strike  still  went  on.  It  lasted  till  August  31,  when  the 
Cambrian  men  agreed  to  accept  the  terms,  which  they  could 
have  had  eight  months  before  ! 

The  position  at  the  end  of  1910  was  so  well  summed  up 
by  Mr.  Philip  Snowden  (then  M.P.)  that  perhaps  he  will 
forgive  me  for  quoting  and  endorsing  some  of  his  words. 
He  is  the  only  man,  as  far  as  I  know,  who  accurately 
summed  up  the  position  and  gave  an  accurate  prophecy. 
With  some  shortening,  his  statement  was  : 

"  The  year  1910  has  been  an  exceedingly  trying  time  for 
all  who  have  had  any  responsibility  for  the  management 
of  trade  unions  and  the  direction  of  the  Labour  movement. 
The  men  connected  with  a  number  of  important  trade 
unions  have  shown  a  good  deal  of  dissatisfaction  with  the 
actions  of  their  responsible  officials,  and  this  dissatisfaction 
has  expressed  itself  in  some  cases  in  rebellion  against  the 
agreements  entered  into  by  the  Union  Executive  and  in 
unauthorised  strikes.  Trouble  of  this  sort  has  been  chiefly 
active  in  the  North-East  of  England,  on  the  Clyde,  and  in 
South  Wales.  On  the  North-Eastern  Railway,  a  matter 
of  the  most  trivial  character  was  made  the  excuse  for  the 
men  in  a  Newcastle  goods  yard  to  stop  work,  and  this 
immediately  led  to  a  general  cessation,  which  for  a  few 
days  paralysed  the  railway  system.  This  unauthorised 
and  spontaneous  action  on  the  men's  part  was  a  way  of 
expressing  their  general  discontent.  The  company  con- 
ceded the  immediate  demands  of  the  men,  so  that  their 
action  in  taking  matters  into  their  own  hands  and  over- 
riding the  authority  of  the  Union  Executive  may,  like  the 
actions  of  the  locked-out  boilermakers,  be  considered  to  have 
been  justified  by  its  success.  But  victories  of  this  sort 
may  be  bought  too  dearly.  Discipline  in  trade  unionism 


146    COTTON,    BOILERMAKERS,    AND    COAL,    1910 

is  too  vital  a  thing  to  be  injured  by  violation,  and,  though 
an  occasional  irresponsible  movement  may  succeed,  such 
a  practice  must,  if  frequently  adopted,  be  destructive  of 
collective  bargaining  and  of  trade  unionism  itself ;  for  no 
executive  could  retain  office  if  its  authority  were  not 
respected.  By  the  side  of  the  success  of  the  North-Eastern 
strike  may  be  put  the  complete  failure  of  the  unauthorised 
stoppage  of  work  of  the  Durham  and  Aberdare  Valley 
miners. 

"  The  trouble  which  the  trade  union  leaders  have  had  in 
dealing  with  their  men  has  been  experienced  to  some 
extent  by  the  political  Labour  movement.  A  minority  in 
the  Independent  Labour  Party  has  been  actively  endeavour- 
ing to  foment  opposition  to  the  Parliamentary  Labour 
Party,  but  the  Labour  candidatures  at  the  recent  General 
Election  do  not  appear  to  have  suffered  from  this  internal 
criticism,  which  is  evidently  much  more  noisy  than 
influential.  The  trouble  with  the  extreme  Socialist  critics 
and  the  Labour  Party  is  that  they  want  to  apply  ideal 
perfection  to  a  very  imperfect  set  of  conditions. 

"  The  difficulties  of  the  trade  union  leaders  and  of  the 
Labour  Party  have  been  increased  last  year  by  the  legal 
injunctions  which  have  been  granted  restraining  the 
unions  from  using  any  part  of  their  funds  for  political 
purposes.  The  trade  unions  made  this  a  test  question  at 
the  late  General  Election,  and  a  sufficient  number  of  mem- 
bers pledged  to  support  an  amendment  of  the  law  as  it  now 
stands  have  been  returned  to  ensure  the  question  being 
favourably  treated  in  the  new  Parliament. 

"  In  1910 — a  year  of  record  trade — wages  remained 
practically  stationary.  The  cost  of  living  increases,  and 
the  working  people's  desires  rightly  grow.  But  with 
stationary  wages,  the  real  condition  of  the  workers  is  one 
of  diminishing  power  to  satisfy  desires.  This  is  one  of  the 
causes  of  the  unrest  in  the  Labour  world.  With  the  spread 
of  education,  with  the  display  of  wealth  and  luxury  by  the 
rich,  it  is  certain  that  the  workers  will  not  be  content. 
It  is  the  duty  of  statesmanship  to  acknowledge  the  justice 
of  the  desire  of  the  workers  for  a  more  human  and  cultured 
life,  and  to  satisfy  this  unrest  by  concessions  of  reform. 
If  employers  and  politicians  are  so  unwise  as  to  ignore  the 
demands  of  Labour,  then  what  might  be  done  by  safe  and 
constitutional  methods  will,  by  great  suffering  and  loss, 


PROGRESS   OF   CONCILIATION  147 

be  accomplished  by  industrial  strife,  and  through  social 
anarchy. 

"  The  increasing  activity  of  the  Board  of  Trade  in  Labour 
disputes  has  been  very  marked  during  the  past  year.  Its 
present  legal  powers  in  the  way  of  conciliation  are  very 
limited,  being  confined  practically  to  offering  to  the  re- 
spective parties  the  impartial  services  of  a  Government 
department.  Mr.  Askwith,  K.C.,  has  rendered  invaluable 
services  during  the  past  year,  and  it  is  a  pity  that,  as  the 
representative  of  the  community  which  has  much  at  stake 
in  every  industrial  dispute,  he  has  not  more  authority  to 
knock  a  little  more  common  sense  into  the  heads  of  those 
responsible  for  protracted  industrial  dispute.  In  spite  of 
the  unusual  activity  of  a  few  persons  who  have  been 
industriously  preaching  the  new  Industrial  Unionism — 
which  is  the  gospel  of  fighting  armed  men  with  fists  fed 
from  empty  stomachs — the  idea  of  conciliation  in  industrial 
disputes  has  made  progress  during  the  past  year.  If 
there  could  be  a  general  recognition  of  the  right  of  Labour 
to  share  to  a  much  greater  extent  in  the  national  income, 
the  method  of  conciliation  might  prove  a  very  acceptable 
way  of  securing  that  end. 

"  The  year  upon  which  we  have  just  entered  is  likely 
to  be  a  momentous  one  for  Labour.  There  is  trouble  brew- 
ing in  a  number  of  trades  which  may  break  out  into  open 
hostilities.  Labour  has  become  aggressive,  and  is  not 
merely  opposing  attack,  but  is  determined  upon  advances." 


CHAPTER  XVI 

TRANSPORT   WORKERS,    1911 

WHILE  the  Cambrian  dispute  was  still  dragging  its  slow 
length  along,  the  great  outburst  of  1911  commenced  with  a 
general  strike  of  seamen  and  firemen  at  Southampton. 
The  strike  rapidly  spread  to  most  of  the  principal  ports 
of  the  United  Kingdom.  Dock  labourers  and  other  trans- 
port workers  ceased  work  in  support  of  the  seamen,  each 
branch  putting  forward  its  own  claims.  The  strike  at 
Southampton  started  on  June  14,  and  was  based  on  a 
national  programme,  claiming  : 

1.  The  constitution  of  a  conciliation  board. 

2.  A  minimum  rate  of  wages. 

3.  Manning  scale  for  stokehold,  deck,  and  galley. 

4.  Abolition  of  medical  examination  by  doctors  privately 
appointed  by  the  Shipping  Federation. 

5.  Abolition   of  payment   of  seamen   in   the   Shipping 
Federation  offices. 

6.  Right  of  seamen  to  a  portion  of  their  wages  in  a  port 
during  a  voyage. 

7.  Right  of  a  seaman  to  have  a  representative  present 
when  signing  on. 

8.  Hours  of  labour  and  rates  and  overtime  to  be  fixed. 

9.  Improved  forecastle  accommodation. 

On  June  16  Goole  also  went  up,  and  Goole  was  followed 
on  June  20  by  Hull,  the  dock  labourers  striking  in  support 
of  the  seamen  and  bringing  forward  claims  of  their  own. 
The  seamen  were  a  more  organised  union ;  the  dock 
labourers  simply  took  the  opportunity  and  joined  hands  with 
them,  without  any  definite  scheme,  or  organisation  of  port 
with  port.  In  fact,  it  proved  difficult  in  some  cases  to  find 
out  exactly  what  their  claims  were,  though  at  the  base 
of  all  was  the  economic  demand,  more  money,  in  view  of 
increased  cost  of  living  and  rising  profits.  Although  the 

148 


HULL  149 

movement  started  with  the  seamen,  who  had  arranged 
and  considered  their  claims,  the  real  movement  came  from 
the  dockers  and  other  transport  workers,  and  following 
them  the  carters  and,  later,  the  railwaymen.  One  of  the 
leading  Labour  politicians,  so  far  from  knowing  of  any 
agreed  movement,  said  to  me  later,  "  I  don't  know  what 
has  come  over  the  country.  Everyone  seems  to  have  lost 
their  heads."  Other  people  talked  of  the  strike  fever. 
The  Times,  in  the  autumn,  suggested  the  hot  weather  was 
largely  responsible  ;  to  be  soon  disabused  by  a  serious 
strike  at  Dundee  in  the  bitter  weather  at  the  end  of 
December.  The  Midlands  complacently  talked  of  the 
madness  of  the  ports  and  that  all  was  quiet  in  Birmingham 
and  its  districts,  also  to  be  disabused  by  an  upheaval  a 
few  months  later.  The  heads  of  the  great  shipping  lines, 
much  less  the  dock  authorities,  did  not  seem  to  know.  One 
shipowner  came  to  me  and  discussed  the  matter ;  he 
spoke  of  it  as  a  revolution,  and  so  it  was.  The  dockers 
at  Goole  and  Hull,  he  said,  had  new  leaders,  men  unknown 
before  ;  the  employers  did  not  know  how  to  deal  with  them  ; 
the  military  were  close  by,  but  they  were  Territorials  from 
Hull — what  would  be  their  attitude  ?  The  shipowners  could 
not  recognise  the  Seamen's  Union  :  the  Federation  forbade. 
Metropolitan  police  had  been  asked  for  and  were  on  their 
way.  Fires,  looting,  riots  had  started  at  once.  They  were 
thoroughly  surprised  ;  and  could  not  understand  the  cause. 
"  Well,"  I  said,  "  what  are  you  going  to  do  ?  "  He  did  not 
know.  I  remarked  that  the  powers  of  the  Board  of  Trade 
depended  only  upon  the  Conciliation  Act ;  inquiry  could 
be  made,  but  a  rebuff  might  make  matters  worse.  I  had 
been  in  Hull  twice,  over  disputes  with  trawlers,  and  the 
seamen  knew  me,  or  of  me.  I  knew  nothing  of  their  present 
attitude  after  these  settlements,  but,  if  the  President 
agreed,  I  was  willing  to  come  to  Hull  and  see  whether  it  was 
possible  to  do  anything  in  the  face  of  this  position,  provided 
it  could  be  ascertained  that  the  new  leaders  of  the  men 
would  meet  me  and  the  employers.  This  plan  was  accepted, 
and  I  went,  with  Mr.  Mitchell,  to  Hull,  on  receipt  of  a  tele- 
gram. There  was  no  doubt  about  the  upheaval  when  one 
got  there,  but  without  dilating  upon  that,  the  only  definite 
claims  were  those  of  the  seamen,  and  those  we  proceeded 
to  debate.  The  others  were  sympathetic  strikes,  it  was 
said,  and  would  close  with  a  settlement. 


150  TRANSPORT    WORKERS,    1911 

After  many  hours  an  agreement  was  reached.  Every- 
body seemed  to  be  pleased.  Though  the  situation  was 
complicated  by  a  by-election  then  proceeding,  in  which 
Mr.  (afterwards  Sir  Mark)  Sykes  was  standing,  and  finally 
got  in,  few  paid  any  attention  to  that.  A  settlement  had 
been  achieved.  It  should  be  proclaimed  to  the  people  ; 
and  the  men's  leaders  went  out  to  proclaim  it.  It  was 
estimated  there  were  15,000  people  there  when  the  leaders 
began  their  statement.  They  announced  a  settlement ; 
and  before  my  turn  came,  an  angry  roar  of  "  No  !  "  rang 
out;  and  "Let's  fire  the  docks!"  from  outskirts  where 
men  ran  off.  The  crowd  surged  against  the  platform  in  a 
space  before  the  hotel ;  women  who  had  come  there  to  see 
the  show  shrieked  with  alarm. 

I  hastily  told  them  to  keep  quiet,  and  to  their  credit 
they  did.  It  was  necessary  to  act  at  once,  and  I  stood  up, 
with  raised  arm.  There  was  dead  silence.  In  a  windy 
open-air  meeting  it  was  not  possible  to  be  heard  by  all ;  the 
sound  of  a  voice  could  only  reach  a  certain  number  ;  but 
if  these  were  to  keep  calm,  the  effect  would  spread.  As 
clearly  as  I  could  I  said  the  meeting  was  adjourned ; 
the  employers  and  their  representatives  were  going  to 
continue  to  negotiate.  They  must  go  home.  With  two 
constables  in  front,  we  walked  through  that  crowd  back 
to  the  hotel,  in  perfect  peace,  to  find  turmoil  in  its 
hall.  I  heard  a  town  councillor  remark  that  he  had 
been  in  Paris  during  the  Commune  and  had  never  seen 
anything  like  this  :  the  women  were  worse  than  anything 
he  had  ever  seen,  and  he  had  not  known  there  were  such 
people  in  Hull — women  with  hair  streaming  and  half  nude, 
reeling  through  the  streets,  smashing  and  destroying. 

"  Then  you  ought  to  have  known,"  said  an  angry 
employer  ;  but  such  bickerings  had  nothing  to  do  with 
the  question  at  issue — What  was  the  real  cause  of  the  refusal 
to  accept  an  agreed  settlement  ?  I  told  the  leaders  of  the 
men  very  plainly  they  must  find  out,  though  I  thought  the 
dockers  were  the  difficulty.  I  was  there  to  discuss  claims, 
not  to  put  down  riots  ;  but  as  they  were  anxious  to  keep 
men  together  in  order  to  avoid  turmoil  in  the  streets,  I 
agreed,  if  they  would  hold  several  meetings,  to  speak  to 
them  on  the  value  of  negotiation  in  preference  to  force,  and 
also  to  speak  to  the  railwaymen,  who  were  threatening 
to  stop  the  lines,  on  the  points  that  this  dispute  was  not 


TROUBLES  At  HULL  151 

their  dispute,  they  had  their  own  organisations  for  dealing 
with  any  of  their  own  grievances,  and  that  pending  negotia- 
tions could  only  be  prejudiced  by  premature  action  which 
would  cut  off  Hull  from  the  rest  of  the  country.  These 
mass  meetings  took  place  in  halls,  to  which  different 
sections  were  directed,  and  it  was  arranged  that  further 
meetings  should  take  place  on  the  Sunday,  when  the  men 
could  instruct  their  leaders  and  also  invest  them,  if  they 
agreed,  with  full  powers,  the  meetings  to  be  held  by 
themselves  ;  but  if  they  would  proceed  on  these  lines  and 
desired  me  to  return,  I  would  come  back — otherwise  I 
should  not.  The  rest  of  the  day  was  spent  in  interviews 
with  merchants,  anxious  to  get  their  goods  cleared,  and 
insisting  that  the  military  should  come  in  and  that  the 
goods  ought  to  be  unloaded  at  any  cost.  Some  Bradford 
consignees  were  urging  delivery  of  fresh  eggs — Bradford  had 
no  eggs.  The  Hull  merchants  concerned  admitted  the  eggs 
came  from  the  Baltic,  and  had  been  collected  over  a  period 
of  several  weeks  or  months.  I  suggested  Bradford  might 
wait  for  its  "  fresh  "  eggs  a  few  days  longer.  Another  had 
lost  a  £40,000  cargo  of  salmon,  and  vowed  vengeance  on 
the  dock  authorities.  I  suggested  the  salmon  was  already 
the  food  of  other  fishes  and  the  claim  might  be  deferred.  I 
did  not  go  far  from  Hull,  but  late  on  Sunday  heard  the 
meetings  had  gone  off  well.  Employers  and  men  were 
summoned  for  Monday,  when  exactly  the  same  terms 
previously  agreed  to  were  endorsed,  with  the  addition  of 
a  halfpenny  per  hour  increase  for  the  dockers ;  and  this  time 
the  agreement  was  accepted.  The  dockers  had,  in  fact,  been 
the  stumbling-block  to  earlier  acceptance,  and  the  addition 
of  a  clause,  "  The  wages  of  men  employed  by  regular 
liners,  stevedores,  lumpers,  merchants,  wharfingers,  in  the 
loading  and  discharging  of  ships — ship  labour  only — be 
advanced  by  a  halfpenny  per  hour.  The  term  *  ship-labour ' 
includes  men  carrying  or  barrowing  direct  from  ship  to 
quay  or  from  quay  to  ship,"  completed  the  agreement. 
I  have  heard  it  said  there  is  no  remembrance  of  service 
done  or  of  peace  being  effected.  To  that  argument  I  can 
only  reply  that  during  the  War,  again  and  again,  both 
parties  from  Hull  brought  me  questions  in  dispute,  and 
asked  me  finally  to  decide  them. 

Returning  to  London,  I  found  the  Lord  Mayor  of  Man- 
chester   was     in    telephonic    communication    with    the 
11 


152  TRANSPORT   WORKERS,   1911 

President,  urging  that  I  should  come  at  once  to  that  city, 
and  so  Mr.  Mitchell  and  I  dashed  back  to  the  North.  Dis- 
putes had  commenced  with  the  seamen.  On  June  27 
the  dock  labourers  at  the  Ship  Canal  docks  had  also  ceased 
work ;  on  July  1  the  Lord  Mayor  had  held  meetings  ; 
on  July  3  the  carters  all  struck,  both  those  employed  by 
carting  contractors  and  by  railway  companies.  All 
transport  was  stopped.  Other  trades  were  following. 
Police  had  been  drafted  from  Birmingham  into  Manchester 
and  other  towns,  and  troops  into  the  neighbouring  town  of 
Salford.  The  Lord  Mayor  had  arranged  meetings  and 
suggested  I  should  act  as  conciliator,  which  had  been 
accepted.  Eighteen  or  more  trade  unions  had  bound 
themselves  by  a  pledge  that  none  should  go  back  till  all 
were  satisfied,  a  pledge  which  made  settlement  by  no  means 
an  easy  matter.  In  every  room  in  the  Town  Hall,  which 
the  Lord  Mayor  had  put  at  our  disposal,  different  trades 
were  closeted,  employers  and  employed,  debating,  dis- 
cussing, and  almost  fighting.  Hour  by  hour  and  day  by 
day,  it  was  only  possible  to  go  from  one  to  the  other,  get  a 
dispute  upon  apparent  lines  of  possible  settlement,  and 
then  answer  a  hurried  summons  to  another  room  to  prevent 
a  conference  breaking  up.  For  five  days,  for  all  the  days  and 
nearly  all  the  nights,  these  conferences  proceeded,  until 
at  last,  on  Sunday  night  (July  9),  all  the  trades  had  come  to 
agreements  except  two,  which  would  require  the  acceptance 
by  the  seamen  of  an  arrangement  slightly  modified  from 
one  which  the  men  had  refused  but  their  leaders  seemed 
inclined  to  accept,  and  the  consent  of  the  Great  Northern 
Railway  carters  to  go  back  to  work  without  any  change. 
I  described  what  followed,  in  a  speech  at  Montreal,  in 
these  terms  : — 

"  I  called  the  labour  leaders  into  a  hall  of  the  Mansion 
House,  and  after  locking  the  doors  explained  to  them  the 
situation,  and  spoke  to  them  in  this  way  :  I  put  before  them 
that  they  made  this  pledge  one  to  another  that  they  would 
not  go  back  to  work  unless  all  sections  were  settled,  and 
that  that  pledge,  being  a  mutual  pledge,  ought  not  to  be 
broken.  My  arguments  had  always  been  directed  to  the 
importance  of  keeping  agreements.  Feeling  that  that 
pledge  should  not  be  broken,  it  was  for  them,  in  the  interests 
of  Labour  and  their  own  interests,  either  to  persuade  or 


A   SCORE   OF  MANCHESTER  DISPUTES         153 

somehow  obtain  the  consent  of  those  outstanding  sections 
to  fall  in  with  the  views  of  the  rest  of  the  labour  sections 
and  get  a  settlement  by  consent.     The  dockers'  leader  got 
up  and  made  one  of  the  most  eloquent  speeches  that  I  have 
ever  heard,  so  much  so  that  when,  at  the  end  of  it,  I  said  we 
would  now  hear  what  the  leader  of  the  railwaymen  had  to 
say  on  the  same  subject,  the  seamen's  leader  said  :     '  Oh, 
don't  say  any  more ;  I  am  convinced.     I  will  go  and  tell 
what  has  been  said  to  my  committee,  and  to  a  mass  meeting 
this  evening,  and  I  will  try  to  come  back  at  ten  or  eleven 
o'clock  with  our  answer.'     At  ten  o'clock  he  was  back, 
saying  he  had  obtained  the  consent  of  the  seamen  to  modify 
the  terms  so  that  an  agreement  could  be  made  with  the 
employers.     There   still  remained  the   railway   carters — 
a  very  difficult  set  of  men,  who  were  very  angry  and  who  at 
that  period  could  not  obtain  anything.     I  told  the  labour 
leaders  that  this  proposition  was  up  to  them,  and  that  I 
must  ask  them  to  go  down  with  me  and  bring  all  their 
influence  to  bear  upon  the  carters  to  return  to  work  with 
the  rest  of  the  city.     They  did  so,  and  for  between  two  and 
three  hours  spoke,  implored,  and  almost  cursed  the  carters 
in  urging  them  to  give  way.     One  of  the  leaders  behind  me 
said  to  me  :    '  I  have  been  in  many  meetings,  but  never 
in  one  like  this.'     He  asked  me  what  I  was  going  to  do. 
'  I  am  going  to  stay  here  until  ten  o'clock  to-morrow  morn- 
ing to  get  a  resolution,'  I  said.     About  2.30  a.m.  I  rose  and 
gave  a  summing-up  of  all  the  speeches  that  had  been  made. 
I  put  before  these  men  that,  because  of  pledges  made  by 
the  Great  Northern  Railway  to  their   colleagues  of  the 
other  railways,  they  could  not  possibly  at  that  time  give 
what  the  men  wanted  ;   that  they  were  under  contract  and 
must  keep  good  faith,  and  that  on  that  ground  the  men  were 
unable  to  press  the  Great  Northern  Railway  to  break  their 
agreement.     I  promised  to  speak  to  the  General  Manager 
and  see  whether  he  could  soften  some  of  the  difficulties 
that  existed,  and  also  that,  in  regard  to  the  imprisonment 
of  some  of  their  colleagues,  which  they  said  was  unfair,  I 
would  see  the  Home  Secretary  with  a  view  to  examination 
of  the  cases  and  possible  remission  of  sentence,  but  that 
nothing  could  be  given  at  that  time,  and  beyond  that  I  would 
not  pledge  myself  to  anything.     The  moment  I  sat  down, 

a  labour  man  got  up  and  said  :    '  By  G ,  men,  give 

Mr.  Askwith  a  chance.     Up  with  your  hands.'     Hands 


154  TRANSPORT    WORKERS,    1911 

went  up.  '  Those  against.'  Three  hands  went  up.  The 
resolution  was  carried. 

"  '  Get  away  to  the  Mansion  House  as  fast  as  you  can,' 
said  a  friend,  and  thither  we  drove.  An  immense  crowd 
was  in  the  square.  '  You  can  get  back  to  work,'  I  said ; 
and  the  words  spread  like  wildfire,  a  dash  being  made  to  the 
docks. 

"  That  same  morning  I  was  awakened  by  a  noise  at  7.30. 
I  looked  out  of  the  window,  and  saw  one  solitary  lorry  with 
a  detective  in  plain  clothes  walking  by  its  side.  I  thought, 
*  This  thing  has  failed,'  but  being  too  tired  to  do  anything 
else,  I  lay  down  again  until  9.30,  when  a  noise  like  thunder 
woke  me.  I  went  to  the  window  again,  and  in  the  large 
square  opposite  the  Manchester  Town  Hall,  on  one  side 
were  riding  out  the  Scots  Greys,  who  had  been  garrisoning 
Salford,  on  the  other  side  were  the  Metropolitan  and  Bir- 
mingham police  going  to  the  railway-station  to  leave  the 
city ;  and  in  the  main  street  were  mile  upon  mile  of 
lorries  laden  with  goods  coming  from  the  docks  to  be 
distributed  in  the  city  and  to  the  cotton-mills." 

The  Manchester  disputes  had  ended.  Some  of  the  news- 
papers expressed  a  hope  that  "  the  strike  fever  "  had  closed 
and  that  the  holiday  season  would  be  passed  in  peace. 
They  had  hardly  begun  to  congratulate  themselves  when, 
at  the  beginning  of  August,  transport  workers  in  other 
parts  of  the  country  began  to  strike.  On  August  3,  a  tele- 
gram from  the  Lord  Mayor  of  Leeds  asked  me  to  go  by  the 
first  train  to  Leeds.  The  tramway  men  had  all  gone  out. 
I  wrent  as  a  conciliator,  and  after  sitting  till  past  two  in  the 
morning  the  parties  came  to  an  agreement  on  a  revised 
code.  It  was  fortunate  that  this  dispute  was  settled,  as 
its  continuance,  apart  from  vast  inconvenience  to  a  great 
city,  would  undoubtedly  have  led  to  much  disturbance 
in  Yorkshire.  The  dispute  was  scarcely  settled  when,  on 
August  8,  conferences  had  to  begin  on  a  general  strike  in 
the  London  docks.  The  transport  workers  had  gone  out, 
and  were  followed  by  coal-porters,  lightermen,  and  carters. 
These  unions  had  also  bound  themselves  by  a  pledge  not 
to  return  to  work  till  all  were  satisfied.  About  80,000 
workpeople  had  ceased  work,  the  shipping  of  the  Port  of 
London  was  brought  to  a  standstill,  and  the  supplies  of 
London  began  to  run  short.  Mr.  Buxton  intervened  with 


LONDON  BREAKS   OUT  155 

proposals  for  conferences,  when  the  experience  of  Manchester 
was  again  repeated.  For  four  days  I  was  conciliating  in 
conferences,  by  which  means  the  most  important  sections 
— coal-porters,  tanking  coal-porters,  lightermen,  and  carters 
— arrived  at  agreements,  each  of  them  giving  a  kind  of  code 
indicating  hours,  wages,  and  general  conditions.  The 
strike  was  then  declared  to  be  closed,  after  lasting  eleven 
days,  the  other  sections  consenting  to  forgo  an  immediate 
settlement  in  view  of  the  detailed  examination  required  for 
each.  In  the  course  of  the  following  fortnight,  however, 
agreements  were  also  reached  with  shipowners,  short  sea 
traders,  certain  coal  lightermen  and  wharfingers,  and  three 
separate  lighterage  companies,  Mr.  John  Burns  presiding 
over  some  of  the  conferences  at  the  Local  Government 
Board. 

When,  on  Friday,  August  11,  the  announcement  of  the 
close  of  the  general  strike  was  made,  London  undoubtedly 
gave  a  sigh  of  relief.  The  weather  was  extremely  hot, 
which  greatly  added  to  the  difficulties  of  supplies,  and  also 
to  complications  with  the  owners  of  perishable  cargoes 
awaiting  delivery  in  the  docks.  Isolated  disturbances  had 
commenced,  and  as  the  attitude  of  the  railways  was  un- 
certain, the  Home  and  War  Offices  were  considering  the 
bringing  of  troops  to  London  for  the  prevention  of  disorder 
and  protecting  the  distribution  of  food.  I  was  obliged  to 
beg  for  time,  with  no  certainty  that  a  settlement  could  be 
effected,  but  with  complete  certainty  that  there  would  be 
grave  trouble  if  attempts  were  made  to  unload  ships  and  try 
to  convey  goods  with  military  aid  through  the  congested 
streets  of  the  East  End.  The  Home  Secretary  was  much 
troubled  by  one  merchant,  who  claimed  that  his  meat  must 
be  unloaded  and  would  go  bad  because  there  was  no  avail- 
able ice.  He  insisted  that  the  Home  Secretary  had  given 
him  a  pledge  that  the  meat  should  be  got  to  market  in  time, 
even  if  it  entailed  the  use  of  troops,  a  statement  which  the 
Minister,  Mr.  Churchill,  said  was  exaggerated,  though  he 
admitted  that  the  demand  was  not  easy  to  answer.  As  it 
appeared  to  me  most  desirable  not  to  use  troops,  I  asked 
to  see  the  merchant,  and  questioned  him  about  the  meat. 
He  painted  a  picture  of  the  present  and  future  condition 
of  that  meat,  demanding  its  immediate  unloading  and 
convoy  by  the  Guards  through  nine  miles  of  streets  to 
Smithfield  Market.  Asked  whether  this  would  not  be  a 


156  TRANSPORT    WORKERS,    1911 

difficult  feat,  he  said  he  did  not  care :  the  Minister  must 
give  him  the  meat,  it  was  beginning  to  be  musty,  and  in 
two  or  three  days  might  be  green.  After  further  questions 
as  to  the  result  of  working  out  the  alleged  pledge,  it  ap- 
peared that  he  was  aiming  at  the  purchase  of  the  meat 
by  the  Government,  which  alone  would  obviate  his  claim 
for  fulfilment.  I  asked  what  he  suggested  the  Government 
should  do  with  the  sudden  acquisition  of  £100,000  worth 
or  more  of  meat,  to  which  he  replied  unguardedly,  "  Oh, 
they  can  use  it  for  the  soldiers."  "  Indeed  ?  "  I  remarked. 
"  Musty  and  nearly  green  meat  to  the  men  risking  their 
lives  for  your  cargo  and  at  your  suggestion  ?  Surely  you 
don't  wish  me  to  tell  that  to  the  country,  or  the  Minister 
to  explain  the  bargain  in  Parliament  ? "  It  happened 
that  in  holding  up  a  hand  I  had  put  up  my  little  finger,  and 
he  promptly  exclaimed  with  a  laugh,  "  You  have  got  me 
on  the  tip  of  that  finger.  I'll  let  him  off,  and  as  I  see  you 
want  time,  I  won't  say  a  word  more  for  forty-eight  hours. 
Good  luck  to  you ! "  and  thus  left  the  room.  He  got  his 
meat.  Who  ate  it,  and  what  was  its  condition,  I  am 
unaware,  but  no  claim  was  made  against  the  Government. 
There  was  no  doubt  that  the  very  hot  weather  and  the 
small  cold-storage  accommodation  did  hazard  the  supplies 
of  London.  A  few  paragraphs  from  newspapers  put 
together  illustrate  the  growing  anxiety  of  the  public. 
Observers  said  truly : 

"  As  a  result  of  the  spread  of  the  strike  of  transport 
workers,  London  finds  itself  within  measurable  distance  of 
a  meat  and  butter  famine.  The  docks  are  at  a  complete 
standstill.  The  strikers  have  no  need  to  place  pickets, 
because  there  are  no  workers  to  picket.  The  import  and 
export  trade  of  the  greatest  city  in  the  world  and  the 
most  dependent  on  oversea  food  is  completely  paralysed. 
It  is  true  that  some  of  the  claims  have  been  settled,  but  no 
section  will  return  to  work  till  the  claims  of  the  other 
sections  have  been  settled.  Mr.  Askwith's  task  is  a  hard 
one,  for  as  fast  as  one  dispute  is  ended,  another  breaks 
out. 

"  In  London,  which  depends  so  largely  for  its  supply 
of  meat  on  frozen  imports  from  Argentina,  the  United 
States,  and  New  Zealand,  the  price  of  meat  has  already 
advanced  50  per  cent.  The  reserves  will  not  last  long, 


THE   EFFECT  ON  LONDON  157 

and  the  outlook  is  most  serious.  If  the  strike  continues, 
the  refrigerating  ships  which  are  lying  in  the  docks  waiting 
to  discharge  their  cargoes  will  run  short  of  coal  and  the  meat 
on  board  will  go  bad.  As  for  the  butter  trade,  the  Danish 
butter  imported  into  this  country  comes  in  casks  and  is  not 
refrigerated,  so  that  it  will  perish  in  the  present  hot  weather 
unless  it  is  very  promptly  discharged.  Among  the  other 
troubles  of  the  strike  is  the  scarcity  of  ice,  which  is  being 
severely  felt  both  by  the  householder  and  the  provision 
merchant.  The  extent  of  the  interests  affected  by  the 
strike  is  enormous.  Many  of  the  newspapers  are  face  to 
face  with  a  forcible  stoppage  within  a  day  or  so,  through 
sheer  inability  to  get  paper  delivered.  There  is  a  shortage 
of  petrol,  and  already  the  motor-bus  services  are  cut  down 
to  about  half.  The  Metropolitan  hospitals  are  very  hard 
pushed  to  get  food  and  provisions  for  the  inmates.  Smith- 
field  Market  presents  a  strange  spectacle.  Its  bustle  and 
activity  have  entirely  ceased.  All  the  big  storehouses  are 
completely  deserted.  Tons  of  fruit  and  vegetables  lie 
rotting  and  neglected  on  the  wharves.  The  river  from  Lon- 
don Bridge  is  a  picture  of  strange  quiet.  All  the  big 
ships  are  lying  up,  while  the  tide  in  midstream  sweeps 
on,  its  surface  untenanted.  The  menace  of  famine  be- 
comes more  and  more  imminent." 

At  the  same  time  sporadic  riots  or  fights  were  occurring 
in  different  districts  ;  troops  were  held  ready  at  Aldershot 
and  other  places  ;  statements  were  made,  with  doubtful 
foundation,  that  supplies  would  be  assured  ;  every  Minister 
was  anxiously  wondering  and  often  inquiring  whether  the 
use  of  force  would  be  necessary  ;  newspapers  stated  facts, 
but  would  also,  according  to  their  information  or  policy, 
urge  patience  or  intervention  by  physical  means.  Such 
is  the  condition  of  affairs  in  a  very  big  strike,  and  such  are 
the  dangers  and  anxieties  which  a  conciliator,  immersed 
hour  after  hour  and  day  after  day  in  the  manifold  details 
of  trade  upon  trade  and  in  discussion  upon  every  item 
in  each  man's  work  in  those  trades,  has  to  try  to  keep  out 
of  his  mind,  with  stern  concentration  on  the  one  problem 
of  effecting  a  settlement,  as  clear,  effective,  and  fair  as  pos- 
sible, in  the  business  before  him.  He  dares  not  contemplate 
or  think  of  the  results  which  may  come  if  he  fails  to  succeed, 
but  the  man  must  be  lacking  in  imagination  upon  whose 


158  TRANSPORT    WORKERS,    1911 

mind  and  body  such  happenings  do  not  react,  or  who  from 
time  to  time  is  not  obliged  to  force  them  out  of  his  thoughts 
with  all  the  strength  of  will  which  he  can  muster. 

It  was  not  to  be  expected  that  all  agreements  made  under 
these    circumstances    of   high   tension,    long    hours,    and 
necessary  speed  could  cover  all  details  of  large  trades  or 
avoid  the  possibility  of  subsequent  interpretations  being 
required.     It  proved  to  be  so  in  several  instances,  but  on 
the  whole  the  minuteness  as  well  as  the  wide  scope  of  many 
of  these  agreements  denned  and  settled,  in  a  manner  that 
did  not  before  exist,  the  rights  and  conditions  of  work  of 
large  classes  of  workpeople.     They  formed  the  basis  on 
which  later  changes  could  be  made,    and  did  much  to 
establish   codes   for   disorganised   classes    of   men   where 
regulations  had  been  absent  or  very  nebulous.     In  one  or 
two  cases  it  was  possible  to  effect  more,  and  to  put  an 
industry  upon  a  secure  basis  which  could  be  of  lasting  value. 
This  result  was  especially  obtained  in  connection  with  the 
men  and  sailing-barge  owners  of  the  Thames,  the  Medway, 
Sittingbourne,  and  Faversham,  for  work  within  the  port. 
Owing  to  the  intricacy  of  the  subject,  it  could  not  be  settled 
at  the  time  of  the  general  strike,  but  was  deferred  for  future 
settlement,  with  the  provision  that  the  new  rates  should 
date  back  to  August  21  for  all  freights.      No  agreement 
being  reached  by  the  parties  in  September,  a  joint  con- 
ference was  called,  when  a  Sub-committee  was  appointed, 
with  myself  as  chairman.     This  Committee  did  not  settle 
the  matter,  so  it  was  arranged  I  should  compile  a  list,  in 
consultation  with  various  interests,  putting  it  before  the 
parties    when    completed.     This    proposal   was    accepted, 
and  a  list  of  rates  covering  all  the  principal  classes  of  cargoes 
carried  between  various  places  by  sailing  barges  on  the 
Thames  and  Medway  was  prepared,  and  after  some  dis- 
cussion approved.     The  completed  list  contained  about 
600  items,  with  rates  for  cement,  lime,  bricks,  clay,  coal, 
coke,  corn  and  grain,  ballast,  timber,  wood-pulp,  manure, 
flints,  oil,  and  a  number  of  miscellaneous  items.     Rates 
were  quoted  for  freights  of  all  kinds  between  various  places 
on  the  reaches  and  tributaries  of  the  Thames,  Medway,  and 
Lea,  and  on  the  adjoining  canals.    This  compilation  required 
great  care  and  laborious  work,  but  it  proved,  I  think,  to  be 
worth  doing.     The  list,  known  from  the  colour  of  its  cover 
as  the  "  Pink  List/'  is  still  the  charter  of  the  bargemen. 


LONDON  SAILING  BARGES  159 

It  stopped  bickerings  and  innumerable  squabbles  as  to  the 
proper  rates  between  barge-owners  and  men  ;  it  settled  the 
relative  rates  for  different  classes  of  cargo  between  men 
and  men ;  and  could  be  easily  added  to  all  round,  if 
there  was  a  general  rise  of  wages,  by  flat  additions  or 
by  percentages. 


CHAPTER  XVII 

RAILWAY   STRIKE,    1911 

BEFORE  the  transport  strike  had  come  to  an  end,  the  rail- 
ways began,  so  that  some  of  the  later  transport  settlements 
could  only  be  effected  in  the  hours  which  could  be  spared 
from  the  pressure  of  this  new  difficulty.  The  first 
murmur  of  the  storm  had  commenced  with  a  small  strike, 
on  August  5,  by  railwaymen  at  Liverpool,  who  ceased  work 
on  the  ground  that  they  could  not  get  their  grievances  dealt 
with  under  the  Conciliation  Boards  of  1907,  or  satisfaction 
in  their  demands  for  increased  wages  and  shorter  hours. 
Other  transport  workers  at  Liverpool  followed.  There  was 
the  sequence  of  disturbance,  riot,  extra  police  and  the 
military,  to  which  on  August  14  the  Liverpool  shipowners 
replied  by  a  general  lockout  of  all  men  engaged  in  cargo 
work  ;  whereupon  the  workpeople  countered  by  declaring 
a  general  strike  of  the  whole  of  the  transport  workers. 
Railwaymen  had  followed  by  striking  in  other  centres,  just 
at  the  time  when  the  London  strike  was  in  full  progress. 
The  Executives  of  the  Railwaymen's  Societies  met  at  the 
storm  centre,  and  on  August  15  suddenly  issued  an  ulti- 
matum, sending  copies  to  all  the  general  managers  of 
railway  companies,  that  they  had  unanimously  agreed 
"  to  offer  the  railway  companies  twenty-four  hours  to 
decide  whether  they  are  prepared  to  immediately  meet 
representatives  of  these  organisations  to  negotiate  a  basis 
of  settlement  of  the  matters  in  dispute  affecting  the  various 
grades.  In  the  event  of  this  offer  being  refused,  there  will 
be  no  alternative  but  to  respond  to  the  demand  now  being 
made  for  a  national  stoppage." 

On  August  15  the  Prime  Minister  and  the  President 
of  the  Board  of  Trade,  with  other  officials  and  myself,  had 
had  interviews  with  seven  leading  employers  of  the  largest 
industries  and  also  leaders  of  the  chief  Unions,  "  for  the 

I6Q 


ULTIMATUM  BY  THE  RAILWAYMEN          161 

purpose  of  an  informal  exchange  of  views  as  to  the  present 
state  of  unrest  in  the  labour  world,  and  the  possibility  of 
improving  the  means  available  for  preventing  or  shortening 
industrial  -wars."  In  particular  there  was  discussion  on 
the  principles  of  a  plan  proposed  at  the  end  of  July  by 
Sir  Charles  W.  Macara,  Bart.,  so  well  known  in  the  cotton 
world  and  for  his  skill  in  organising  and  developing  schemes, 
in  regard  to  the  establishment  of  a  special  business  court 
for  dealing  with  industrial  disputes,  the  court  to  be  com- 
posed of  leading  employers  and  labour  leaders,  under  a 
neutral  chairman,  with  no  power  of  compulsory  decision, 
but  with  authority  to  review  facts  and  give  an  opinion  on 
pending  or  existing  disputes. 

The  Industrial  Council  was  subsequently  formed  upon 
the  basis  of  this  scheme,  but  in  face  of  this  new  crisis  from 
Liverpool  and  reports  from  all  parts  of  the  country,  and 
with  the  support  of  these  meetings,  it  was  only  natural 
that  Mr.  Buxton,  with  Sir  H.  Llewellyn  Smith,  the 
Permanent  Secretary,  and  me,  should  see  next  day, 
August  16,  the  representatives  of  as  many  railway  com- 
panies as  could  be  got,  and  subsequently  the  secretaries 
of  the  railwaymen.  It  was  agreed  at  these  separate 
interviews  that  it  was  desirable  to  see  the  executive 
committees  of  the  railwaymen,  with  a  view  to  getting  at 
the  root  of  the  trouble,  and  the  next  day,  August  17,  they 
had  arrived  from  Liverpool. 

The  railway  companies  had  announced  that  they  hoped 
to  give  a  restricted  though  effective  service  ;  and  that  they 
stood  by  the  policy  of  the  Conciliation  Boards  initiated 
in  1907,  accepted  by  the  men  and  their  societies ;  while 
the  Home  Secretary  stated  in  the  House  of  Commons, 
"  The  Government  certainly  have  not  promised  to 
support  the  Railway  Companies  against  the  men,  nor  the 
men  against  the  Railway  Companies.  But  it  would  be  the 
duty  of  the  Government,  in  the  event  of  the  paralysis  of  the 
great  railway  lines,  on  which  the  life  and  food  of  the  people 
depend,  to  secure  that  persons  engaged  in  working  them 
shall  have  full  legal  protection,  and  to  make  sure  that  no 
great  disaster  or  catastrophe  overwhelms  the  people  owing 
to  the  breakdown  of  the  machinery  by  which  we  live  from 
day  to  day." 

The  promise  sounded  well,  but  it  was  not  so  easy  to  keep. 


162  RAILWAY    STRIKE,    1911 

Only  20,000  up  to  40,000  soldiers,  at  most,  were  available, 
who  could  scarcely  defend  the  larger  centres,  even  if 
collected  in  the  most  suitable  places.  One  manager  told 
me  he  was  sure  of  his  drivers,  who  only  wanted  to  have 
protection  against  bottles  thrown  as  engines  entered 
tunnels,  and  dynamite  cartridges  in  the  coal-boxes  ;  but 
he  had  formed  a  wrong  estimate.  Another  relied  on  the 
weakness  of  the  union,  stating  that  in  any  event  his  line 
would  surely  be  kept  working.  Within  twenty-four  hours 
I  saw  on  the  London  terminus  a  notice  :  "  This  station 
closed  till  further  orders,"  and  not  a  train  was  running  on 
the  line. 

On  August  17,  when  the  executives  of  the  men — about 
forty  in  number — arrived  with  their  officials,  questions 
were  asked  and,  after  a  brief  discussion,  put  in  writing  for 
their  consideration. 

The  questions  and  answers  were  : 

"  1  and  2.  What  were  the  actual  causes  on  which  the 
executive  had  based  their  action  in  issuing  their  manifesto  ? 
and  what  were  the  actual  grievances  in  connection  with  the 
Conciliation  Board  Agreement  of  1907  ? 

"  Answer. — The  failure  of  the  railway  companies  to 
behave  in  the  spirit  and  letter  of  the  Conciliation  Board 
Agreement  of  1907,  and  the  utter  impossibility  of  the  men's 
representatives  to  redress  the  many  grievances  of  which  the 
men  complained. 

"  3.  Were  those  grievances  sufficiently  grave  to  justify 
the  action  which  the  executive  had  taken  ? 

"  Answer. — Yes. 

"4.  Could  those  grievances  not  be  remedied  in  a  less 
drastic  way  ? 

"  Answer. — Yes  ;  by  the  suggestion  offered  by  the 
committee  to  the  railway  companies,  requesting  them  to 
meet  authorised  representatives  of  the  men. 

"  5.  Could  those  grievances  be  remedied  in  the  way 
proposed  by  the  men,  of  a  general  railway  strike  ? 

"  Answer. — Yes.     In  our  opinion  it  is  the  only  course. 

"  We  have  also  considered  the  possibility  of  further 
questions  being  asked,  and  we  have  unanimously  come  to 
the  conclusion  that  the  only  way  that  will  now  be  an  effec- 
tive method  of  peace  is  that  the  companies  consent  to  meet 
us." 


THE  REPLY  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT    163 

I  went  over  to  Downing  Street  and  sent  in  this  result 
to  the  Cabinet,  which  had  been  sitting  the  whole  morning, 
and  brought  back  the  Prime  Minister  with  the  reply. 

He  stated  that  the  men's  answer  to  the  first  two  questions 
was  that  the  ground  of  their  action  was  the  failure  of  the 
railway  companies  to  behave  in  the  spirit  and  letter  of  the 
Conciliation  Board  Agreement  of  1907  and  the  difficulty 
of  redress  ;  their  other  answers  were  based  upon  and 
assumed  the  correctness  of  those  statements ; 

"  and  it  is  of  first  and  most  essential  importance  to 
establish  or  disprove  by  impartial  investigation  the  sound- 
ness of  your  statements.  For  this  purpose  His  Majesty's 
Government  are  prepared  to  appoint  immediately  a  Royal 
Commission  to  investigate  the  working  of  the  Conciliation 
Agreement,  and  to  report  what  amendments,  if  any,  are 
desirable  in  the  scheme,  with  a  view  to  promote  a  satis- 
factory settlement  of  the  grievances. 

"  I  hope  to  announce  without  delay  the  names  of  the 
Commissioners,  who  will  meet  at  the  earliest  possible 
moment. 

"  I  may  further  add  that  I  confidently  hope  we  may  rely 
on  your  assistance  in  giving  the  Commission  the  fullest 
possible  help  and  information." 

The  Prime  Minister  added  that  the  Government  were 
completely  impartial  as  regards  the  merits  of  the  various 
points  of  dispute  which  have  arisen  between  the  companies 
and  their  employees.  The  Government  had  to  regard 
exclusively  the  interests  of  the  public,  and,  having  regard 
to  those  interests,  they  could  not  allow  a  general  paralysis 
of  the  railway  system  of  the  country,  and  would  have  to 
take  the  necessary  steps  to  prevent  it.  They  had  therefore 
put  forward  a  proposal  which  would  ensure  prompt 
investigation,  by  a  perfectly  independent  tribunal,  of  the 
complaints  formulated  in  answer  to  Mr.  Buxton's  questions. 
It  was  for  the  representatives  of  the  employees  now  to 
consider  whether  they  would  fall  in  with  that  proposal. 
Their  refusal  would,  in  his  opinion,  impose  upon  them  heavy 
responsibility,  and,  quite  apart  from  the  merits  of  the  case, 
would  put  them  in  the  wrong  in  the  court  of  public  opinion. 
He  had  not  employed,  and  had  no  wish  to  employ,  the 
language  of  menace,  or  even  of  warning,  but  he  earnestly 


164  RAILWAY    STRIKE,    1911 

desired  them  to  weigh  carefully  what  he  had  said  on  behalf 
of  the  Government  before  they  came  to  a  decision. 

Immediately  afterwards  a  similar  statement  was  made 
to  the  general  managers. 

The  latter  part  of  the  Prime  Minister's  speech  was  put 
to  the  men  with  lucid  clearness,  but,  to  say  the  least,  in  no 
conciliatory  tone,  and  in  stronger  terms  than  I  have  indi- 
cated. The  Prime  Minister,  it  seemed  to  me,  was  rather 
nervous,  and,  sitting  next  to  him,  I  longed  to  pull  his  coat- 
tail,  as  Mr.  Larkin,  in  1907,  had  suggested  I  should  pull  his 
if  he  said  anything  wrong.  As  the  speech  went  on  I  saw 
the  jaws  of  the  Northerners  stiffen.  They  took  his  words 
as  a  threat  and  his  tone  as  "  take  it  or  leave  it."  The  exact 
form  of  the  Royal  Commission  and  its  intended  speedy 
inquiry  was  not  explained.  It  was  easy  to  see  the  result 
would  be  a  refusal,  and  it  was.  At  three  o'clock  they  came 
back  and  told  him  curtly  that  they  were  not  prepared  to 
accept  his  proposal.  Matters  were  not  improved  when  he 
muttered,  "  Then  your  blood  be  on  your  own  head,"  as  he 
left  the  room,  the  members  at  once  going  off  to  call  out  the 
railwaymen  all  over  the  country.  Their  manifesto  spoke 
of  an  "  unwarrantable  threat,"  and  "  with  the  full  sense 
of  the  grave  step  we  are  taking,  we  feel  satisfied  that  our 
duty  to  those  we  represent  compels  us  to  refuse  the  offer 
of  His  Majesty's  Government,  and  reluctantly  revert  to  the 
decision  of  this  body  on  Tuesday  last." 

In  addition  2,000  telegrams  went  out  to  the  branches, 
with  the  words,  "  Your  liberty  is  at  stake.  All  railwaymen 
must  strike  at  once.  The  loyalty  of  each  means  victory 
for  all." 

That  evening  Mr.  Lloyd  George  made  a  statement  to  the 
House  of  Commons  following  questions  by  Mr.  Ramsay 
Macdonald,  and  intimated  that  the  proposals  had  not  been 
fully  understood  :  it  was  not  a  shelving  Commission  :  the 
Commission  was  to  be  a  Commission  of  three,  to  work  at 
once  and  quickly,  "  with  a  view  to  administrative,  and  if 
necessary  legislative,  action  being  taken  by  the  Govern- 
ment in  order  to  see  a  fair  state  of  things  established"  ; 
and  added  that  negotiations  were  not  entirely  broken  off ; 
"  the  parties  are  giving  full  consideration  to  the  interpreta- 
tion which  I  now  place  upon  the  proposal  of  the  Govern- 
ment." The  men's  executive  were,  in  fact,  sitting  nearly 
all  the  night,  but  even  after  this  speech  issued,  at  1  a.m., 


DEVELOPMENTS   OF  THE   REPLY  165 

another  manifesto  calling  upon  "  every  railwayman  to 
join  his  fellows  and  so  strike  a  united  blow  for  deliverance 
from  petty  tyranny." 

It  will  be  observed  that  the  men  had  not  given,  in  their 
answer  to  the  first  question  put  to  them  on  Thursday, 
except  in  a  very  general  way,  any  details  of  the  grievances 
which  they  suffered  ;  and  also  that  nothing  whatever  was 
said  by  the  Government  or  the  companies  on  the  question 
of  recognition.  The  companies  stood  to  the  Conciliation 
Boards  as  an  agreement ;  they  maintained  the  policy  which 
they  always  maintained,  of  not  recognising  the  unions  as  re- 
presenting all  the  men,  both  union  and  non-union  men  being 
eligible  for  the  Conciliation  Boards  ;  and  they  were  not  pre- 
pared to  face  large  concessions  unless  they  had  some  power 
given  to  them  to  increase  rates  for  the  purpose  of  covering 
general  expenses.  The  men  had  chiefly  dwelt  in  their 
manifestoes  on  the  grievances  of  the  men  and  the  difficulty 
and  delay  in  getting  them  settled,  and  also  appealed  to 
sympathetic  action  in  favour  of  railway  workers  locked  out 
at  Liverpool.  They  had  not  said  much  about  recognition, 
except  that  grievances  could  have  been  dealt  with  more 
easily  if  union  representatives  had  been  met.  They  hoped 
to  attract  men  who  were  not  members  of  the  union  to  join 
in  the  strike  on  the  subject  of  grievances,  but  the  executives 
kept  firm  in  their  minds  the  aim  of  obtaining  recognition, 
if  that  could  be  got. 

The  directors  and  managers  were  seen  by  us  at  an  early 
hour  on  Friday,  and  agreed  to  delegate  powers  to  a  smaller 
committee,  with  whom  we  sat  the  whole  day,  preparing 
a  draft  basis  of  negotiations  on  the  lines  of  Mr.  Lloyd 
George's  speech,  and  hearing  through  Mr.  Ramsay  Mac- 
donald  the  views  of  the  men.  Both  parties  easily  agreed 
that  there  should  be  speedy  meetings  of  the  Conciliation 
Boards  to  get  rid  of  petty  differences.  The  arrangement 
for  the  future  Royal  Commission  was  more  difficult. 
Amendment  and  counter-amendment  passed  backwards  and 
forwards,  emphasising  the  great  difficulty  of  settling  terms 
without  a  meeting  round  a  table,  but  by  Saturday  morning 
an  arrangement  was  practically  complete.  Meanwhile 
railways  had  stopped  almost  everywhere,  and  some  violent 
acts  occurred  in  a  few  places.  Parliament,  instead  of 
adjourning  to  the  end  of  October,  adjourned  to  the  following 
Tuesday.  Rumours  of  promises  of  assistance  were  coming 


166  RAILWAY    STRIKE,    1911 

in  from  different  trades.  A  circular  from  the  Home  Office, 
issued  without  conference  with  other  departments,  giving 
particulars  of  the  progress  of  protection,  and  speaking  of 
"  defections  "  from  the  ranks  of  the  men,  stiffened  the  views 
of  the  men's  executives.  They  absolutely  refused  to  sign 
unless  the  railway  companies'  and  men's  representatives 
met.  The  crisis  was  certainly  acute.  The  Chancellor  of  the 
Exchequer  then  played  his  last  ace,  and  used  an  argument 
which  he  has,  on  later  occasions,  brought  into  play  when 
other  arguments  failed — the  national  danger.  It  was  the 
time  of  the  Morocco  crisis,  when  Germany  had  sent  the 
Panther  to  uphold  her  alleged  interests  in  Morocco.  Whether 
the  fact  of  a  railway  strike  would  have  furthered  her 
interests  or  not,  or  paralysed  any  efforts  we  were  making,  it 
is  not  easy  to  say.  The  argument  necessarily  prevailed  with 
the  railway  authorities  when  put  by  the  Government ;  and 
on  this  August  19,  after  debates  lasting  the  whole  morning, 
a  joint  conference  was  held  at  3  p.m.,  of  which  the  official 
notice  stated  that,  "  acting  on  representations  made  to  the 
railway  companies  by  the  Government,  they  to-day 
empowered  Mr.  Claughton  (general  manager  of  the  London 
and  North- Western  Railway)  and  Sir  Guy  Granet  (general 
manager  of  the  Midland  Railway)  to  confer  on  their  behalf 
with  representatives  selected  by  the  Joint  Executives  of 
the  Trade  Unions  of  Railway  Employees,  with  a  view  to  dis- 
cuss with  them  the  suggested  terms  of  settlement  drafted  by 
the  Board  of  Trade  "  ;  and  it  went  on  :  "  During  the  course 
of  the  conference  Mr.  Claughton  stated  that,  upon  certain 
representations  of  the  Government,  Sir  Guy  Granet  and 
himself  had  authority  from  the  companies  to  meet  the 
representatives,  under  the  special  circumstances,  and  with  a 
view  to  discussing  the  suggested  terms  of  agreement." 
So  recognition,  or  an  attitude  which  could  be  claimed  to 
be  recognition,  was  gained — not  by  argument  of  a  domestic 
character  or  by  consent,  but  by  the  foreign  political  situ- 
ation. The  same  weapon  was  used  during  the  War  in 
connection  with  the  Welsh  coal  dispute — French  opinion 
being  the  reason  given  in  that  case.  Personally  I  am  in 
favour  of  hearing  disputants  and  meeting  both  sides  at 
the  table,  but  I  make  no  comment  upon  this  method  of 
obtaining  such  a  result,  except  that  the  weapon  used  is  a 
dangerous  weapon  to  employ  for  the  sake  of  settling  domes- 
tic difficulties.  I  also  make  no  comment  as  to  whether  it 


A  ROYAL  COMMISSION  167 

was  justifiable  or  not  in  this  case,  except  that  a  few  days 
after  I  was  expressly  told  to  use  the  same  weapon,  if 
necessary,  in  connection  with  the  Liverpool  strikes. 

An  agreement  was  not  reached  without  much  difficulty — 
reinstatement ;  speedy  discussion  of  outstanding  questions 
in  dispute  by  Conciliation  Boards,  with  retrospective 
decisions ;  speedy  discussion  by  each  company  with 
employees  not  covered  by  conciliation,  and,  failing  agree- 
ment, arbitration  ;  and  both  parties  to  give  every  assistance 
to  the  Special  Commission  of  Inquiry,  the  immediate 
appointment  of  which  the  Government  had  announced. 
All  these  terms  amounted  to  nothing  in  themselves  beyond 
what  the  companies  would  have  given  or  the  Government 
would  have  imposed,  without  much  demur  by  the  parties, 
except  the  fact  that  the  two  parties  had  met  "  under  the 
special  circumstances."  This  result  may  have  seemed  at 
the  time  a  great  achievement  to  have  been  obtained  from 
a  strike  which  convulsed  the  country  and  required  the 
coercion  of  a  plea  of  national  danger  before  it  could  be  closed, 
but  it  is  difficult  to  say  that  the  sense  of  proportion  on  both 
sides  was  fairly  considered.  There  was  far  too  much 
evidence  of  a  desire  by  each  side  to  get  the  upper  hand. 
That  this  was  the  case  was  at  once  shown  by  the  fact  that 
the  North-Eastern  Railwaymen,  where  recognition  had  been 
granted  years  before,  did  not  see  any  tangible  result  in  the 
settlement.  The  men  there  had  a  conciliation  scheme  of 
their  own.  The  company  proposed  reinstatement  as  in 
the  other  companies,  but  there  was  nothing  else  which  they 
could  gain.  The  men  rejected  the  offer.  It  required  a 
visit  to  York  by  the  railwaymen's  executives,  and  some 
pressure,  before  the  men  consented  to  return  to  work,  some 
days  after  the  other  companies  had  resumed.  Beyond  this, 
the  rank  and  file  were  disappointed. 

The  Royal  Commission  was  established  and  produced 
a  scheme,  reporting  on  October  18.  It  failed  to  give  satis- 
faction. The  Executive  Committees  of  the  railwaymen, 
having  carefully  considered  the  report  of  the  Royal  Com- 
mission with  the  suggested  scheme,  expressed  "  our  sincere 
regretthat  we  cannot  accept  the  scheme  in  its  present  form,' ' 
and  added,  "  unless  the  scheme  can  be  amended  so  as  to 
become  more  acceptable  to  us  and  to  the  men  we  represent, 
we  shall  have  no  alternative  but  to  reject  it  in  its  entirety 
and  to  report  to  our  men  accordingly."  They  suggested  an 
12 


168  RAILWAY    STRIKE,    1911 

immediate  meeting  between  the  companies'  representatives 
and  the  signatories  to  the  recent  settlement.  This  letter, 
worded  in  a  tone  which  diplomats  will  recognise  as  the  tone 
which  certain  Governments  have  used  traditionally  in  their 
despatches,  and  which  seems  to  have  been  not  unpopular 
with  the  railway  unions,  again  seemed  to  threaten  a 
crisis.  On  receiving  it,  the  Prime  Minister  saw  the 
representatives  of  the  companies,  who  took  a  very  strong 
view  on  the  matter.  They  said  it  was  a  breach  of  the  agree- 
ment, and  their  opinion  was  given  in  the  reply.  "  The 
companies  consider,"  said  the  Prime  Minister's  secretary, 
"  that  it  was  an  integral  part  of  the  agreement  of  August 
last  which  led  to  the  appointment  of  the  Royal  Commission, 
that  both  they  and  the  representatives  of  the  railway 
employees  bound  themselves  to  accept  and  act  upon  the 
findings,"  and  that,  in  their  opinion,  any  points  of  diffi- 
culty were  susceptible  of  adjustment  by  the  various  com- 
panies so  soon  as  the  scheme  as  a  whole  has  been  put  into 
operation."  The  men  made  no  reply,  but  proceeded  to  a 
ballot  returnable  on  December  5,  asking — (1)  Are  you 
prepared  to  accept  the  findings  of  the  Royal  Commission  ? 
(2)  Are  you  prepared  to  withdraw  your  labour  in  favour  of 
the  recognition  of  the  trade  unions  and  a  programme  for  all 
railwaymen  to  be  agreed  upon  by  the  members  of  the  Joint 
Executives  ?  It  was  quite  certain  that  a  large  majority 
would  vote  in  favour  of  the  second  question. 

In  comment  upon  this  situation,  in  which,  if  the  questions 
and  the  refusal  were  carried  to  a  finish,  no  account  whatever 
was  taken  by  the  parties  as  to  the  broad  issue  of  the  public 
interest,  and  the  troubles  of  a  struggle  on  the  railways  in 
December,  I  think  that  both  parties  had  a  great  deal  to 
say  for  the  positions  taken  up.  The  railway  managements 
were  very  strong  in  the  contention  that  there  was  an  agree- 
ment, that  they  would  adhere  to  that  agreement,  and  would 
be  no  parties  to  any  breach  or  connivance  at  a  breach. 
They  also  treated  the  previous  meetings  as  special,  and 
were  not  without  desire  to  retain  their  own  autonomies. 
The  railwaymen,  on  the  other  hand,  as  the  second  question 
shows,  deemed  that  the  recognition  of  the  unions  was  not 
accepted  and  was  being  side-tracked,  after  they  thought 
and  had  said  they  had  gained  it  :  if  it  was  in  fact  gained, 
why  not  discuss  a  long  technical  document,  the  details  of 
which  must  require  adjustment,  if  satisfactory  working  was 


RESOLUTION  BY  THE  HOUSE  OF  COMMONS  169 

to  be  achieved,  at  a  meeting  between  the  parties,  including 
the  Government  representatives,  by  whom  the  questions  had 
been  referred  ?  Neither  party  was  prepared  to  yield,  but,  as 
I  have  said,  neither  party  was  consulting  the  public.  In 
this  very  serious  crisis,  with  very  little  time  for  action,  it 
was  suggested  that  the  public  might  be  supposed  to  have 
their  say,  by  means  of  their  representatives,  the  members 
of  the  House  of  Commons.  I  think  it  would  be  generally 
admitted  that  the  House  would  not  be  a  very  suitable  body 
to  decide  the  intricacies  of  a  strike  ;  nor,  if  an  industry 
was  nationalised,  could  well  take  action  on  their  own  behalf, 
being  one  of  the  parties  to  the  issue.  But  here  the  question 
was  to  meet  or  not  to  meet,  under  the  peculiar  circumstances 
of  the  principles  held  by  the  parties,  in  a  matter  upon  which 
the  country  was  vitally  interested.  On  this  issue  the  House 
of  Commons  had  a  clear  point  of  principle  before  them,  and 
on  November  22  a  debate  was  held,  after  which  the  House 
unanimously  adopted  a  resolution  : 

"  That  in  the  opinion  of  this  House  a  meeting  should 
take  place  between  representatives  of  the  parties  on  whose 
behalf  the  agreement  of  August  1911  was  signed,  to  discuss 
the  best  mode  of  giving  effect  to  the  report  of  the  Royal 
Commission,  and  this  House  asks  the  Government  to  use 
its  good  offices  to  bring  both  sides  into  conference  without 
delay." 

This  expression  of  opinion  was  accepted  by  the  parties  : 
a  meeting  was  held  on  December  7.  I  was  elected  to  be 
chairman,  and  held  further  meetings  on  December  8  and  11, 
when  more  or  less  amicable  discussions  resulted  in  the 
maintenance  of  the  Report  of  the  Royal  Commission,  and  in 
an  agreement  on  points  of  detail  connected  with  the  scheme, 
and  especially  permission  for  the  secretaries  of  Concilia- 
tion Boards  to  be  present  at  deputations  with  the  men. 
In  practice  this  permission  enabled  the  union  officials  to 
advise  and  speak  for  the  men,  and  while  express  confession 
of  recognition  was  not  put  down  in  black-and-white,  the 
resulting  effect  was  that  no  railway  company  subsequently 
raised  the  point  of  non-recognition  as  an  answer  to  claims 
of  grievances.  For  good  or  evil,  practical  recognition  of 
the  unions,  and  the  principle  of  negotiations  with  the 
railway  companies  as  a  body,  were  the  chief  results  of  the 
railway  strike  of  1911. 


CHAPTER  XVIII 

JUTE,    1911 

DURING  the  early  days  of  the  railway  strike  it  had  been 
quite  impossible  for  me  to  leave  London  in  order  to  deal 
with  the  aftermath  of  the  settlement  at  Manchester ;  but 
as  the  railway  strike  gained  ground,  trouble  had  begun  to 
show  again  in  that  city  through  large  numbers  of  carters 
ceasing  work  in  sympathy  with  the  railwaymen.  It 
became  imperative  to  try  to  close  the  carters'  dispute, 
which  was  holding  up  the  business  of  the  city,  and 
threatened  trouble  in  other  directions.  The  comparatively 
hasty  settlement  between  the  team-owners  and  the  carters, 
while  settling  many  points,  had  included  a  clause  stating 
"  that  the  other  questions  contained  in  the  men's  demands 
should  be  referred  to  a  joint  conference  of  the  parties,  and 
in  the  event  of  no  agreement  within  a  month,  the  matter  to 
be  referred  to  the  Board  of  Trade."  All  questions  relating 
to  carters  are  very  difficult,  and  this  was  no  exception. 
The  parties  had  discussed  and  discussed  without  any 
semblance  of  an  agreement. 

The  railway  strike  closed  at  midnight  on  Saturday, 
August  19  ;  on  Monday  morning  the  Lord  Mayor  urged 
me  by  telephone  to  come  down  at  once,  and,  taking  a  train, 
I  began  conferences  on  the  Monday  evening  which  lasted 
from  7  p.m.  to  8  a.m.  It  took  the  whole  of  the  next  day 
to  arrange  a  carters'  code,  an  agreement  being  reached  at 
midnight.  On  August  23  the  agreements  were  signed, 
and  as  I  returned  to  London  on  that  afternoon  I  received 
a  telegram  in  the  train  to  expect  a  messenger  at  the  London 
station  on  an  urgent  matter.  It  was  to  the  effect  that  the 
tramway  dispute  at  Liverpool  was  not  ended,  because  the 
Corporation  refused  to  reinstate  certain  tramwaymen ; 
that  Mr.  Tom  Mann  was  in  another  section  of  the  train,  on 
his  way  to  see  the  executive  of  the  Transport  Federation, 
with  the  object  of  demanding  national  support,  and  a  general 

170 


LIVERPOOL   TRAMWAYS  171 

strike  of  all  railwaymen  and  transport  workers  together  ; 
that  the  Executive  might  defer  such  action  if  it  was  stated 
that  I  had  gone  to  Liverpool  on  this  question.  There  was 
a  train  back  to  Lancashire  in  two  hours — time  occupied 
in  rushing  to  the  Board  of  Trade,  where,  under  the  express 
fiat  of  the  Prime  Minister,  I  was  authorised  to  pursue  the 
same  line  as  the  Chancellor  had  followed  five  days  earlier 
with  the  railwaymen,  if  it  became  absolutely  necessary — 
viz.  to  tell  the  Lord  Mayor  that  the  Government  in  the 
national  interest  must  require  this  dispute  to  be  closed, 
owing  to  the  position  of  foreign  affairs.  This  notification 
settled  the  question  of  going  North  that  night,  though  I  did 
not  reach  Liverpool  till  about  3  a.m.  Meanwhile,  the 
Joint  Committee  of  Railwaymen  requested  from  Liverpool, 
the  Board  of  Trade,  and  the  Premier,  an  answer  as  to 
"  whether  the  tramwaymen  now  on  strike  or  locked  out  in 
Liverpool  will  be  reinstated  before  noon  to-morrow,"  and 
adjourned  till  10  a.m.  to  await  a  reply. 

Liverpool  had  been  in  a  very  serious  state  of  turmoil. 
Military  had  been  called  in.  There  had  been  riots  and 
attacks  on  the  soldiers.  A  Commission  from  the  Home 
Office,  consisting  of  Mr.  T.  P.  O'Connor,  M.P.,  and  two 
colleagues,  had  been  there  for  some  time,  inquiring  into 
the  food-supply  and  the  general  position.  They  had 
been  active  in  settling  many  disputes,  Mr.  O'Connor 
especially  managing  the  Irishmen  with  great  skill.  I 
only  came  in  at  the  end,  to  help  in  smoothing  out  matters 
and  especially  this  tramway  dispute.  The  dockers,  sailors, 
carters,  and  others,  numbering  70,000,  would  not  go  back 
until  this  dispute,  involving  250  uniformed  tramway- 
men,  had  also  been  settled.  As  is  often  the  case  with 
government  by  committees,  the  Corporation  Tramways 
Committee  were  divided  in  opinion  ;  while  the  powerful 
influence  of  the  shipowners  was  directed  against  any 
concession.  They  issued  a  long  document,  speaking  of 
"  a  monstrous  threat  of  a  general  strike  on  an  extended 
scale,"  and  "an  anarchical  campaign  against  the  public," 
statements  which  did  not  make  more  easy  the  task  of  the 
Tramways  Committee.  Later  events  have  largely  modified 
the  attitude  of  shipowners,  even  of  the  very  men  who  issued 
this  document,  but  at  the  time  they  appeared  to  be 
opposed  to  any  concessions  by  themselves  or  anybody  else. 

So  far  as  my  part  was  concerned,  a  slight  hint  as  to  the 


172  JUTE,    1911 

possible  Government  situation  brought  no  response,  and  I 
dropped  any  pursuit  of  that  line,  but  did  emphasise  that  it 
was  hard  to  say  men  had  broken  their  contracts  without 
notice,  when  the  tramway  drivers  and  conductors  had  had 
to  convey  military  along  part  of  a  route,  and  then  were 
supposed  to  continue  their  journey  without  defence  to  the 
suburbs,  to  which  strikers  had  taken  a  short-cut  with  a 
view  to  pulling  them  off  the  trams  ;  and  that  discrimina- 
tion between  those  actually  coerced  and  those  voluntarily 
ceasing  work  would  be  more  than  difficult.  In  the  final 
result  the  committee,  after  three  hours'  debate,  finally 
resolved  unanimously  on  a  compromise  of  reinstatement  of 
the  uniformed  men  "  as  and  when  required  and  satisfactory 
to  the  general  manager,"  which,  in  fact,  meant  that  they 
got  back,  though  some  questions  of  delay  were  bound  to 
occur.  The  main  strike  was  called  off  in  the  evening. 

There  remained  a  strike  at  Garston  and  difficulties  over 
the  carters,  which  were  settled  the  next  day,  the  carters 
being  able  to  follow  the  code  established  at  Manchester  and 
to  take  its  principles  as  a  precedent.  Dock- workers  at 
Cardiff  and  Grangemouth,  confectionery- workers  in  London, 
and  other  minor  disputes,  were  subsidiary  strikes  going  on 
during  this  hot  month  of  August,  but  the  importance  of 
these  disputes  was  minimised  by  the  great  strike  to  which 
allusion  has  been  made. 

Punch  had  the  following  skit  on  strike  news  : 

"LATEST  STRIKE   NEWS 

"MR.    ASKWITH    OUT 
"  NATIONAL    CONSTERNATION 

"  Commercial  England  was  thrilled  this  morning  by  the 
announcement  that  Mr.  Askwith,  the  famous  arbitrator, 
the  keystone  of  the  business  arch,  had  himself  come  out 
on  strike.  The  Government  decided  at  once  that  every 
effort  must  be  made  to  induce  him  to  return  to  his  duties. 
A  regiment  of  cavalry  was  wired  for  from  Alders"hot,  and 
the  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  motored  round  to  his 
residence. 

"Mr.  Askwith  sternly  declined  the  employers'  terms — 
£20,000  a  year  plus  time  and  a  half  for  overtime  and  double 
time  for  Bank  Holidays  and  Sundays.  He  made  no 


DUNDEE   GOES  UP  173 

objection  to  the  pecuniary  terms,  but  he  insisted  on  a 
maximum  of  sixteen  arbitrations  and  two  thousand  miles 
railway  travelling  per  week,  and  that  no  working-day  should 
exceed  eighteen  hours.  The  Chancellor  was  compelled  to 
refuse  the  terms,  as  the  Board  of  Trade  has  already  124 
arbitrations  in  hand,  and  fresh  ones  are  coming  in  at  the 
rate  of  three  a  day. 

"Later 

"  A  Cabinet  Meeting  has  been  called  to  consider  the  crisis. 
It  is  felt  by  Ministers  that,  if  Mr.  Askwith  does  not  return 
to  work,  no  strike  in  England  will  ever  end.  The  Cabinet 
is  at  present  considering  the  possibility  of  nominating 
Mr.  Askwith  as  arbitrator  in  his  own  strike.  The  difficulty 
is  that  Mr.  Askwith  cannot  arbitrate  without  constituting 
himself  a  blackleg." 

Punch  was  quite  right  in  suggesting  that  it  had  been  a 
strenuous  time.  It  was  a  welcome  rest  when  His  Majesty, 
who  has  invariably  taken  very  keen  interest  in  all  questions 
affecting  Labour,  summoned  me  to  Balmoral  for  a  few  days 
and  was  graciously  pleased  to  invest  me  with  the  insignia 
of  a  Knight  Commander  of  the  Order  of  the  Bath. 

During  the  autumn  of  1911  various  settlements  arising 
out  of  the  August  strikes  had  to  be  made,  the  usual  number 
of  small  disputes  occurred,  and  the  Industrial  Council  was 
established  ;  but  the  comparative  calm  was  so  marked 
that  some  newspapers  put  the  movements  down  to  such 
causes  as  the  hot  weather  !  A  disproof  of  this  contention 
occurred  at  the  very  end  of  December,  in  the  middle  of  a 
frost,  when  Dundee  carters  and  dockers  went  out  with  a 
closing-down  of  jute-mills  and  factories  owing  to  shortage 
of  coal  and  material.  The  Lord  Provost  opened  negotia- 
tions, but  the  strike  continued,  with  some  disturbance 
which  led  to  the  presence  of  extra  police  and  the  Black 
Watch. 

A  personal  story  illustrating  the  stress  of  disputes  and 
the  necessity  of  speed  may  possibly  be  permissible  in 
recording  the  strange  settlement  of  this  dispute. 

The  Lord  Provost  had  intimated  that  matters  were 
assuming  so  serious  an  aspect  that  he  might  desire  aid, 
but  that  any  message  to  that  effect  would  arrive  in  London 
in  the  morning  of  December  22.  No  message  came,  so  I 


174  JUTE,    1911 

left  for  my  country  house  at  St.  Ives,  in  Huntingdonshire, 
for  the  Christmas  holidays,  craving  for  a  rest.  That 
evening,  at  9  p.m.,  the  postmaster,  after  hours,  personally 
brought  up  a  telegram,  saying  that  against  all  rule  he 
thought  I  should  have  it.  The  wire  was  to  the  effect 
that  a  meeting  had  been  arranged  for  next  morning  at 
9.30,  my  presence  was  promised,  and  to  come  without 
fail ;  the  position  was  most  serious,  and  all  Dundee  out. 
Then  there  followed  a  hustle.  The  chauffeur  had  to  be 
found  ;  there  was  no  petrol,  but  St.  Ives  gallantly  turned 
out  to  get  it ;  we  rushed  to  Peterborough  at  top  speed  ; 
the  right  station  had  to  be  found,  with  all  the  inhabitants 
asleep,  and  those  who  know  Peterborough  know  the  puzzle 
of  its  stations.  The  train  had  gone  ;  but  an  active  and 
cheering  set  of  railwaymen  stopped  another,  hustled  me  on 
board,  had  wires  sent  to  retard  the  mail  train  at  Grantham  ; 
another  set  pushed  me  into  the  mail  at  that  junction  ; 
and  next  morning  I  emerged  at  Dundee  to  meet  a  smiling 
Lord  Provost  and  walk  through  a  crowd  to  the  Town  Hall. 
When  I  returned,  unannounced,  at  early  morn  of  Christmas 
Day,  once  more  at  Peterborough,  after  a  settlement,  I  was 
greeted  with  :  "  Well,  sir,  you've  done  it,  and  we  did 
not  think  you  could.  We  should  all  have  been  out  this 
Christmas  if  you  hadn't."  A  taxicab  was  produced  from 
nowhere.  The  man  would  only  take  his  fare  on  pressure 
as  a  Christmas-box  for  his  children.  "  We  might  have 
been  starving  in  a  fortnight,"  he  said,  "  and  I  would  like 
to  do  my  bit."  And  so  I  got  my  Christmas. 

These  may  be  petty  incidents,  but  they  serve  to  illustrate 
that  men  do  not  want  these  quarrels,  interfering  with  their 
homes,  prospects,  and  lives,  at  unknown  and  unexpected 
moments,  and  coming  from  unexpected  quarters.  Great 
is  the  responsibility  of  those  who  cause  them  or  who 
thoughtlessly  disregard  complaints  ;  though  an  interme- 
diary must,  so  far  as  I  can  judge,  most  sternly  keep  senti- 
ment subservient  to  justice,  lest  he  fall  into  a  quagmire 
of  difficulty,  and  soon  be  despised  for  his  action.  Such 
incidents  occur  over  and  over  again  in  disputes,  but  I  have 
ventured  to  cite  these  personal  matters  in  this  dispute 
as  a  type. 

On  arrival  at  Dundee,  we  sat  for  seventeen  hours,  well 
into  the  morning  of  December  24,  when  an  agreement  was 
reached.  Experience  of  carters  at  Manchester  and  Liver- 


A  CHRISTMAS  SETTLEMENT  175 

pool  helped  much  towards  the  quick  settlement  of  this 
dispute,  which  seemed  at  first  to  be  very  threatening,  and 
likely  to  spread  to  other  places.  The  difficulties  consisted 
in  the  divergent  views  of  two  sets  of  carting  employers, 
the  railway  managers,  who  were  not  prepared  to  hazard 
changes  likely  to  affect  other  districts  and  other  companies, 
and  the  general  carting  employers.  These  were  adjusted 
by  the  afternoon,  but  the  settlement  of  the  claims  of  the 
dockers,  with  their  work  interlocking  with  the  work  of  the 
carters,  proved  to  be  a  long  business.  The  shipowners  of 
Dundee  would  not  act  without  the  consent  of  shipowners 
at  Leith,  who  had  interests  in  the  port  and  feared  extension 
of  any  change  to  Leith  ;  and  they  also  shrank  from  possible 
reproof  by  the  all-powerful  Shipping  Federation,  if  they 
consented  to  any  change.  Restrictive  orders  by  absent 
persons  or  associations  are  an  unreasonable  and  almost 
unfair  clog  to  efforts  at  agreement  or  conciliation,  but  in 
this  case  were  overcome  by  telephonic  conversations  carried 
on  till  a  late  hour  of  the  night  and  up  to  3  a.m.  on  the 
Sunday  morning,  without  any  question  being  raised  about 
work  on  the  Scottish  Sabbath. 

What  is  to  be  said  about  these  disputes  ?  My  own 
strong  opinion  is  that  they  were  economic.  Trade  had 
been  improving,  but  employers  thought  too  much  of  making 
up  for  some  lean  years  in  the  past,  and  of  making  /money, 
without  sufficient  regard  to  the  importance  of  considering 
the  position  of  their  workpeople  at  a  time  of  improvement 
of  trade.  Prices  had  been  rising,  but  no  sufficient  increase 
of  wages,  and  certainly  no  general  increase,  had  followed  the 
rise.  It  may  be  said  that  employers  had  waited  too  much 
upon  each  other. 

I  endeavoured  to  express  this  opinion  at  the  Cutlers' 
Feast  at  Sheffield,  on  October  17,  in  remarks  which  at  the 
time  were  said  to  be  bold,  but  which  I  think  have  been 
proved  to  be  correct.  On  that  occasion  I  said  : 

"  If  it  is,  as  I  think,  true  that  the  cost  of  living  in  the 
great  towns  has  risen  in  a  proportion  out  of  the  proportion 
to  which  wages  have  risen,  and  if,  as  is  also  true,  that  with 
large  numbers  of  men  earning,  say,  between  195.  and  25s. 
a  week,  60  per  cent,  of  those  earnings  goes  in  food  ;  and  if 
the  cost  of  living  rises,  and  the  other  40  per  cent.,  which 
goes  in  clothes,  rent,  rates,  and  any  little  luxuries  that  the 


176  JUTE,    1911 

man  may  be  able  to  afford,  is  changed  and  altered  so 
that  the  40  per  cent,  is  largely  infringed  upon  at  a  time 
when  men  are  desiring  greater  comfort,  are  listening  to 
active  propaganda,  are  having  instilled  into  them  upon 
every  platform  in  the  country  their  economic  position  and 
the  comparison  with  their  colleagues  in  Germany  and 
America,  it  is  scarcely  to  be  wondered  at  that  some 
disturbance  and  desire  to  obtain  more  should  arise. 

"  On  the  other  hand,  when  the  complex  equipment  for 
the  improvement  of  the  harnessing  of  the  natural  forces 
of  the  world  in  the  service  of  mankind  is  going  forward 
throughout  the  world,  and  when  the  demand  for  capital 
in  its  largest  sense  is  increasing,  no  doubt  those  who  hold 
gilt-edged  securities  cannot  obtain  such  a  price  as  they 
would  when  the  loanable  value  of  capital  elsewhere  is  so 
much  greater,  and  the  attractions  for  the  use  of  capital 
elsewhere  are  possibly  greater  than  in  the  United  Kingdom. 
There  is  an  adjustment  to  be  made,  which  may  be  difficult 
to  arrange,  and  which  cannot  be  arranged  at  a  moment's 
notice. 

"  Further,  if  at  such  a  time,  in  the  course  of  the  adjust- 
ment, you  have  various  disorganised  industries  united  for 
the  first  time  and  feeling  their  strength,  you  may  have 
not  only  those  industries,  but  others  allied  to  them,  getting 
into  a  state  of  turmoil.  The  effects  of  war  and  of  earth- 
quakes, of  shipwrecks  and  of  disturbances  of  that  kind, 
are  palpable  to  all.  From  the  view  that  I  take  of  it, 
industrial  war  is  equally  disastrous  to  both  Capital  and 
Labour. 

"  If  you  think  that  in  August  last  there  were  on  actual 
strike  373,000  persons,  and  also  hundreds  of  thousands  of 
persons  thrown  out  of  work  by  the  strikes,  you  will  find 
that  the  wage  of  the  people  concerned  runs  in  one  month 
into  millions  ;  that  the  spending  power  runs  into  more 
millions,  and  that  the  resulting  waste  in  this  complex 
machinery  runs  into  a  loss  which  can  scarcely  be  estimated. 
If  anything  can  be  done  to  prevent  that  in  a  city  of  this 
kind,  it  must,  without  doubt,  be  valuable,  and  it  may  be 
hoped  that  Sheffield  may  be  able  so  to  examine  matters 
that  the  pride  and  common  sense  of  her  citizens  may 
prevent  these  disturbances  occurring." 

The  first  grave  disputes  arose  in  the  sea-ports,  where 


CHARACTER   OF  THE   DISPUTES  177 

there  was,  speaking  generally,  extraordinary  alienation 
and  lack  of  sympathy  between  employers  and  their  men. 
The  pools  of  casual  labour  allowed  the  employers  always 
to  obtain  labour.  There  was  no  cohesion  among  employers, 
and  no  section  of  employers  who  dared  to  come  forward 
and  give  a  lead.  Employers  and  trades  were  so  interlocked 
and  dependent  on  each  other  that  no  section  could  move 
without  affecting  other  sections,  and  there  was  no  con- 
sideration by  anyone  in  any  port  of  the  proper  course  to  be 
pursued  or  the  best  advice  to  be  given.  Labour  was  there, 
and  Labour  had  not  complained  in  any  forceful  way,  or 
combined.  If  a  man  disliked  work,  he  need  not  take  it. 
Another  man  would  step  into  his  place.  The  unions  had 
in  some  places  been  organising  ;  but  in  other  places  they 
had  little  cohesion.  The  cumulative  effect,  however,  of 
increasing  prices  and  no  increase  in  wages  bound  together 
men  as  soon  as  a  move  was  made.  In  almost  every  port 
the  movement  started  with  unorganised  men,  generally 
young  men.  The  labour  leaders  were  taken  by  surprise. 
Some  quickly  headed  the  movement  and  tried  to  regain 
lost  authority.  Others  frankly  expressed  astonishment, 
and  could  not  understand  the  outbreak  and  determination. 
With  the  magnitude  of  the  outbreaks,  a  large  number  of  the 
new  men  came  to  the  front,  many  without  experience  of 
leadership,  a  clear  knowledge  of  the  real  wishes  of  the  work- 
people, or  much  skill  in  ascertaining  them.  Interspersed 
with  these  new  leaders  there  were  a  few  who  had  had 
experience  of  labour  troubles  in  the  United  States,  also 
a  few  who  were  said  to  be  members  of  the  Independent 
Workers  of  the  World.  But  these  were  not  well  known, 
and  their  violence  did  not  appeal  much  to  the  majority  of 
workers,  who  were  not  out  for  talk  but  for  practical 
results.  Some  of  them  hampered  the  more  moderate 
leaders  badly  by  watching  them  and  endeavouring  to 
suggest  suspicion  about  them.  One  who  had  been  particu- 
larly difficult  had  the  coolness  to  write  to  me  a  year  after- 
wards, asking  me  to  recommend  him  for  a  post,  on  the 
ground  of  his  assistance  in  settling  the  Manchester  strikes  ! 
I  would  repeat  that  in  my  opinion  these  strikes  were 
economic  strikes  ;  but  that  they  showed  to  the  workers  the 
value  of  organisation,  and  that  organisation  has  been 
improved  and  continued  during  succeeding  years. 


CHAPTER  XIX 

THE   INDUSTRIAL   COUNCIL,    1911 

IN  view  of  the  serious  disputes  which  had  burst  out  during 
the  summer,  many  suggestions  were  made  with  the  idea 
that  Labour  and  Capital  might  be  brought  more  closely 
together.  Although  throughout  the  country  there  were  so 
many  voluntary  arrangements  for  conciliation  and  arbitra- 
tion, with  which  nobody  desired  to  interfere,  a  number 
of  trades  were  not  organised,  or,  in  spite  of  organisation, 
had  found  their  arrangements  very  defective.  The  inter- 
locking of  trade,  and  the  effects  which  a  stoppage  in  one 
trade  or  section  of  a  trade  might  have  upon  another,  were 
very  insufficiently  realised.  There  were  also  constant 
recriminations  alleging  breach  of  agreement,  so  that  there 
was  much  talk  about  the  necessity  of  enforcing  agreements 
or  establishing  some  methods  for  avoiding  breaches  of 
agreements.  The  public  had,  as  usual,  no  use  for  strikes 
or  lockouts,  and  through  the  Press  urgently  asked,  "  Cannot 
something  be  done  to  stop  these  upheavals  ?  "  Among 
those  who  had  especially  promulgated  opinions,  Sir  Charles 
Macara,  chairman  for  many  years  of  the  Masters'  Federation 
in  the  cotton  industry,  had  been  the  most  emphatic. 
In  July  and  August  1911,  after  the  Manchester  strikes, 
he  had  proposed  the  establishment  of  a  business  court 
for  dealing  with  industrial  disputes,  and  secured  con- 
siderable support.  "  Before  work  is  stopped,"  he  said, 
"  either  by  employers  or  employees,  the  facts  of  the  dispute 
would  have  to  be  reviewed  by  the  members  of  the  arbitra- 
tion court,  with  a  trained  chairman  such  as  Mr.  Askwith 
presiding  over  the  deliberations.  The  court  would  be 
composed  of  leading  employers  and  labour  leaders,  selected 
from  the  half-dozen  chief  industries  in  the  country.  Their 
decision  would  not  be  compulsory,  but  it  would,  I  am 
convinced,  be  the  deliberate  judgment  of  men  anxious 
to  arrive  at  the  truth  of  the  case,  and  would  be  of  such  a 

178 


CHIEF  INDUSTRIAL  COMMISSIONER  179 

character  as  would  in  most  cases  make  any  trade,  whether 
employer  or  operative,  hesitate  before  setting  its  verdict 
on  one  side. 

"  There  is  nothing  revolutionary  in  such  a  scheme.  It 
is  a  business  proposition  put  before  business  people,  and, 
I  am  glad  to  see,  is  being  considered  as  much.  With  the 
growing  feeling  of  unrest  that  is  around  us,  the  establish- 
ment of  some  such  body  as  I  have  indicated,  bringing  a 
calm,  judicial  mind  to  the  case,  would  be  of  inestimable 
service." 

Sir  Charles  Macara,  at  least,  even  if  other  men  did  not 
realise  the  fact  and  its  supplements,  understood  the  inter- 
locking of  trade.  The  cotton  industry,  his  special  trade, 
had  necessarily  been  much  inconvenienced  by  the  difficulties 
at  the  ports,  and  indeed  had  suffered  considerably.  He  had 
a  great  belief  in  organisation,  and  was  continually  citing  the 
Brooklands  Agreement,  and  his  confidence,  not  as  yet 
affected  by  the  non-union  quarrel,  that  in  organisation, 
particularly  if  it  was  assisted  by  the  opinion  of  other  trades 
which  must  be  influenced  by  sectional  disputes,  lay  the 
possibility  of  a  reasonable  method  of  avoiding  internecine 
war.  His  advocacy  largely  led  to  the  establishment  of 
the  Industrial  Council  in  1911. 

At  the  same  time,  the  excessive  work  and  travelling  over 
labour  matters  had  made  it  quite  impossible  for  me  and 
my  immediate  officers  to  carry  on  the  proper  control  of 
other  branches  of  the  Board  of  Trade,  such  as  Exhibitions, 
Trade  Boards,  Standard  Weights  and  Measures,  certain 
departments  of  the  Labour  Exchanges  and  of  Patents  and 
Designs,  Copyright,  Statistics,  a  Gazette,  and  other  matters. 
I  advocated  strongly  the  importance  of  whole-time  service 
being  devoted  to  the  subject  of  Labour. 

The  Government,  through  Mr.  Buxton,  the  President  of 
the  Board  of  Trade,  took  up  both  these  subjects.  An 
Industrial  Council  was  established,  of  which  I  was  appointed 
chairman ;  and  also  a  special  department  for  Labour,  the 
other  branches  being  separated  from  it,  came  into  existence, 
new  premises  being  assigned  to  it  and  the  title  of  Chief 
Industrial  Commissioner  being  given  to  me  as  its  chief, 
with  the  rank  of  a  Permanent  Secretary.  The  two  offices 
of  Chief  Industrial  Commissioner  and  Chairman  of  the 
Industrial  Council  had  evidently  to  be  worked  as  far  as 
possible  in  unison. 


180 

The  Industrial  Council  was  established  after  a  great  time 
of  stress.  It  was  obvious  that,  if  organisations  had  been 
asked  to  elect,  they  would  have  deliberated  about  the  whole 
idea,  and  possibly  sent  an  ordinary  committeeman  to  serve 
on  it,  even  if  it  had  not  been  deliberated  out  of  existence. 
Time  was  also  against  deliberation.  At  any  moment  it  was 
possible  that  new  outbreaks  might  arise.  The  public  were 
clamouring  for  action.  There  was  no  one  organisation 
which  could  come  forward  and  take  the  lead.  It  was, 
therefore,  decided  to  nominate  for  a  period  of  one  year  the 
leading  men  of  each  principal  organisation  on  both  sides, 
with  the  addition  of  certain  others  whose  names  were 
known  as  leading  men  in  the  past,  or  who  had  taken  and 
shown  great  interest  in  industrial  matters.  The  leading 
men  had  been  appointed  Presidents  by  their  own  Associa- 
tions, and  therefore  it  could  not  be  argued  that,  in  naming 
them,  there  was  any  preference  on  the  grounds  of  politics, 
complacency,  or  favouritism.  The  response  was  good. 
The  list  was  a  remarkable  one,  if  only  for  the  position 
occupied  by  each  individual,  as  may  be  gathered  from  the 
names  and  positions  of  the  representatives  given  at  the  end 
of  this  chapter.  Then  why  did  the  Council  not  succeed 
in  achieving  more  power  and  influence  than  it  did  ? 

The  answers,  I  think,  are  many,  and  cumulative  in  their 
effect : 

1.  The  idea  was  quite  new,  and  a  little  too  early.     The 
British  people  take  a  long  time  to  absorb  a  new  idea.     After 
practical  illustration  in  a  smaller  form  by  the  efforts  of  the 
Committee  on  Production,  the  Arbitration  Tribunals,  and 
the  Industrial  Courts,  the  idea  of  a  tribunal  to  which 
parties  can  voluntarily  go  for  a  decision  without  a  prelimi- 
nary fight  has  become  more  acceptable,  but  it  is  open  to 
doubt  how  far  the  strength  of  such  tribunals  will  continue  in 
times  of  depression. 

2.  The  Council  had  no  power  to  bring  disputants  before 
it,    and    none    to    enforce    any    decision.     "  Will    labour 
leaders,  too,"  said  one  paper,  "  who,  when  merely  labour 
leaders,  are  unable  to  control  their  followers,  be  more  likely 
to  have  success  when  surrounded  with  the  official  aura  of 
joint  membership  with  capitalists  of  an  Industrial  Council  ?  " 
"  From  its  size  alone,"  said  another  critic,  "  it  must  be 
cumbrous  and  slow-moving,  and  nowadays  these  labour 
wars  blaze  out  almost  in  an  hour." 


COMMENTS   ON  THE   INDUSTRIAL   COUNCIL    181 

3.  The  Council  was  imposed  as  an  act  of  the  Government, 
and  not  by  the  growth  of  an  idea  among  the  parties  prin- 
cipally concerned.     All  those  who  were  opposed  to  Govern- 
ment interference  looked  askance  at  it.   All  those  trades  who 
could  not  be  represented  on  it,  because  size  was  necessarily 
a  matter  of  importance,  were  rather  doubtful  of  making 
use  of  it.     Some  large  industries,  such  as  the  cotton  trade, 
except   for   one   section,    would   not   accept   it.     It   was 
considered  by  others  to  be  a  political  move,  and  therefore 
to  be  discountenanced. 

4.  Although  the  Council  was  established  by  the  Govern- 
ment, when  it  made  an  elaborate  report  after  much  hard 
work  and  at  least  one  unanimous  recommendation,  the 
Government  did  not  take  the  report  as  the  last  word  and 
as  the  best  recommendation  which  the  most   important 
leaders  of  Capital  and  Labour  had  ever  jointly  evolved. 
They  tried  to  get  the  opinion  of  another  body,  the  Trade 
Unions  Conference,  on  the  report,  by  the  help  of  the  repre- 
sentative of  a  small  union  which  had  had  no  seat  on  the 
Council.    Anyone  who  knows  the  machinery  of  the  Trade 
Unions  Conference,  the  pressure  upon  its  time,  the  method 
by  which  its  agenda  are  prepared,  the  authorities  given  to  its 
members,  and  the  form  of  its  debates,  would  have  realised 
how  futile  such  a  proceeding  would  be.     The  proposals 
were  hardly  discussed,  and  finally  brushed  aside  on  the 
suggestion  by  the  cotton  trade  and  the  miners  that  it  might 
be  a  step  towards  compulsory  arbitration,  a  system  which 
probably  not  a  single  member  of  the  Council  would  have 
intended,  supported,  or  deemed  to  be  practical.  Acceptance 
of  the  report  and  a  Government  Bill  would  have  caught 
no  votes,  with  the  result  that  the  Government  took  no 
interest  in  it  any  more  than  they  did  in  the  Industrial 
Council  itself,  which  they  appeared  to  consider  to  be  a 
kind  of  debating  society.     When  the  crisis  of  acute  strikes 
had  passed,  they  quietly  dropped  it,  without  referring  any 
more  questions  to  its  judgment,  or  maintaining  its  existence 
for  possible  emergencies. 

5.  The  Council  did  not  succeed  with  strike  settlement. 
It  must  be  admitted  that  the  first  strike  coming  to  it,  the 
refusal  of  certain  dock- workers  at  Newport,  Mon.,  to  work 
to  an  award  of  an  arbitration  court,  and  a  sympathetic 
strike  of  other  cargo  workers  in  that  port,  was  an  extremely 
difficult  case ;  but  a  committee  of  the  Council  failed  to 


182  THE   INDUSTRIAL   COUNCIL,    1911 

settle  it.  The  strike  spread  to  Swansea,  and  threatened 
trouble  throughout  the  Bristol  Channel  ports.  In  order 
to  relieve  the  Council  from  its  position,  I  had  to  see  the 
parties  interested  by  themselves,  and  eventually  persuade 
them  to  meet  in  local  conference,  with  some  suggestions  for 
settlement,  which  were  accepted.  Soon  afterwards  the 
cotton  lockout  came  into  being,  and  here  again  a  large  trade 
would  not  make  use  of  the  services  of  the  Council,  Sir 
Charles  Macara  himself  being  chairman  of  the  employers 
who  decided  upon  a  lockout.  No  application  was  made  to 
the  Council  in  the  Dundee  dispute,  though  so  urgent  a 
matter  could  scarcely  have  been  dealt  with  by  a  committee 
travelling  on  the  eve  of  Christmas  to  a  Northern  port, 
particularly  as  committees  necessarily  take  time  to 
assemble. 

In  fact,  intervention  or  settlement  of  labour  disputes 
requires  selection  of  an  exact  moment  for  action,  complete 
and  speedy  grasp  of  the  real  causes  of  the  dispute  and  the 
technicalities  of  the  points  at  issue,  speed  and  experience 
in  judging  the  characters,  sayings,  and  real  views  of  the 
individuals  on  either  side,  both  in  and  out  of  the  conference 
room.  Committees  are  singularly  inapt  bodies  for  these 
purposes.  They  may  be  suitable  as  arbitration  courts, 
but  very  seldom  as  conciliation  courts.  The  judgment  of 
the  trades  was,  I  think,  generally  sound  in  not  caring  to  use 
the  Industrial  Council  as  a  conciliatory  body,  and  this 
opinion,  so  far  as  conciliation  is  concerned,  is  now  accepted 
by  the  new  Arbitration  Courts,  who  never  attempt  con- 
ciliation or  interference  to  prevent  outbreaks  before  they 
occur,  but  only  decide  on  issues  put  before  them  for 
determination. 

Mr.  Buxton,  the  President  of  the  Board  of  Trade,  was 
quite  right  when  he  said  : 

"  The  more  I  have  seen  of  them  the  more  I  am  convinced, 
first,  that  the  best  and  most  satisfactory  method  of  settling 
disputes  between  employers  and  workmen  is  for  the  parties 
directly  concerned  to  come  to  an  agreement  among  them- 
selves. Secondly,  that  when  the  parties  are  unable  them- 
selves to  come  to  terms,  and  a  stoppage  of  work  is  imminent, 
or  after  a  stoppage  of  work  has  taken  place,  assistance  from 
outside  is  very  often  effective  in  preventing,  shortening,  or 
ending  a  dispute.  Thirdly,  that  this  method  of  action, 


MR.  BUXTON'S  HOPES  183 

if  and  where  it  takes  place,  must  be  done  at  the  right 
moment,  in  the  right  way,  and  by  the  right  person." 

He  was  also  quite  right  when  he  denounced  political 
interference,  the  bane  of  Government  methods  at  the  present 
time,  by  saying  : 

"  One  disadvantage  of  the  existing  system  is  undoubtedly 
that  it  brings  into  action  and  prominence  the  Parliamentary 
Head  of  the  Board  of  Trade,  who  is  necessarily  a  politician  .  . . 
and  a  member  of  the  Government,  in  disputes  and  con- 
ciliations which  ought  to  be  purely  industrial.  It  has  been 
my  policy,  and,  I  hope,  my  action,  during  my  two  years 
at  the  Board  of  Trade  to  efface  as  far  as  possible  my  per- 
sonality as  a  political  President,  and  I  believe  my  depart- 
ment has  won  the  confidence  of  the  public  and  of  the  two 
industrial  sides  to  a  remarkable  degree.  At  the  same  time, 
I  realise  that,  if  the  action  of  the  department  in  these  matters 
could  be  still  further  removed  from  the  sphere  of  politics 
or  the  suspicion  of  politics,  it  would  give  even  greater 
confidence,  and  there  would  be  greater  willingness  by  the 
parties  to  a  dispute  to  seek  the  assistance  of  the  Board  of 
Trade.  The  President  cannot,  of  course,  dissociate  himself 
from  all  responsibility,  and  in  certain  circumstances  the 
Government  may  have  to  intervene  as  a  last  resort.  But 
such  cases  would  be  few  and  far  between." 

But  experience  proved  that  he  was  developing  a  wrong 
path  of  practical  work,  when  he  said  that  the  Council 
should  be  a  National  Conciliation  Board,  and  laid  stress 
upon  its  action  before  rather  than  after  a  stoppage  of  work. 
His  words  were  these  : 

"  The  other  reason  for  the  creation  of  the  Industrial 
Council  is  that  we  believe  that  the  powers  and  position 
of  the  Board  of  Trade,  its  good  offices,  could  be  advanta- 
geously strengthened  in  the  direction  of  what  may  be  called 
a  national  industrial  body  of  weight  and  of  repute,  consist- 
ing of  representatives  of  the  two  great  sides  of  the  industry 
of  the  country  ...  a  body  that  would  bring  to  bear  on 
these  problems  a  great  range  of  advice,  great  weight,  and 
a  greater  likelihood,  therefore,  of  useful  and  acceptable 
action,  especially — and  I  lay  stress  on  this — before,  rather 
than  after,  stoppage  of  work.  Such  a  body  would  also 
13 


184  THE    INDUSTRIAL    COUNCIL,    1911 

enable  an  appeal  to  be  made  to  it  by  one  or  other  of  the 
combatants,  without  loss  of  dignity. 

"  I  would  point  out  further  that  of  late  years,  both  on 
the  side  of  the  employers  and  on  the  side  of  the  workmen, 
considerable  steps  have  been  taken  towards  what  I  may 
call  federated  effort — combinations  of  trade  unions  on  the 
one  hand  and  of  federations  of  employers'  associations  on 
the  other— and  that,  from  the  point  of  view  of  trade  dis- 
putes, trade  and  industry  are  far  more  interdependent  than 
they  used  to  be.  While,  therefore,  a  few  years  ago  the 
creation  of  a  National  Conciliation  Council,  representing 
all  the  great  industries,  might  have  been  thought  to  be 
premature,  its  existence  is  really  now  essential,  so  that 
these  matters  can  be  considered  as  a  whole." 

These  remarks  are  interesting  because  the  practical  rock 
of  the  difficulty  of  conciliation  by  a  committee  is  a  rock 
which  the  League  of  Nations  is  very  likely  to  find  an 
obstruction  in  its  way.  Unless  its  members  are  very  care- 
ful, and  can  be  ensured  the  support  of  public  opinion  of 
all  Governments  and  their  peoples  throughout  the  world, 
insisting  that  the  League  shall  be  the  Conciliation  Board 
of  the  world,  their  functions  as  a  Conciliation  Board, 
although  outlined  as  part  of  their  work,  may  derogate  from 
their  usefulness  as  an  Arbitration  Board,  and  possibly 
conduce  to  an  isolated  and  barren  position.  Advice  not 
desired,  sought,  or  taken,  and  decisions  without  sanction 
of  possible  force,  would,  after  a  few  failures,  have  little 
or  no  value.  Usefulness  can  only  be  acquired  by  success. 

It  must  not  be  supposed  from  the  foregoing  that  the 
Industrial  Council  was  idle  or  did  no  good  work,  both 
directly  and  indirectly.  Indirectly  in  numerous  sittings, 
it  brought  together  the  leading  men  who  had  the  official 
positions  of  headship  of  the  great  industries  of  the  country. 
Many  of  these  men  had  never  met  each  other,  much  less 
heard  the  difficulties  or  details  of  each  other's  industries. 
The  sittings  of  the  Council  from  first  to  last  were  conducted 
with  the  greatest  harmony.  The  members  of  the  Council 
became  friends,  and  on  many  occasions  later  on  acquaint- 
ance and  friendship  led  to  better  understandings.  Directly, 
the  main  work  of  the  Council  was  an  inquiry  requested  by 
the  Government  upon  the  subject  of  Industrial  Agreements, 
to  which  later  reference  will  be  made. 


MEMBERS   OF  THE   COUNCIL  185 

INDUSTRIAL    COUNCIL 

EMPLOYERS'  REPRESENTATIVES 

Mr.  GEORGE  AINSWORTH  (Consett),  Chairman  of  the 
Steel  Ingot  Makers'  Association. 

Sir  HUGH  BELL  (Middlesbrough),  President  of  the  Iron, 
Steel,  and  Allied  Trades  Federation,  and  Chairman  of  the 
Cleveland  Mine  Owners'  Association. 

Mr.  G.  H.  CLAUGHTON  (London),  Chairman  of  the 
London  and  North- Western  Railway  Company. 

Mr.  W.  A.  CLOWES  (London),  Chairman  of  the  London 
Master  Printers'  Association. 

Mr.  J.  H.  C.  CROCKETT  (Northampton),  President  of  the 
Incorporated  Federated  Association  of  Boot  and  Shoe 
Manufacturers  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland. 

Mr.  F.  L.  DAVIS  (South  Wales),  Chairman  of  the  South 
Wales  Coal  Conciliation  Board. 

Mr.  T.  L.  DEVITT  (London),  Chairman  of  the  Shipping 
Federation,  Limited. 

Sir  T.  RATCLIFFE  ELLIS  (Wigan),. Secretary  of  the  Lanca- 
shire and  Cheshire  Coal  Owners'  Association,  and  Joint 
Secretary  of  the  Board  of  Conciliation  of  the  Coal  Trade 
of  the  Federated  Districts,  etc. 

Mr.  F.  W.  GIBBINS  (South  Wales),  Chairman  of  the  Welsh 
Plate  and  Sheet  Manufacturers'  Association. 

Sir  CHARLES  MACARA  (Manchester),  President  of  the 
Federation  of  Master  Cotton  Spinners'  Associations. 

Mr.  ROBERT  THOMPSON,  M.P.  (Belfast),  Past-President 
of  the  Ulster  Flax  Spinners'  Association. 

Mr.  ALEXANDER  SIEMENS  (Woolwich),  Chairman  of  the 
Executive  Board  of  the  Engineering  Employers'  Federa- 
tion. 

Mr.  J.  W.  WHITE  (Sunderland),  President  of  the  National 
Building  Trades  Employers'  Federation. 

WORKMEN'S  REPRESENTATIVES 

Rt.  Hon.  THOMAS  BURT,  M.P.  (Newcastle),  General 
Secretary  of  the  Northumberland  Miners'  Mutual  Confident 
Association. 

Mr.  T.  ASHTON  (Manchester),  Secretary  of  the  Miners' 
Federation  of  Great  Britain,  and  General  Secretary  of  the 
Lancashire  and  Cheshire  Miners'  Federation. 


186  THE    INDUSTRIAL    COUNCIL,    1911 

Mr.  C.  W.  BOWERMAN,  M.P.  (London),  Secretary  of  the 
Parliamentary  Committee  of  the  Trade  Unions  Congress, 
and  President  of  the  Printing  and  Kindred  Trades  Federa- 
tion of  the  United  Kingdom. 

Mr.  F.  CHANDLER  (Manchester),  General  Secretary  of  the 
Amalgamated  Society  of  Carpenters  and  Joiners. 

Mr.  J.  R.  CLYNES,  M.P.  (Manchester),  Organising  Secre- 
tary of  the  National  Union  of  Gas  Workers  and  General 
Labourers  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland. 

Mr.  H.  GOSLING  (London),  President  of  the  National 
Transport  Workers'  Federation,  and  General  Secretary  of 
the  Amalgamated  Society  of  Watermen,  Lightermen,  and 
Watchmen  of  River  Thames. 

Mr.  ARTHUR  HENDERSON,  M.P.  (Newcastle),  Friendly 
Society  of  Ironfounders. 

Mr.  JOHN  HODGE,  M.P.  (London),  General  Secretary  of 
the  British  Steel  Smelters',  Mill, Iron,  and  Tinplate  Workers' 
Amalgamated  Association. 

Mr.  W.  MOSSES  (Manchester),  General  Secretary  of  the 
Federation  of  Engineering  and  Shipbuilding  Trades  and 
of  the  United  Pattern-makers'  Association. 

Mr.  W.  MULLIN,  J.P.  (Manchester),  President  of  the 
United  Textile  Factory  Workers'  Association,  and  General 
Secretary  of  the  Amalgamated  Association  of  Card  and 
Blowing  Room  Operatives. 

Mr.  E.  L.  POULTON  (Leicester),  General  Secretary  of  the 
National  Union  of  Boot  and  Shoe  Operatives. 

Mr.  ALEXANDER  WILKIE,  M.P.  (Newcastle),  Secretary 
of  the  Shipyard  Standing  Committee  under  the  National 
Agreement  of  1909,  and  General  Secretary  of  the  Ship 
Constructive  and  Shipwrights'  Society. 

Mr.  J.  E.  WILLIAMS  (London),  General  Secretary  of  the 
Amalgamated  Society  of  Railway  Servants. 

Additions  may  be  made  to  the  above  list. 

The  members  of  the  Council  will  in  the  first  instance 
hold  office  for  one  year. 

Sir  George  Askwith,  the  present  Comptroller-General  of 
the  Labour  Department  of  the  Board  of  Trade,  has  been 
appointed  to  be  Chairman  of  the  Industrial  Council  with 
the  title  of  Chief  Industrial  Commissioner,  and  Mr.  H.  J. 
Wilson,  of  the  Board  of  Trade,  to  be  Registrar  of  the 
Council. 


CHAPTER   XX 

LANCASHIRE   COTTON   AND    CLYDE   DOCKERS,    1912 

DUNDEE  was  not  to  be  the  only  winter  dispute.  With  the 
new  year  of  1912  very  serious  trouble  arose  in  the  cotton 
trade  in  North-East  Lancashire — not  on  a  wage  question, 
but  on  a  question  of  principle,  of  union  or  non-union  labour. 
At  the  end  of  December  there  flamed  out  into  action  the 
ever-present  dislike  of  union  workpeople  against  non-union 
workpeople,  believed  by  the  employers  to  be  an  attempt 
on  the  part  of  the  Weavers'  Associations  to  force  the  North 
and  North-East  Lancashire  Cotton  Spinners'  and  Manu- 
facturers' Association  by  striking  mill  after  mill.  Notices 
had  been  handed  in  at  various  mills  to  cease  working  with 
non-unionists.  The  intention  was  announced  by  the 
operatives'  representatives  to  take  similar  action  at  all 
mills  where  union  members  objected  to  working  with  non- 
unionists.  This  proposal  went  much  farther  than  any 
leaders  of  the  operatives  had  previously  gone.  There  were 
union,  non-union,  and  mixed  mills.  Many  employers  and 
many  individual  workpeople  were  in  opposition  to  any 
forced  membership  of  the  union.  If  union  leaders  had 
desired  it,  they  had  not  been  strong  enough  to  press  such 
an  issue.  They  had  been  content  to  rely  on  the  influence 
of  the  union  and  quiet  efforts  to  ensure  membership  wher- 
ever they  could.  The  employers  resented  force  because 
they  pronounced  themselves  to  be  impartial  between 
unionists  and  non-unionists,  and  desired  to  employ  good 
labour  without  taking  into  account  whether  the  operatives 
belonged  to  the  union  or  not.  They  objected  to  an  attack 
upon  them  one  by  one,  without  knowledge  which  mill 
would  be  next  stopped,  and  to  embroilment  in  disputes 
between  operatives,  or  any  onus  of  ascertaining  an  opera- 
tive's membership.  They  considered  they  would  be  used 
as  the  tools  for  doing  the  work  which  the  union  secretaries 

187 


188     LANCASHIRE    COTTON   AND  CLYDE    DOCKERS 

had  failed  by  persuasion  to  effect.  Accordingly  they 
decided  to  be  free,  and  posted  notices  to  determine  all 
existing  contracts,  so  that  at  any  time  a  general  lockout 
could  be  ordered  if  any  mills  were  stopped  for  this  cause. 
The  union  retaliated  by  striking  two  mills  on  December  21, 
because  non-unionist  weavers  refused  to  join  the  local 
Weavers'  Association.  Then  the  employers  acted.  Asso- 
ciation followed  Association,  the  Hard  Waste  Manufacturers 
came  in,  a  general  lockout  commenced,  with  160,000 
workpeople  directly  involved,  and  another  150,000  soon 
following  with  short  time. 

It  was  an  extraordinarily  difficult  dispute.  Apart  from 
the  difficulty  of  an  intervention  in  the  cotton  trade,  the 
looming  dispute  had  rapidly  been  brought  to  a  head  in  the 
Christmas  week,  though  not  fully  realised  till  after  the 
"  play  days  "  of  the  New  Year  ;  both  parties  were  fighting 
for  alleged  principles,  and  strong  feeling  existed.  I  think 
it  was  only  because  the  Howe  dispute  had  been  settled 
without  political  interference,  and  because  neither  side  saw 
any  way  out  of  the  impasse,  that  on  January  2  the  employers 
consented  to  meet  me  next  day  "  with  a  view  of  stating 
clearly  the  Associations'  attitude  on  the  non-unionist 
question,  and  the  fixed  determination  to  adhere  to  the 
position  they  have  taken  up " — not  a  very  promising 
beginning  for  conciliation. 

Long  conferences,  held  separately  with  each  party,  took 
place  on  January  3,  4,  and  5,  at  the  end  of  which  some 
suggestions  were  made,  and  an  adjournment  was  taken  until 
Monday,  January  8,  so  that  the  parties  might  consult  their 
constituents.  Meanwhile  other  difficulties  came  in.  The 
employers  stated  that  they  could  not  consider,  during  the 
present  state  of  unrest,  an  application  for  a  5  per  cent, 
increase  of  wages,  which  many  persons  had  looked  forward 
to  as  a  possible  compromise,  in  the  belief  that  any  settle- 
ment on  the  principle  of  unionism  and  non-unionism  was 
impracticable.  The  reply  did  not  improve  the  feeling 
between  the  parties,  and  this  impression  was  reflected  in 
the  public  Press,  where  the  most  gloomy  prognostications 
were  prevalent. 

The  card  and  blowing  room  operatives  also  came  for- 
ward, saying  they  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  weavers' 
actions,  but  the  employers  had  locked  them  out  too,  and 
had  thereby  broken  an  agreement  with  them.  This  com- 


COTTON   CONFERENCES  189 

plication  did  not  soften  feelings.  After  three  conferences 
with  the  employers,  no  result  had  been  obtained,  but  both 
parties  then  asked  me  to  decide  the  matter.  I  met  them 
on  January  6,  when  an  amicable  settlement  cleared  away 
this  difficulty.  The  other  remained.  Long  conferences 
on  January  8  and  9,  at  which  the  parties  came  jointly 
together,  brought  no  result,  and  the  prospect  looked  black. 
The  general  opinion  seemed  to  be  that  there  was  nothing 
to  be  done  but  to  fight  it  out.  There  had  now  been  five 
days  of  conference,  in  addition  to  many  conversations,  but 
no  solution  appeared  to  be  within  sight.  The  Press  of  the 
whole  country  kept  discussing  the  matter,  but  although 
every  suggestion  was  examined,  not  one  practical  hint 
emerged  for  a  settlement  or  even  a  renewal  of  work,  in  face 
of  the  very  difficult  problem,  involving  questions  of  indi- 
vidual liberty,  rights  of  contract,  the  limitations  of  the  use 
of  force,  the  right  to  management  of  the  mills,  and  any 
number  of  clashing  principles.  One  could  only  rely  on  the 
fact  that  the  community  wanted  a  settlement.  Every 
paper,  every  caricature  emphasised  that  fact.  There  was 
also  the  fact  that  both  parties,  as  time  went  on,  or  so  I 
thought,  must  want  a  settlement.  The  one  did  not  want 
to  lose  their  place  in  the  world  competition  for  trade,  the 
other  did  not  want  to  lose  their  present  and  possibly  their 
future  livelihood.  It  was  necessary  to  play  for  time  and  to 
keep  cool — not  an  easy  matter  when  hotheads  were  urging 
a  fight,  and  in  some  districts  seemed  to  be  elated  by  the 
apparent  failure  of  the  conferences  ;  thousands,  nay,  tens 
of  thousands  of  workpeople  were  being  stopped  from 
work  every  day  in  the  allied  trades,  by  absence  of  supplies  ; 
no  issue  was  suggested  by  any  political  economist,  employer, 
or  workman  ;  and  some  individuals  of  the  parties  were 
breaking  down,  and  did  afterwards  break  down,  under  the 
strain  and  responsibility.  I  felt  that,  however  difficult 
the  case  might  be,  a  solution  might  not  be  impossible  so 
long  as  the  parties  were  meeting  face  to  face  instead  of 
denouncing  each  other  from  a  distance.  It  was  with  some 
difficulty  that  they  could  be  induced  to  meet  again,  but 
at  last  they  consented  to  another  conference  on  the 
following  Monday,  and  I  purposely  put  the  adjournment 
at  a  week,  in  view  of  the  high  tide  of  passionate  feeling. 
January  15  failed  to  bring  any  settlement ;  January  16  was 
the  last  chance.  I  knew  perfectly  well  that  after  seven 


190     LANCASHIRE    COTTON   AND    CLYDE    DOCKERS 

days  of  negotiation,  however  spread  over,  practical  men 
would  negotiate  no  more.  Everything  that  could  be  said 
would  have  been  said.  I  also  knew,  or  guessed,  that 
Lancashire,  except  for  some  very  good  reason,  would  not 
cut  its  own  throat,  but,  although  it  was  gashed,  would  think 
twice  before  severing  the  jugular  vein.  My  plan  was  to 
give  further  time  for  reflection,  if  under  the  surrounding 
circumstances  the  parties  would  agree  to  reflect.  If  a 
generalisation  may  be  allowed,  it  seems  to  me  that,  on  the 
assumption  that  a  settlement  must  be  effected,  say  at 
12  o'clock,  with  the  alternative  of  a  fight,  generally  per- 
fectly useless,  Scotland  will  settle  at  five  minutes  before 
the  hour  and  make  quite  sure  ;  Lancashire  will  settle  one 
minute  before  that  hour  ;  Yorkshire  will  debate  so  long 
that  they  may  by  inadvertence  pass  the  hour  and  have 
trouble  ;  Wales  will  take  no  note  of  the  hour  and  sometimes 
settle  and  sometimes  not ;  and  Ireland  say  that  the  clock 
is  wrong,  and  that  if  it  is  right  they  will  settle  or  not  without 
any  regard  to  it.  Personally  I  prefer  the  Scottish  method. 
My  plan  succeeded.  During  the  week  more  conciliatory 
expressions  of  opinion  had  been  published  both  by  em- 
ployers' and  operatives'  representatives.  The  public  Press 
began  to  assume  a  more  hopeful  mood,  after  being  in  the 
depths  of  despair,  but  again  relapsed  when  no  settlement 
was  reached  on  January  15,  after  a  sitting  of  ten  hours. 
On  the  following  day  their  views  again  brightened  when  at 
last  an  agreement  was  effected.  The  agreement  was  based 
upon  the  principle  of  time.  It  said  this  : 

"  As  each  side  claims  a  principle — the  operatives  that  the 
workpeople  have  a  right  to  refuse  to  work  with  non-unionists 
at  any  shed  or  mill;  the  employers  that  they  must  maintain 
their  established  practice  of  strict  impartiality  as  regards 
unionists  and  non-unionists— and  as  both  parties  attach 
great  importance  to  maintaining  such  rights,  it  be  now 
agreed  by  the  employers'  and  operatives'  representatives 
that,  with  a  view  to  provide  means  whereby  the  dispute 
may  be  settled  by  reason  and  in  a  friendly  manner,  work 
shall  be  resumed  on  Monday  next,  January  22,  under  the  old 
conditions  of  employment,  on  the  understanding  that  at  the 
end  of  the  period  of  six  months,  during  which  no  action 
shall  be  taken  in  tendering  notices  or  striking  mills  on  the 
non-unionist  question,  Sir  George  Askwith,  who  has  been 


TIME  FOR  REFLECTION  191 

chairman  of  the  conferences,  and  has  heard  the  views  which 
have  been  expressed  by  both  sides,  will,  if  requested,  sub- 
mit to  the  parties  his  suggestions  upon  the  matter,  contain- 
ing, if  possible,  a  means  by  which  both  sides  can  maintain 
their  principles  without  injury  to  the  rights  of  each  other. 

"  If  such  suggestions  are  requested,  the  parties  shall  meet 
within  twenty-one  days  after  receiving  them  for  the  con- 
sideration of  the  subject. 

"  In  the  event  of  the  foregoing  procedure  not  providing 
a  solution  of  the  question,  neither  side  shall  be  entitled  to 
take  any  action  on  the  non-unionist  question  involving 
a  stoppage  of  the  machinery  unless  six  months'  notice  in 
writing  has  been  previously  given  by  one  side  to  the  other." 

There  was  some  doubt,  even  after  the  agreement,  whether 
it  would  be  endorsed  by  the  districts,  as  the  operatives' 
leaders,  although  they  had  full  power,  desired  to  ascertain 
the  opinions  of  their  associations  ;  but  on  the  following 
Friday  the  agreement  was  accepted,  in  spite  of  protests 
from  some  militant  districts.  Although  no  suggestion  for 
settlement  had  been  produced  anywhere,  criticism,  coupled 
with  sighs  of  relief,  indicated  that  some  superhuman 
intelligence  should  have  evolved  a  clean-cut  settlement. 
The  critics  failed  to  see  that  neither  party  could  accept  such 
a  settlement,  which  must  mean  complete  defeat  for  one  or 
the  other,  and  that  sheer  tenacity  could  only  succeed  in 
averting  an  unnecessary,  inconclusive,  and  ruinous  struggle. 

It  might  be  correct  to  say  that  this  agreement  did  not 
settle  the  question,  but  it  gave  time,  and  it  also  gave 
opportunity  for  withdrawing  from  an  untenable  position 
if,  after  exercise  of  calm  judgment,  it  was  so  considered  by 
either  side.  In  order  to  revive  the  question,  I  had  to  be  asked 
to  give  an  opinion,  but  not  before  the  end  of  six  months. 
Further,  if  that  opinion  was  obtained,  the  parties  had  to 
meet  to  consider  it,  and  finally,  whether  it  was  satisfactory 
or  not,  neither  side  was  after  that  to  take  any  action  involv- 
ing a  stoppage  of  machinery  without  six  months'  previous 
notice  in  writing.  Thus  plenty  of  time  for  consideration 
and  discussion  was  afforded  before  any  drastic  step  could 
be  taken.  Peace  was  established  for  a  year  at  least.  No 
principles  were  sacrificed,  but  ample  time  for  reflection  was 
given  to  consider  whether  the  fervour  of  organisation  was 
sufficient  excuse  for  entering  again  upon  such  serious  strife. 


192     LANCASHIRE   COTTON   AND    CLYDE    DOCKERS 


Several  months  afterwards  my  opinion  was  asked,  and 
on  these  lines  it  was  given.  No  general  rule  could  be  laid 
down,  and  the  parties  recognised  that  fact  by  not  reviving 
discussion.  In  my  letter  I  said  : 

"  I  have  given  very  careful  consideration  to  the  subject, 
and  have  had  the  advantage  of  the  views  of  many  of  the 
most  prominent  employers  and  trade  union  officials  in  other 
industries.  I  have  also  examined  the  past  history  of  the 
subject. 

"  This  consideration  leads  me  to  the  conclusion  that  it 
is  not  possible,  at  the  present  period  of  industrial  develop- 
ment, to  appraise  the  value  of  the  contending  opinions 
of  each  party  respectively,  nor  the  modifications  which  time 
may  render  it  possible  for  either  party  to  accept  on  this 
question. 

"  In  theory  both  parties  must  desire  and  will  maintain 
their  liberty  of  opinion  and  action.  In  the  common  interests 
of  the  maintenance  and  security  of  business,  neither  party 
may  desire  to  use  that  liberty  to  the  full  measure.  Prac- 
tical common  sense,  rather  than  any  written  rule,  will 
define  the  measure  in  which  it  can  be  used,  and  lead  to 
efforts  for  preventing  any  difficulty  that  may  arise  from 
becoming  acute.  Under  all  circumstances,  I  think  that 
no  written  rule  can  advisably  now  be  made." 

The  annual  report  of  the  Lancashire  Weavers'  Amal- 
gamation recognised  the  situation  by  saying  : 

"  The  letter  gives  no  suggestions,  which  brings  us  to  the 
conclusion  that  none  could  be  made,  because  if  the  un- 
rivalled experience  and  knowledge  of  Sir  George  Askwith 
cannot  find  a  solution  for  the  non-member  question,  then 
we  don't  know  who  can." 


Some  statistics  of  the  dispute  were  : 

Looms  stopped      .          .      '     .  . 

Spindles  stopped  .      .    . 

Spindles  on  short  time 

Weavers  and  allied  workers  idle 

Spinners  on  short  time   . 

Total  cost  to  trade  of  Lancashire 

Cost  to  the  trade  unions 

Weavers'  and  allied  workers'  loss  in  wages 

Operative  spinners'  loss  in  wages 

Cardroom  operatives'  loss  in  wages 

Total  loss  in  wages 


450,000 
3,000,000 

45,000,000 
160,000 
100,000 

£7,000,000 
250,000 
725,000 
160,000 
115,000 
1,000,000 


THE   CLYDE  BEGINS  193 

The  very  day  that  the  proposed  agreement  in  the  cotton 
dispute  was  completed,  I  had  to  leave  for  Glasgow  over  some 
disputes  in  that  city  in  which  I  had  been  asked  to  attend 
conferences.  Although  Mr.  Mitchell  and  I  had  come  on 
other  business,  the  visit  was  interpreted  as  an  attempted 
intervention  in  a  threatened  dockers'  dispute.  As  a  matter 
of  fact,  I  had  previously  suggested,  when  a  stoppage  was 
threatened  in  December,  that  the  parties  should  endeavour 
to  settle  the  pending  dispute  by  themselves.  They  had 
had  several  meetings,  and  reached  agreement  on  some 
points.  The  employers  had  suggested  reference  of  the 
remaining  points  to  me,  but  the  men  resolved  that  the 
time  had  not  arrived  for  intervention.  I  had  no  anxiety 
to  interfere,  and  left  them  to  themselves. 

On  January  19  the  executives  of  the  employers  and  the 
principal  Dockers'  Union  had  managed  to  reach  an  agree- 
ment, but  three  factors  prevented  its  acceptance  :  the 
existence  of  another  union  with  whom  the  employers  were 
not  prepared  to  deal,  the  objections  of  stevedores,  who  said 
they  had  not  been  consulted,  and  complete  refusal  of  the 
rank  and  file  to  consent  to  the  proposed  terms.  The 
leaders  of  the  dockers  were  new  men,  and  again  the  old 
story  came  up  :  they  did  not  know  what  the  men  really 
wanted,  and  they  could  not  control  the  men  so  far  as  to 
induce  them  to  accept  an  agreement  which  they  did  not  like. 

It  was  put  before  the  men,  and  they  rejected  it.  The 
employers  were  in  a  complete  quandary.  Under  these 
circumstances  they  posted  notices  that  on  January  29 
they  would  put  into  operation  the  terms  and  conditions  as 
adjusted  at  the  conferences.  They  did  not  know  what 
else  to  do,  or  could  not  ascertain  what  were  the  real  diffi- 
culties. On  that  day  about  7,000  men  replied  by  ceasing 
work,  bringing  the  whole  of  the  shipping  of  the  port  to  a 
standstill.  The  situation  had  become  very  complex. 
A  dispute  which  might  not  have  been  difficult  in  December 
had  now  become  mazed  with  conferences  and  proposals, 
while  the  executive  of  the  men  did  not  seem  to  know  what 
the  real  complaints  were.  My  presence  in  Glasgow  was 
required  for  three  other  disputes,  partly  in  completion  of 
arrangements  made  in  the  middle  of  January ;  but  going 
there  on  Sunday,  February  4,  it  was  impossible  not  to 
take  notice  of  the  state  of  affairs  existing  at  the  docks, 
even  though  neither  side  had  definitely  requested  inter- 


194     LANCASHIRE   COTTON    AND    CLYDE    DOCKERS 

vention.  Accordingly  the  employers  were  seen  informally, 
with  a  view  to  ascertaining  their  opinion.  They  agreed 
at  once  to  a  conference.  It  was  a  sequence  to  their  ex- 
pressed views,  as  they  had  proposed  a  month  before  that 
outstanding  points  should  be  left  to  me.  The  men  were 
much  more  difficult.  Some  strong  speeches  had  been  made 
to  the  effect  that  they  should  fight  it  out,  particularly 
by  persons  from  other  ports,  who  had  nothing  to  lose  by 
inflaming  the  Glasgow  dockers.  Mr.  Mitchell,  however, 
explained  that  there  was  no  intention  of  an  arbitration, 
such  as  they  seemed  to  think  the  employers  meant,  but  of 
a  joint  meeting,  at  which  the  chairman  would  not  act  as  an 
arbiter.  Then  they  readily  agreed,  and  the  first  phase 
was  completed  when  the  parties  met  before  me  at  10  a.m. 
on  Tuesday  morning. 

Even  after  a  tangled  skein  of  misapprehension  and 
confused  councils  has  been  unravelled,  it  is  not  easy  to 
make  clear  the  different  chances  of  long  discussions,  but  it 
is  still  more  difficult  at  the  time  when  angry  recriminations 
may  be  bursting  out  and  when  different  persons  on  the  same 
side  may  have  very  different  views  of  the  points  which  they 
may  wish  to  have  decided  or  which  they  consider  to  be  most 
important.  The  position  was  clearly  this  :  an  agreement 
had  been  made  to  which  the  executives  on  both  sides  had 
given  their  adhesion,  but  the  rank  and  file  outside,  who 
had  not  heard  the  arguments,  would  have  none  of  it. 
What  was  their  reason  ?  After  two  hours'  discussion,  the 
men's  executive  said  that  they  wished  for  an  interpretation 
and  explanation  of  the  full  meaning  of  some  of  the  clauses. 
We  adjourned  for  these  queries  to  be  drafted.  They  were 
put  before  the  employers,  who  in  their  turn  drafted  their 
replies.  Conferring  with  each  side  separately,  the  queries 
and  replies  were  made  still  more  precise,  and  lastly  a  joint 
conference  sat  till  midnight,  when  everyone  was  too  tired 
to  debate  any  longer.  The  only  point  made  clear  during 
the  day  was  that  the  supposed  contention  that  the  men 
were  insisting  on  the  elimination  of  non-union  labour 
was  wrong.  Some  sections  of  the  men  had  been  putting 
this  question  forward  as  the  point  on  which  issue  was 
being  joined,  but  the  employers  showed  that  they  did 
not  mind  whether  a  man  belonged  to  a  union  or  not ; 
they  would  retain  the  right  to  employ  a  man,  unionist 
or  non-unionist ;  but  in  practice  some  sections  were  all 


AN  APPARENT  DEADLOCK        195 

union  men,  in  others  not.  There  would  be  no  interfer- 
ence with  custom.  The  union  leaders,  on  the  other  side, 
knew  this  fact,  and  knew  they  were  not  sufficiently 
strong  to  insist  that  every  man  working  in  the  docks 
should  belong  to  their  union.  In  some  sections  there 
was  another  union  claiming  the  right  to  have  men  within 
their  ranks.  The  analogy  of  the  recent  cotton  dispute 
proved  a  useful  argument  against  unwise  pressure  for  a 
principle  which  could  not  possibly  be  enforced.  The 
employers  were  exceptionally  strong,  and  all  united, 
whatever  their  mercantile  competition  might  be,  in  solid 
opposition  to  such  alleged  interference  with  management. 
A  second  phase  of  the  trouble  had  been  passed. 

On  the  next  day  conferences  lasted  from  11  to  7.30,  and 
then  broke  off.  There  appeared  to  be  an  absolute  dead- 
lock. The  agreement  had  been  accepted.  The  union 
leaders,  if  they  desired  to  retain  authority  as  negotiators 
or  as  interpreters  of  the  wishes  of  the  rank  and  file,  could 
not  wisely  denounce  it  as  absurd.  The  employers  insisted 
upon  the  agreement  being  implemented.  The  answers  to 
the  request  for  explanations  were  clear,  and  had  prac- 
tically been  arranged  in  conference.  Why  was  there  no 
final  agreement  ?  The  answer  entirely  depended  on  one 
question  :  the  terms  of  resumption  of  work.  The  em- 
ployers in  the  previous  year,  under  extreme  pressure  on 
individual  firms,  had  given  concessions  which  involved 
chaos  in  the  port.  They  were  not  prepared  to  continue 
these  concessions.  They  had  consented  to  a  joint 
committee,  with  power  to  call  in  a  neutral  chairman  for 
the  settlement  of  any  disputes,  including  revision  of  rates 
of  pay  or  hours  of  work  and  the  conditions  of  employment 
for  any  particular  class  of  work,  and  also  any  question 
concerning  the  mutual  welfare  of  the  employers  and  the 
dock  labourers.  They  demanded  that  work  should  be 
resumed,  without  notice  of  intervening  concessions,  on  the 
same  terms  as  had  existed  a  year  before,  and  if  any  complaint 
was  made,  appeal  should  be  lodged  before  this  committee. 
The  union  leaders  said  no  resumption  of  work  was  possible 
on  these  terms.  Work  could  only  be  resumed  if  the  condi- 
tions existing  immediately  before  the  dispute  were  to  be 
accepted,  when  the  employers  could  appeal  to  the  joint 
committee  and  attempt  to  get  the  conditions  changed. 
It  took  a  long  time  to  make  the  men  see  that  their  proposal 


196    LANCASHIRE    COTTON   AND   CLYDE    DOCKERS 

would  not  be  accepted.  The  difficulty  surged  round  the 
conditions  at  the  port,  which  both  sides  admitted  would  not 
work,  and  the  fact  that,  if  existing  conditions  were  renewed, 
any  subsequent  change  would  be  fought  by  each  section 
affected  by  it,  involve  the  whole  port,  and  be  considered  a 
concession  by  the  workers.  The  workers  would  be  out  for 
loss  and  nothing  else.  The  whole  dispute  turned  on  revision 
of  the  conditions.  Without  revision,  the  employers  would 
be  supposed  to  be  beaten.  They  would  not  consent  to 
accept  that  position  under  the  present  circumstances,  with 
an  agreement  in  their  pockets.  Both  sides  were  claiming 
return  to  a  status  quo,  but  the  status  quo  was  fixed  at  different 
dates.  So  I  argued  to  myself,  and  partly  to  both  sides,  as 
the  anxious  hours  sped  by  ;  until  the  conviction  came  that 
a  status  quo  was  impossible,  and  the  idea  that  a  new  line 
must  be  taken.  Why  not  anticipate  the  joint  committee, 
settle  the  best  terms  on  which  work  could  be  conducted,  as 
both  sides  were  agreed  the  existing  terms  were  wrong, 
and  then  allow  either  side  to  appeal  to  the  joint  committee  ? 
It  seems  a  very  simple  deduction  on  paper,  but  in  practice 
deductions  are  not  so  easy  to  impress  on  excited  partisans, 
with  a  proportion  of  "  die-hards  "  in  the  committees  of 
either  side,  and  many  more  "  die-hards  "  in  the  constituents 
outside.  The  difficulty  was  that  the  union  leaders  at  that 
time  had  no  real  knowledge  of  the  actual  wishes  of  each 
section  of  their  men.  They  could  not  say  what  were 
their  claims  in  detail.  They  were  not  tabulated.  I 
suggested  they  must  be  tabulated  ;  it  would  have  to  be 
done  sooner  or  later ;  and  meanwhile  I  would  deal  with  other 
disputes — lace,  turkey-red  workers,  and  ironmoulders — 
on  which  my  mission  to  Glasgow  had  been  based,  and  assist 
by  seeing  any  sections  of  dock-workers  they  might  wish. 
This  policy  appeared  to  some  employers  to  be  a  policy  of 
delay,  to  which  they  objected,  desiring  to  attempt  employ- 
ment of  new  labour.  If  it  had  not  been  for  the  moderating 
influence  of  Sir  Joseph  Maclay,  subsequently  Shipping  Con- 
troller during  the  War,  negotiations  might  have  come  to  an 
end.  Some  firms  did  try  to  deal  with  urgent  cargoes  of  fruit. 
The  leaders  of  the  men  also  issued  a  manifesto,  saying  : 

"  After  negotiations  lasting  two  days,  the  Dockers' 
Committee  has  unanimously  decided  that  they  cannot 
possibly  accept  the  proposals  of  the  joint  owners,  and 


AN   ISSUE   FOUND  197 

whilst  regretting  the  failure  of  Sir  George  Askwith  to  bring 
about  a  settlement,  they  feel  that  the  proposals  of  the 
owners  are  too  preposterous  for  the  men  to  contemplate, 
in  that  they  propose  to  ask  the  men  to  go  back  to  work 
under  the  abominable  conditions  prevalent  for  twenty 
years  up  to  June  last.  The  owners'  interpretation  of 
Clause  6,  the  principal  clause  in  contention,  leaves  no  other 
conclusion  possible,  and  taking  all  the  circumstances  into 
consideration,  we  have  unanimously  agreed  that  the 
owners  have  not,  and  never  really  had,  any  intention  of 
settling  the  dispute,  but  have  rather  played  a  game  of 
bluff,  apparently  with  a  view  of  throwing  the  onus  of  the 
dispute  upon  ourselves.  We  feel,  therefore,  our  only 
course  is  to  accept  the  owners'  challenge  and  get  on  with 
the  fight." 

Another  manifesto  read  : 

"  Dockers,  carters,  sailors,  firemen,  cooks,  stewards, 
cranemen,  riggers,  and  all  sympathetic  to  the  cause  are 
requested,  in  their  own  interests,  to  resist  the  latest  efforts 
of  the  shipowners.  They  must  be  beaten,  and  we  must 
fight  !  " 

In  addition,  messengers  went  to  London  with  the  view 
of  pressing  the  National  Federation  of  Transport  Workers 
to  call  a  general  strike.  That  association  wisely  took 
nothing  upon  trust,  but  sent  delegates  down  to  Glasgow, 
with  the  result  that  they  agreed  with  the  steps  suggested 
by  me,  and  advised  consent  to  another  meeting  with  duly 
prepared  claims.  The  meeting  was  almost  stopped  by 
serious  riots  on  the  river-banks,  extra  police  having  to  be 
called  in.  The  Corporation  met  to  consider  whether 
soldiers  should  not  be  summoned,  and  only  decided  to  wait 
till  Saturday  morning  and  the  chance  of  an  agreement 
being  reached  on  the  Friday.  I  had  arranged  that  a  smaller 
committee  should  meet  me  to  discuss  the  technical  details 
of  conditions  of  work.  This  conference  met  at  2  p.m.  on 
Friday  and  sat  till  4  a.m.  on  Saturday  morning.  The 
agreement  then  signed  was  adopted  in  the  course  of  the 
day  by  the  associations  on  both  sides.  The  original 
agreement  was  confirmed,  the  questions  and  explanatory 
replies  were  confirmed,  but  there  were  also  now  fixed  the 


198    LANCASHIRE   COTTON   AND    CLYDE    DOCKERS 

conditions  to  be  followed  on  resumption  of  work,  that  vague 
field  which  had  previously  been  left  open  for  the  joint 
committee  to  arrange.  It  was  a  tremendous  tussle,  and,  as 
the  hours  drifted  by,  it  seemed  as  if  no  issue  could  be 
effected.  At  last  patience,  tenacity,  and  will  sifted  out  the 
difficulties  and  the  dispute  was  officially  closed.  The 
dockers'  leaders  courteously  came  to  give  me  good-bye  at 
the  station.  One  of  them  said,  "  I  wouldn't  have  your 
job  for  thirty  thousand  a  year." 

It  was  inevitable,  with  feeling  so  very  high  as  it  had  been 
and  after  such  a  bitter  dispute,  that  there  should  be  an 
aftermath  of  difficulty  which  nearly  caused  a  renewal  of 
the  dispute  in  the  next  week,  but  the  leaders  had  now  a 
stronger  position  ;  real  grievances  had  been  rectified,  the 
terms  were  down  in  clear  black-and-white.  The  hotheads 
failed  to  get  adequate  support.  It  was  alleged,  indeed, 
that  certain  employers  had  wrongfully  reduced  shore- 
gangs,  and  the  men  of  two  steamship  lines  refused  to  work. 
Conferences  between  the  parties  did  not  settle  the  matter, 
and  on  February  15  the  employers  locked  out  about 
6,000  men  employed  in  connection  with  seagoing  vessels. 
I  had  again  to  see  the  representatives  of  the  Dockers' 
Unions  and  communicate  with  the  shipowners,  with  the 
result  that  both  sides  agreed  to  an  arbiter  appointed 
by  me  giving  a  decision.  Lord  Mersey  decided  the 
employers  were  quite  right,  under  the  terms  of  the 
agreement. 

So  long  an  account  of  this  one  dispute  may  seem  to  be 
out  of  proportion,  but  I  have  given  it  in  detail  in  order  to 
show  that  part  of  the  plan,  just  as  in  the  cotton  dispute, 
was  due  to  the  growing  aim  at  improved  organisation,  and 
an  attempt,  which  failed,  to  use  that  organisation  in  favour 
of  the  principle  of  unionism,  which  the  organisation  was 
not  strong  enough  to  enforce,  and  which  employers  were 
not  prepared  to  assist  or  put  in  practice.  As  Mr.  Arthur 
Henderson,  ex-chairman  of  the  Labour  Party,  said  of  the 
cotton  dispute  : 

"  '  Sold  again !  '  is  the  language  with  which  the  tem- 
porary settlement  in  the  cotton  trade  is  received  by  some 
of  the  operatives.  One  can  easily  understand  the  dis- 
appointment which  must  be  associated  with  the  truce 
which  Sir  George  Askwith  has  succeeded  in  achieving. 


SOME  TERMS   OF  THE   SETTLEMENT          199 

Ardent  trade  unionists  were  out  for  a  great  victory  on  a 
principle,  vital,  as  they  thought,  to  the  union  position. 
They  have  failed  in  this  object.  This,  however,  is  no 
justification  for  the  wild  talk  about  being  sold.  The 
position  was  an  exceedingly  difficult  one  for  the  officials  of 
the  union,  and  they  did  their  best.  The  fact  is  that  some 
of  the  rank  and  file  expect  too  much  in  these  days.  They 
believe  all  too  readily  that  the  strike  weapon  is  omnipotent, 
and  when  it  fails  they  conclude  that  they  have  been  '  sold  ' 
or  '  given  away.'  In  my  opinion  the  result  would  have 
been  the  same  no  matter  how  long  the  fight  had  lasted,  and 
even  if  the  end  had  come  through  a  process  of  exhaustion 
of  the  union  resources ;  the  strength  of  trade  union 
opinion  against  their  non-union  fellow-workmen  is  the 
measure  of  the  employers'  determination  to  be  free  to 
employ  whom  they  please." 

The  other  part  of  the  plan  was  economic — a  desire  to 
know  exactly  the  conditions  under  which  men  were  to 
work,  and  to  have  some  share  in  fixing  the  amount  of  work 
or  assistance  which  each  man  would  have  to  expect.  There 
was  also  the  strong  desire  not  to  increase  the  chances  of 
unemployment  by  large  or  uncertain  reduction  of  the 
number  of  men  employed  on  a  job.  Those  were  the 
reasons,  in  addition  to  amount  of  pay,  for  such  terms  as 
the  following  in  the  conditions  for  resumption  of  work  : 

"  General  cargo  liners  and  ocean  steamers  loading  general 
cargo,  eight  men  to  be  in  hold  ;  discharging  general  cargo, 
six  men  to  be  in  hold. 

"  When  oil  is  to  be  discharged  from  lower  holds  in  lots 
of  100  tons  or  over,  eight  men  to  be  employed. 

"  Slings  to  be  regulated  by  the  stevedore  with  due  regard 
to  safety  and  economy  of  working. 


"ORE  TRADE 

"  Unloading  of  vessels  to  start  with  two  tubs  and  swing- 
ing tub  till  bottom  is  reached,  after  which  four  tubs  to  be 
used. 

"  Men's  committee  to  consider  if  they  will  agree  to  the 
fourth  tub  when  twelve  feet  from  the  coamings. 
14 


200    LANCASHIRE    COTTON    AND    CLYDE   DOCKERS 

"NUMBER  OF  MEN  IN  GANGS 

"  Sixteen  men  in  holds  of  boats  from  foreign  ports — 
Spain,  Portugal,  etc. — as  at  present. 

"  Special  consideration  to  be  given  to  men  at  special 
boats,  such  as  the  Glenmore  and  Behera  type. 

"  Boats  of  coasting  type,  wherever  from,  up  to  150  tons, 
9  men  in  gang  ;  boats  150  to  350  tons,  13  men  in  gang  ; 
350  to  1,000  tons,  15  men  in  gang  ;  over  1,000  tons,  19 
men  in  gang." 

Each  section  of  men  desired  to  know  where  they  were. 
Each  section  desired  to  have  as  good  terms  as  their  neigh- 
bours, or  to  maintain  a  relative  position.  Employers,  on 
the  other  hand,  desired  to  maintain  control  and  manage- 
ment, not  to  pay  unnecessary  men,  and  to  support  the 
authority  and  technical  judgment  of  their  stevedores. 
There  was  no  principle  of  overthrowing  society,  or  estab- 
lishing new  theories  for  the  conduct  of  industry.  Possibly 
it  may  be  said  that  the  next  strike  proved  the  first  great 
struggle  which  led  up  to  some  of  the  views  now  being  so 
much  talked  of.  In  Disraeli's  Sibyl  Chaffing  Jack  remarks  : 
"  I  fancy  from  what  you  say  it's  a  cotton  squall.  It  will 
pass,  sir.  Let  me  see  the  miners  out,  and  then  I  will  talk 
to  you."  "  Stranger  things  than  that  have  happened," 
said  Devilsdust.  "  Then  things  get  serious,"  said  Chaffing 
Jack.  "  Them  miners  is  very  stubborn,  and  when  they 
gets  excited,  aren't  it  a  bear  at  play,  that's  all  ?  "  The 
miners  were  coming  out. 


CHAPTER    XXI 
COAL,  1912 

MINERS  are  not  averse  to  striking  on  slight  pretext.  They 
like  to  "  play  "  at  intervals,  and  then  return  to  scrabble 
harder  in  the  pits,  whence  they  can  direct  their  thoughts 
with  some  contempt  to  the  people  who  have  to  pass  all 
their  hours  on  the  surface.  The  public  takes  no  notice  of 
these  small  disputes.  They  are  not  even  reported  in  the 
papers,  except  by  some  short  paragraph  stating  that 
2,000  men  have  stopped  work  because  a  non-unionist  has 
been  discovered,  or  a  foreman  is  disliked  or  the  appoint- 
ment of  a  check  weighman  is  questioned.  The  man  in  the 
street  wonders  why  such  a  storm  in  a  teacup  should  upset 
so  many  people,  and  possibly  deems  the  stoppage  to  be  the 
work  of  an  "  agitator  "  or  an  unnecessary  exhibition  of 
strength.  He  trusts  it  will  not  affect  his  own  supply  of 
plentiful  and  cheap  coal,  but  otherwise  thinks  of  it  only  as 
an  affair  of  the  coal-owners  and  the  miners.  A  national 
strike  had  never  occurred.  Although  in  1909  a  national 
strike,  owing  to  the  pledge  of  England  to  the  Scottish 
miners,  had  been  within  an  ace  of  happening,  it  had  not 
happened,  and  the  British  public  went  to  sleep  again. 
Now  it  was  to  happen,  and  proved  the  forerunner  of  similar 
effort  in  future  years,  and  an  example  which  railwaymen 
and  transport  workers  have  followed,  or  are  in  process  of 
organising  so  as  to  be  able  to  follow,  either  separately  or 
in  union  with  the  miners. 

Immediately  upon  return  from  Glasgow  on  February  11, 
1912,  the  closest  attention  had  to  be  devoted  to  the  serious 
position  in  the  coal  trade.  The  miners  were  demanding 
the  acceptance  of  the  principle  of  an  individual  minimum 
wage  for  all  men  and  boys  employed  underground  at 
certain  fixed  rates  formulated  by  them.  Their  demands 
had  been  refused.  Notices  were  being  put  up  all  over  the 
country  to  cease  work  at  the  end  of  February,  and  no 

201 


202  COAL,    1912 

negotiations  were  being  continued  between  the  Mining 
Association  of  Great  Britain,  representing  the  coal-owners, 
and  the  Miners'  Federation.  These  bodies  had  separated 
on  February  7  without  making  any  arrangement  for 
resumption  of  negotiations,  and  on  February  13  and  14 
the  Miners'  Federation  adjourned,  "to  be  called  together 
again  when  the  officials  of  the  Executive  Committee  find  it 
advisable."  There  was  still  a  possibility  that  negotiations 
in  the  Federated  Area,  covering  North  Wales  and  the 
whole  of  England  except  Northumberland  and  Durham, 
might  result  in  an  agreement,  and  as  long  as  the  parties, 
or  any  of  them,  were  still  negotiating,  any  interference  from 
outside  was  contrary  to  the  policy  I  have  always  endea- 
voured to  follow.  It  was  possible  that,  if  the  Federated 
Area  could  settle,  a  precedent  might  be  set  for  other  dis- 
tricts ;  but  there  was  so  much  doubt  and  time  was  running 
so  short  that,  having  ascertained  the  latest  date  up  to 
which  the  parties  could  reasonably  negotiate,  I  felt  that, 
unless  there  was  a  settlement,  speedy  action  would  be 
necessary,  or  the  country  would  drift  into  a  coal  strike 
without  an  attempt  at  prevention.  Even  if  there  was  a 
settlement  in  one  area,  some  effort  at  inducement  to  the 
other  parties  to  get  together  again  might  be  necessary. 
The  difficulty  was  to  decide  on  the  best  method  to  apply, 
when  there  were  two  bodies  with  many  leaders,  and  no  one 
responsible  head  who  could  say,  "  We  will  agree  to  meet." 
There  was  no  indication  that  representative  leaders  of  the 
employers,  as  a  whole,  would  respond  to  any  invitation 
from  the  Industrial  Council,  and  on  the  other  hand  there 
was  clear  indication  that  some  of  the  miners'  leaders  would 
not  accept  its  invitation,  if  invitation  was  sent.  Under 
these  circumstances  it  appeared  that  the  Government 
must  be  the  collecting  authority,  and  on  the  very  day 
(February  20)  upon  which  I  heard  that  the  miners  had 
finally  refused  the  proposals  of  the  owners  in  the  Federated 
Area,  I  suggested  to  the  Industrial  Council,  specially  con- 
vened for  that  day,  that  in  the  interests  of  the  community 
they  should  consider  whether  the  position  should  not  be 
clearly  put  before  the  Government.  445,800  miners  had 
voted  for  a  national  strike,  and  only  115,721  against  it. 
No  negotiations  were  being  continued.  The  prolonged 
effort  in  the  Federated  Area  had  broken  down,  South  Wales 
was  particularly  active  in  pressing  for  a  national  strike. 


GOVERNMENT   INTERVENTION  203 

If  an  invitation  was  sent  by  the  Government,  the  parties 
could  not  well  refuse  to  accept,  when  it  could  be  proposed 
that  they  should  resume  conferences,  or  that  they  should 
consider  the  questions  with  expert  business  men,  repre- 
sentative of  employers  and  employed. 

The  Industrial  Council  concurred,  and  agreed  to  the  letter 
which  the  Prime  Minister  signed  the  same  day,  and  sent 
to  the  representatives  of  the  coal-owners  and  of  the 
miners.  It  ran  as  follows  : 

"February  20,  1912. 

"  SIR, 

"His  Majesty's  Government  have  watched  with 
close  attention  and  growing  anxiety  the  development  of 
the  present  crisis  in  the  coal  trade.  Up  to  the  present 
they  have  entertained  some  hope  that  means  would  be 
found  by  direct  negotiation  among  the  parties  concerned 
to  avert  the  disaster  of  a  national  stoppage.  As,  however, 
the  date  approaches  when  the  miners'  notices  for  cessation 
of  work  will  mature,  His  Majesty's  Government  cannot 
conceal  from  themselves  that  the  prospect  is  gradually 
lessening  that  amicable  arrangements,  covering  the  whole 
of  the  coal-fields  of  the  country,  will  be  arrived  at  before 
that  date. 

"  There  is  no  need  for  me  in  this  letter  to  enlarge  upon 
the  very  serious  consequences,  both  to  the  industries  of 
the  country  and  to  all  classes  of  coal  consumers,  which 
would  inevitably  follow  a  general  stoppage  of  industry, 
and  His  Majesty's  Government  feel  that  they  could  not 
allow  such  a  calamity  to  ensue  without  making  every  en- 
deavour to  aid  in  preventing  it. 

"  In  this  connection  I  have  received  a  communication 
from  the  Industrial  Council,  which,  as  you  will  be  aware, 
was  appointed  last  year  with  the  object  of  dealing  with  the 
prevention  and  settlement  of  labour  disputes,  in  which 
they  advise  that,  in  view  of  the  critical  position  which  has 
arisen,  immediate  steps  should  be  taken  by  His  Majesty's 
Government  to  convene  a  meeting  of  the  representatives  of 
the  coal  industry,  with  a  view  to  discussing  the  grave  situa- 
tion which  has  arisen,  and  the  possibility  of  arriving  at  some 
means  of  averting  the  disaster  of  a  national  stoppage. 

"  His  Majesty's  Government  have  given  their  earnest 
consideration  to  this  communication,  and  to  the  circum- 


204  COAL,    1912 

stances  of  the  case,  and  I  desire  accordingly  to  invite  repre- 
sentatives of  the  coal-owners  of  the  country  to  meet  me 
and  some  of  my  colleagues  at  the  Foreign  Office  on  Thurs- 
day next,  February  22,  at  three  o'clock. 

"  I  am,  etc., 
H.  H.  ASQUITH." 

A  similar  letter  was  sent  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Miners' 
Federation. 

The  Ministers  met  the  representatives  of  the  parties,  and 
there  followed  the  longest  series  of  declamatory  speeches 
and  explanations,  without  any  business  being  done,  I  have 
ever  heard.  The  Ministers  had  no  particular  plan,  and 
evolved  no  particular  policy.  They  did  not  propose  that 
the  parties  should  resume  conferences  or  consider  the 
questions  with  expert  business  men,  representative  of 
employers  and  employed,  but  seemed  to  be  very  interested 
in  hearing  for  the  first  time  some  of  the  difficulties  of  the 
miners'  lives  and  their  proposals.  Days  were  consumed  in 
talk,  and  meanwhile  the  strike  grew  more  and  more  near, 
while  the  nation  waited. 

In  order  to  estimate  what  this  crisis  was  all  about,  it 
is  necessary  to  refer  to  the  scars  of  the  past,  such  as  those 
left  by  the  Cambrian  disputes,  when,  as  already  stated, 
the  men  had  kept  out  and  in  the  event  found  themselves 
in  the  wrong.  Whether  right  or  wrong,  the  result  was  that 
there  were  elements  ready  to  retaliate,  rather  than  to 
reciprocate.  In  addition,  for  years  past  there  had  been 
in  different  districts  frequent  disputes — varying  in  number 
and  intensity  according  to  the  seams  of  coal,  the  action 
of  foremen,  or  the  position  of  trade — over  payment  for 
abnormal  places.  The  miner  working  on  piece  might  be 
in  a  position  where  for  some  time  he  received  little  ready 
cash,  and  when  the  abnormal  place  was  passed  did  not  like 
the  deduction  due  to  pay  for  any  advances  he  might  have 
received  to  keep  him  going.  He  wanted  a  minimum  wage. 
The  employer,  on  the  other  hand,  said  that  if  there  was  a 
minimum  wage,  and  a  high  minimum  wage,  the  miner  had 
not  the  incentive  to  get  through  the  abnormal  place,  where 
no  coal  or  less  than  the  average  amount  of  coal  could  be  got, 
and  get  out  the  coal  from  which  both  parties  could  get  profit. 
The  trouble  had  existed  for  many  years.  It  came  to  a 
head  in  a  very  quiet  way  in  September  1911,  soon  after  the 


ORIGIN  OF  THE  DISPUTE  205 

Cambrian  miners  had  resumed  work.  Both  parties  met, 
and  memoranda  were  exchanged  over  the  rate  of  payment 
for  working  in  "  abnormal  "  places.  The  Miners'  Feder- 
ation had  decided  to  demand  payment  of  &  minimum  rate 
of  wages  to  miners  working  in  such  places.  The  men 
proposed 

"  that  this  joint  conference  of  coal-owners  and  miners' 
representatives  recognises  the  right  of  a  miner  working 
at  the  coal  face  at  fixed  tonnage  rates  to  receive  full  wages  ; 
if  employed  at  an  abnormal  place,  the  rate  to  be  the  average 
rate  of  wages  previously  earned  by  the  workman  under 
normal  conditions,  which  shall  not  be  less  than  the  recog- 
nised minimum  or  average  rate  paid  in  each  district. 
-Further,  machinery  should  be  set  up  in  the  different  dis- 
tricts for  the  purpose  of  deciding  on  the  question  as  to 
whether  the  place  in  dispute  is  abnormal.  Pending  the 
settlement  of  the  dispute  as  to  whether  a  place  is  abnormal 
or  not,  the  men  to  be  paid  the  district  rate." 

The  owners  replied  : 

"  (1)  The  owners  recognise  the  right  of  workmen  who 
are  engaged  in  places  which  are  abnormal  to  receive  wages 
commensurate  with  the  work  performed.  (2)  The  customs 
and  circumstances  of  the  different  districts  vary  so  much 
that  it  is,  in  the  opinion  of  the  coal-owners,  impossible  to 
deal  with  the  question  collectively  as  applied  to  the  whole 
country,  and,  therefore,  the  method,  of  dealing  with  it 
can  only  be  satisfactorily  settled  locally  in  the  different 
districts.  (3)  The  collective  meeting  of  coal-owners,  there- 
fore, recommends  the  coal-owners  in  the  various  districts 
of  the  country  to  meet  the  representatives  of  the  men  in 
their  respective  districts  when  requested  to  do  so.  (4)  It 
must  be  understood  that  in  coming  to  the  foregoing 
conclusion  the  meeting  must  not  be  assumed  to  have  done 
anything  to  abrogate  existing  agreements." 

On  the  next  day,  September  29,  the  miners  met  and 
resolved 

"  that,  in  view  of  the  employers  having  admitted  the  right 
of  men  working  in  abnormal  places  to  be  paid  fair  wages, 


206  COAL,    1912 

and  having  recommended  that  the  owners  in  each  district 
should  enter  into  an  arrangement  to  carry  this  out,  we 
hereby  recommend  that  the  owners  in  each  district  should 
be  now  met  on  the  subject,  and  a  National  Conference  be 
held  at  the  earliest  possible  date  to  consider  the  result 
of  the  negotiations." 

On  October  6  the  Miners'  Federation  met  at  Southport 
and  went  a  step  farther.  They  proposed  to  get  rid  of  the 
abnormal  place  question,  which  meant  a  bargain  with  the 
individual  collier  on  his  work  in  a  particular  place,  by  the 
comprehensive  demand  for  an  individual  district  minimum 
wage  for  all  men  and  boys  working  in  mines  without  any 
reference  to  the  working  places  being  abnormal. 

Pursuing  a  method  which  has  been  very  usual  in  later 
cases,  the  Miners'  Federation  followed  up  this  demand  with 
a  brusque  intimation  to  the  coal-owners  that,  if  there  was 
no  assent,  there  would  be  action ;  and  they  amended  their 
rules  in  order  to  make  action  feasible.  They  said  :  "  In  tlie 
event  of  the  employers  refusing  to  agree  to  this,  then  the 
21st  rule  to  be  put  into  operation  to  demand  assent  "  ; 
and  made  that  rule  to  read  that,  "  whenever  a  federation 
or  district  with  the  approval  of  a  conference  specially 
called  has  tendered  notices  ...  a  conference  shall  be  called 
to  consider  the  advisability  of  joint  action  being  taken." 
Each  district  was  instructed  to  meet  the  employers  and 
come  back  to  a  special  conference  on  November  14. 

There  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  coal-owners  did  not 
realise  the  strength  of  this  united  movement  by  the 
miners.  They  had  been  accustomed  to  deal  by  districts, 
and  there  was  no  leader  of  sufficient  weight  to  bring  them 
together  in  united  counteraction.  They  put  forward  and 
continuously  adhered  to  the  principle  of  the  maintenance 
of  existing  agreements,  which  would  preclude  a  national 
change.  The  miners,  on  the  other  hand,  were  seizing  hold 
of  the  ideal  of  a  national  settlement,  with  equality  for  all 
districts  and  persons,  irrespective  of  any  district  agreements. 
National  settlements  and  an  equality  of  treatment  are  all 
the  vogue  now,  but  in  1912  were  an  aspiration,  deemed 
generally  to  be  unsuitable  in  practice  and  liable  to  create 
greater  anomalies  than  settlements  which  took  account  of 
geographical  or  historical  conditions.  The  owners  met  the 
miners  by  districts,  but  no  settlement  was  reached  in  any 


PRELIMINARY  FENCING  207 

district,  much  less  by  the  districts  as  a  whole.  The  con- 
ference of  November  14  was  held,  and  to  it  the  complete 
lack  of  success  was  reported.  Scotland  relied  on  an  existing 
agreement  which  would  not  expire  till  1915,  South  Wales 
on  an  agreement  which  would  not  expire  till  July  1912, 
although  they  were  willing  to  discuss  the  question  of  abnor- 
mal places,  "  upon  condition  that  the  men  would  be  willing 
to  give  an  undertaking  to  loyally  carry  out  the  existing 
agreement ;  but  only  on  that  condition "  ;  and  the 
Federated  Area  or  the  English  Conciliation  Board,  while 
accepting  the  principle  of  the  minimum  wage,  came  to  no 
settlement  on  the  amount. 

This  conference  of  November  14  was  very  important. 
It  resolved  that  the  conference  was  glad  to  learn  that  the 
English  Conciliation  Board  had  obtained  the  principle 
of  a  minimum  for  all  men  and  boys  working  underground, 
and  considered  that  their  discussion  should  be  adjourned 
to  a  future  date,  "so  that  further  efforts  may  be  made  to 
bring  about  a  satisfactory  settlement."  Then  it  further 
resolved  that  the  best  course  to  pursue  with  a  view  to 
obtaining  an  individual  district  minimum  wage  with 
the  least  delay  was  to  negotiate  nationally,  instructed 
their  Executive  Committee  to  formulate  claims  for  each 
district,  and  meet  the  coal-owners  of  Great  Britain  ;  and 
added,  "  but  this  resolution  shall  not  prevent  or  interfere 
in  any  way  with  the  negotiations  now  being  carried  on  in  the 
various  districts." 

It  must  be  confessed  that  the  coal-owners  were  not  put 
in  a  position  in  which  they  could  proceed  to  any  negotiation 
with  much  chance  of  success.  What  was  the  good  of 
conducting  negotiations  in  various  districts,  if  there  was  to 
be  a  national  demand  which  might  purport  to  overthrow 
any  local  settlements,  in  the  same  way  as  the  miners  were 
asserting  that  a  national  claim  overrode  and  was  outside 
any  existing  agreements  in  Scotland  and  South  Wales  ? 
And,  further,  the  demands  for  each  district  which  the 
executive  were  to  formulate  were  not  ready,  or  before  the 
owners,  and  indeed  were  not  ready  until  the  following 
February. 

In  any  event  the  owners  adopted  a  passive  attitude,  and 
no  settlement  was  reached  or  apparently  attempted.  The 
Miners'  Conference,  on  their  part,  took  the  line  of  activity. 
They  met  again  on  December  20  and  21,  and  decided  to 


208      .  COAL,    1912 

ascertain  the  feeling  of  their  constituents  on  a  ballot  : 
"  Are  you  in  favour  of  giving  notice  to  establish  the 
principle  of  a  minimum  wage  for  every  man  and  boy 
working  underground  in  the  mines  of  Great  Britain  ?  " 
There  could  be  no  doubt,  particularly  in  view  of  the  way 
in  which  miners'  ballots  are  usually  conducted,  as  to  the 
result.  It  was  declared  at  Birmingham  on  January  18  : 
445,800  in  favour  to  115,271  against.  Thereupon  the 
conference  agreed  that  notices  be  tendered  in  every 
district  so  as  to  terminate  at  the  end  of  February,  though 
an  intimation  was  to  be  made  to  the  owners  that  they  were 
prepared  to  meet  them  to  continue  negotiations  in  districts 
and  nationally. 

Although  the  sword,  in  the  shape  of  the  tendering  of 
notices  for  the  end  of  February,  was  kept  hanging  over 
their  heads,  the  owners  only  received  the  formulated  claims 
after  a  meeting  of  the  Miners'  Federation  held  in  London 
on  February  2.  The  claims  included  :  (1)  Individual 
minimum  wages,  varying  in  each  district,  for  pieceworkers 
at  the  face  of  the  coal ;  and  added  :  (2)  No  underground 
adult  worker  shall  receive  a  rate  of  wages  less  than  five 
shillings  per  shift  (changed  later  to  five  and  sixpence)  ; 
(3)  arrangements  for  boys'  wages  to  be  left  to  the  districts, 
but  to  be  not  less  than  present  wages  nor  in  any  case  less 
than  two  shillings  per  day.  Individual  minimum  wages 
for  pieceworkers  other  than  colliers  were  to  be  arranged 
by  districts,  as  near  as  possible  to  present  wages,  and 
day-workers  underground  also  by  districts,  with  instruc- 
tions that  an  endeavour  be  made  to  arrange  minimum  rates 
for  each  class  or  grade  locally  in  each  district.  It  will  be 
seen  that  the  complexity  of  the  subject  was  great,  and 
required  in  some  grades  minute  care,  but  the  general  claim 
became  known  as  the  "  five  and  two  "  :  five  shillings  at  least 
for  all  underground  workers  per  shift,  and  two  shillings  at 
least  for  all  boys  per  day. 

The  full  claim  was  now  out,  and  the  employers  met  the 
miners  in  national  conference  on  February  7.  Both  sides 
passed  resolutions.  The  owners  stated  : 

"  The  owners  are  prepared  to  assent  to  the  proposition 
that  each  person  in  their  employment  should  receive  a  fair 
day's  wage  for  a  fair  day's  work,  but  are  convinced  that 
the  principle  of  payment  in  proportion  to  the  amount 


A  DEADLOCK  209 

of  work  performed  is  the  only  one  which  can  be  applied 
successfully  in  the  case  of  coal-getters.  They  are  aware 
that  there  are  cases  in  which,  owing  to  difficulties  arising  in 
consequence  of  exceptional  conditions  in  the  working-place, 
a  man,  while  doing  his  best,  is  unable  to  earn  what  he 
would  under  ordinary  circumstances.  In  such  cases  the 
owners  recognise  the  necessity  for  special  consideration, 
and  are  willing  to  discuss  with  the  workmen  the  means  by 
which  this  shall  be  ascertained.  In  assenting  to  the  above, 
those  districts  which  are  now  under  agreement  reserve 
their  rights  thereunder,  and  the  districts  comprised  in  the 
English  Conciliation  Board  area  reserve  their  rights  to 
continue  their  negotiations." 

To  which  the  miners  replied 

"  that  we  express  our  regret  that  the  coal-owners  have 
refused  to  accept  the  principle  of  an  individual  minimum 
wage  for  all  men  and  boys  employed  underground,  as  we 
know  there  can  be  no  settlement  of  the  present  dispute  until 
this  principle  is  agreed  to.  In  view  of  the  fact,  however, 
that  we  have  no  desire  for  a  serious  rupture  in  the  coal  trade 
of  the  country,  we  are  willing  to  meet  the  coal-owners  at 
any  time  to  further  discuss  the  matter  if  the  coal-owners 
desire  to  do  so." 

The  owners  in  effect  refused  the  demand  for  a  minimum 
wage.  They  went  back  to  the  original  demand  made  by 
the  miners  in  September,  and  said  they  would  discuss 
abnormal  places,  ignoring  all  that  had  occurred  since  that 
date.  In  fact,  it  seemed  to  me  that  many  of  them  were 
extraordinarily  ignorant  of  all  that  had  been  happening 
in  the  miners'  movement,  and  how  strong  the  feeling  had 
now  become.  Some  of  them  in  conversation  did  not  appear 
to  understand  the  difference  in  the  demands,  and  that  the 
mere  discussion  of  abnormal  places  had  long  since  receded 
into  the  background.  As  before  mentioned,  the  parties 
left  each  other  with  no  arrangement  for  further  discussion ; 
the  Federated  Area  continued  local  discussion  till  Feb- 
ruary 20,  and  when  the  discussion  broke  down,  the  Govern- 
ment asked  the  parties  to  meet  them. 

Four  Cabinet  Ministers  —  the  Prime  Minister,  Sir  Edward 
Grey,  Mr.  Lloyd  George,  and  Mr.  Sydney  Buxton  —sat  to 


210  COAL,    1912 

hear  the  case.  The  miners  said  they  could  do  nothing 
without  leave  of  the  National  Conference  called  for  Feb- 
ruary 27,  so  their  statement  had  to  be  adjourned  till  the  27th, 
and  meanwhile  ninety  coal-owners  at  first,  and  afterwards 
a  committee,  met  Ministers  in  three  sittings.  On  the  27th 
both  parties  were  seen.  All  these  conferences  were  inter- 
esting, but  most  clearly  exemplified  the  futility  of  concili- 
ation by  a  committee.  There  was  no  plan,  only  a  renewed 
statement  of  points  which  everyone  except  the  four 
Ministers  had  heard  over  and  over  again.  Any  one  of  them 
by  himself  would  probably  have  got  down  to  the  kernel 
of  the  case,  but  the  four  together  never  worked  it  out, 
Mr.  Lloyd  George  keeping  conspicuously  quiet,  and  possibly 
keeping  himself  in  reserve  for  a  crisis.  Time  was  running 
fast,  and  it  was  decided  a  pronouncement  must  be  made. 
It  took  the  form  of  saying  that  the  Government  were  satis- 
fied, after  careful  consideration,  that  there  were  cases  in 
which  underground  employees  cannot  earn  a  reasonable 
minimum,  from  causes  over  which  they  have  no  control, 
and  were  further  satisfied  that  the  power  to  earn  such  a 
wage  should  be  secured  by  arrangements  suitable  to  the 
special  circumstances  of  each  district,  with  adequate 
safeguards  to  protect  employers  against  abuse.  Then  it 
was  proposed  to  have  district  conferences  with  a  Govern- 
ment representative  present,  and  if  no  settlement  was  soon 
reached  in  any  district,  the  Government  representatives 
were  to  decide  jointly  the  outstanding  points  in  that 
dispute. 

This  pronouncement  was  not  altogether  unfavourable  to 
the  owners,  and  possibly,  if  they  had  had  an  outstanding 
leader,  or  there  had  been  longer  time  and  opportunity  for 
talking  to  them  by  districts,  or  if  the  policy  of  a  national 
settlement,  with  the  waiver  of  local  agreements  in  favour 
of  a  national  settlement,  had  been  adopted,  they  might 
have  seen  that  it  would  have  been  a  wise  course  to  accept 
the  pronouncement.  But  none  of  these  elements  came  into 
being.  The  parties  spent  February  28  in  considering  the 
proposals,  and  the  owners  came  back  with  an  acceptance 
by  the  Federated  Districts,  Durham  and  Cumberland,  but 
a  refusal  by  Scotland,  South  Wales,  Northumberland,  and 
the  smaller  districts  (Forest  of  Dean,  Somerset  and  Bristol). 
The  miners  returned  with  a  resolution  that  there  could  be 
no  settlement  unless  the  principle  of  an  individual  minimum 


A  NEW   SURPRISE  211 

wage  for  all  underground  workers  was  agreed  to  by  the 
coal-owners,  adding :  "  We  are  still  willing  to  meet  the 
coal-owners  to  discuss  the  minimum  rates  of  each  district 
as  passed  at  special  conferences  of  this  Federation." 
Asked  what  they  meant  by  the  minimum  rates,  they  said  : 
"  Our  definition  is  the  minimum  referred  to  in  the 
Schedule  of  Wages  already  laid  before  the  coal-owners 
and  His  Majesty's  Government." 

These  propositions  sounded  reasonable.  The  Govern- 
ment and  many  districts  had  already  in  effect  agreed  to  the 
principle,  and  the  miners  appeared  to  be  willing  to  discuss 
the  amounts  in  each  district,  although  they  had  said  nothing 
about  safeguards  against  abuse,  on  which  the  employers  laid 
great  stress.  The  Prime  Minister  proceeded  to  inquire  about 
safeguards  and  the  procedure  which  might  be  adopted. 
Then  there  emerged  the  fact  that  the  miners  were  not 
concerned  with  this  kind  of  discussion  :  they  wanted  the 
money,  and  at  once.  "  You  are  out  for  the  money,  Mr. 
Barker  ?  "  said  the  Prime  Minister  in  an  imperturbable 
manner,  and  Mr.  Barker,  a  member  of  the  Welsh  Miners' 
executive,  agreed  that  he  was,  and  would  not  go  back 
without  it. 

The  Prime  Minister  had  been  more  than  conciliatory  to 
the  miners'  representatives,  and  seemed  to  be  a  little 
irritated  by  the  strict  adherence  of  the  Welsh  coal-owners 
to  a  position  which  prevented  any  settlement  by  agreement, 
but  as  an  observer  I  can  only  say  that  this  new  contention, 
and  the  statement  that  the  miners  could  only  enter  into 
such  conferences  on  the  understanding  that  the  minimum 
wage  to  be  fixed  in  each  district  must  be  at  the  rate  revised 
and  finally  adopted  by  the  Federation  on  February  2,  and 
nothing  else,  was  too  much  for  him,  and  also  that  the 
miners  made  a  mistake.  It  appeared  as  if  they  thought  the 
Government  was  on  the  run,  and  that  they  could  coerce 
coal-owners,  Government,  and  nation.  It  seemed  to  be  a 
demand  sprung  at  the  last  moment.  After  saying  they 
would  discuss,  they  presented  an  ultimatum.  What  was 
the  use  of  conferences  to  discuss  an  irreducible  minimum, 
arbitrarily  fixed  by  the  Miners'  Executive  and  first  promul- 
gated on  February  2  ?  The  whole  scheme  of  discussion 
became  a  farce.  Possibly  the  Government  had  made  a 
mistake  by  Cabinet  Ministers  involving  themselves  in  an 
industrial  dispute  and  listening  to  long  platitudes  from  both 


212  COAL,    1912 

sides,  instead  of  making  use  of  their  own  creation,  the 
Industrial  Council,  or  a  non-political,  unbiased  tribunal, 
and  insisting  that  industry  must  settle  the  disputes  of 
industry  ;  possibly  the  owners  had  made  a  mistake  by 
lack  of  cohesion,  knowledge,  weighing  of  consequences, 
and  generally  a  short-sighted  policy  ;  but  the  mistake  of 
the  miners  by  reaching  out  too  far  and  attempting 
dictation  was,  if  I  may  say  so,  an  alienating  movement. 
Mr.  Asquith  decided  to  put  the  matter  before  Parliament. 
It  was  most  important  to  know  what  the  real  views  of 
the  coal-owners  were.  There  were  only  two  hours  available 
in  which  they  could  be  seen.  The  days  which  had  passed 
in  instruction  of  Ministers  could  not  be  retrieved.  On 
the  morning  of  February  29  I  saw  as  many  representa- 
tives of  districts  as  time  allowed.  The  great  district  of 
Northumberland  had  been  divided  in  opinion,  and  after 
debate  passed  a  resolution  in  the  terms  : 

"  After  hearing  suggestions  of  Sir  George  Askwith  on  the 
present  position  of  the  coal  dispute,  the  coal-owners  of 
Northumberland  are  prepared  to  state  that  they  do  not 
dissent  from  the  clauses  1  and  2  of  the  proposals  of  the 
Government  [which  amounted  to  settlement  by  districts, 
with  adequate  safeguards].  In  assenting  to  the  above 
resolution,  the  owners  do  not  retire  from  the  position  they 
have  taken  up,  that  they  cannot  consent  to  pay  an  indi- 
vidual minimum  wage  to  underground  workers  irrespective 
of  their  ability  or  disposition  to  earn  such  wage." 

The  smaller  districts  seemed  inclined  to  follow  this 
decision,  and  possibly,  with  further  time  for  explanation, 
Scotland  might  have  agreed,  but  finally  decided  to  abide 
events.  The  meeting  in  the  Cabinet  room  at  Downing 
Street,  where  the  owners  were  to  express  their  views,  was 
not  without  interest  and  even  humour.  No  districts  were 
quite  sure  of  the  opinion  of  other  districts,  and  when 
Scotland  declared  that  they  must  wait  and  see,  the 
chairman  of1  South  Wales  jumped  up  and,  waving  a  paper 
containing  an  unequivocal  refusal,  sang  out  :  "  Stands 
Scotland  where  she  did  ?  " 

Mr.  Asquith  stuck  to  his  guns.  He  told  the  miners  that, 
if  the  Government  were  to  undertake  responsibility,  it  was 
essential  they  should  discuss  with  both  sides  the  reason- 


A   FURTHER   INVITATION  213 

ableness  of  the  particular  rates  for  various  districts,  or, 
in  effect,  he  would  not  accept  without  discussion  the  miners' 
ultimatum.  He  told  the  House  of  Commons  that,  with 
the  exception  of  South  Wales  and  Scotland,  who  objected 
on  the  grounds  of  existing  agreements,  the  coal-owners 
in  practically  the  whole  of  England  and  North  Wales  had 
accepted  the  proposals,  but  that  the  miners  would  not 
negotiate  rates  for  coal-getters,  and  that  under  these 
circumstances  conferences  were  at  an  end. 

This  position  was  not  very  hopeful.  The  official  report 
states  : 

"  Meanwhile  the  men's  notices  to  cease  work  had  ex- 
pired ;  a  number  of  men  in  Derbyshire  and  other  districts 
had  ceased  work  already  between  February  26  and  29, 
and  on  March  1  the  whole  industry  was  virtually  at  a 
standstill.  It  is  estimated  that  altogether  about  a  million 
workers  engaged  in  the  coal-mining  industry  ceased  work 
as  a  result  of  the  dispute." 

It  was  necessary  to  find  an  issue  from  this  impasse —  and 
so,  on  March  4,  the  Industrial  Council  again  met,  and 
decided  to  hold  meetings  every  day.  They  appointed  a 
committee  which  met  the  Prime  Minister,  and  urged  that 
there  should  again  be  an  attempt  at  discussion.  Neither 
of  the  parties  were  in  the  least  likely  to  give  an  impression 
of  weakness  by  coming  forward  to  propose  further  con- 
ferences. Under  the  circumstances  the  Government  alone 
could  make  such  a  proposition,  they  having  elected  to  be 
concerned  with  the  meetings  and  to  preside  over  them. 
It  was  with  some  reluctance  that  the  Government  did 
decide  to  make  another  attempt,  as  another  failure  would 
not  be  very  pleasant ;  but  it  was  informally  ascertained 
that  the  parties  would  accept  an  invitation,  and  on 
March  8  the  invitation  was  sent. 

"  His  Majesty's  Government,"  it  said,  "  consider  that 
the  proposals  which  they  have  already  placed  before  the 
representatives  of  both  parties  offer  the  fairest  means  of 
arriving  at  a  satisfactory  settlement  of  the  dispute.  In 
view,  however,  of  the  difficulty  of  making  any  progress 
towards  a  settlement  without  mutual  discussion,  His 
Majesty's  Government  invite  both  parties  to  meet  them 


214  COAL,    1912 

jointly  in  conference,  without  prejudice,  with  a  view  to 
the  free  discussion  of  the  whole  situation." 

Conferences  continued  on  March  12,  13,  and  14.  It 
was  not  till  the  15th  that  the  Prime  Minister  had  to  say 
that  no  agreement  had  been  arrived  at,  and  they  had  come 
to  the  conclusion,  with  great  regret,  that  though  they  had 
done  all  in  their  power  to  arrive  at  a  settlement  by  agree- 
ment, "  that  was  impossible  ;  other  measures  must  there- 
fore be  taken." 

"  The  Prime  Minister  then  stated  that  the  Government 
would  ask  from  Parliament  a  legislative  declaration  that  a 
reasonable  minimum  wage,  accompanied  by  adequate  safe- 
guards for  the  protection  of  the  employer,  should  be  a 
statutory  term  of  the  contract  of  employment  of  people 
who  are  engaged  underground  in  coal-mining.  As  regards 
the  important  question  of  how  such  a  minimum  was  to  be 
ascertained  for  any  particular  area,  the  Prime  Minister, 
without  pledging  the  Government  to  any  precise  form  of 
machinery,  indicated  that  the  district  minimum  should  be 
locally  fixed  by  a  joint  board  in  each  district,  consisting 
of  representatives  of  employers  and  employed  with  a  neutral 
and  independent  chairman,  who  might  be  selected  by  the 
parties  themselves,  or  if  necessary  by  the  Government. 
Such  a  body  would,  in  the  opinion  of  the  Government, 
afford  what  they  have  always  regarded  as  all-important — 
a  means  of  securing  finality.  The  proposals  of  the  Govern- 
ment wrould  include  provisions  to  secure  promptitude  in 
point  of  time  in  the  presentation  of  the  cases  of  the  parties 
and  in  the  adjudication  thereon." 

After  all  these  long  days  of  talk,  the  statement  that  a 
settlement  by  agreement  was  impossible  certainly  ex- 
hibited a  confession  of  failure.  It  was  an  example  at  least 
to  show  that  conciliation  by  a  committee,  however  powerful, 
was  not  a  very  effective  method.  The  method  was  not 
sufficiently  elastic.  Opposition  crystallised  more  and 
more.  The  same  points  were  discussed  round  and  round, 
while  the  country  was  expectantly  waiting — and  beginning 
seriously  to  suffer. 

On  March  19  a  Bill  was  introduced  "  to  provide  a 
minimum  wage  in  the  case  of  workers  employed  under- 


SCENE  IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  COMMONS         215 

ground  in  coal-mines  (including  mines  of  stratified  iron- 
stone) and  for  purposes  incidental  thereto  "  ;  and  its  second 
reading  was  carried  on  March  22,  by  348  votes  to  225. 
Even  at  this  late  stage  an  amendment  was  proposed  to  fix 
in  the  Bill  the  general  minimum  of  five  shillings  for  adults 
and  two  shillings  for  boys  as  demanded  by  the  miners. 
Sir  Edward  Grey  shelved  the  question  for  the  moment  by 
suggesting  another  conference,  and  for  two  more  days 
Ministers  conferred  with  the  parties,  without  success. 
The  Prime  Minister  was  very  firm  on  the  principle  that 
Parliament  should  not  make  a  guess  at  the  proper  figure, 
and  that  such  legislative  enactment  of  wages  would  be  a 
bad  precedent.  No  agreement  was  reached ;  the  Bill 
proceeded,  326  to  83  voting  against  the  inclusion  of  the 
"  five  and  two  "  in  the  Bill,  and  the  Bill  became  an  Act  on 
March  29.  It  is  said  that  Keir  Hardie  jumped  with 
joy  at  the  result,  not  because  he  agreed  with  all  the  terms 
of  the  Bill,  but  because  legislative  enactment  had  recog- 
nised the  minimum  wage. 

Under  the  Act,  minimum  wages  were  to  be  "  an  implied 
term  of  every  contract  for  the  employment  of  a  work- 
man underground  in  a  coal-mine,"  unless  the  workman 
was  excluded  by  the  provisions  of  district  rules.  These 
rules  were  to  lay  down  conditions  in  regard  to  aged, 
infirm,  or  partially  disabled  workmen,  emergency  inter- 
ruptions, and  the  regularity  or  efficiency  of  work  ;  and  the 
persons  and  modes  for  determination  of  various  questions 
likely  to  arise  through  the  existence  of  a  minimum  rate. 
Joint  district  boards  of  workmen  and  employers  with  an 
independent  chairman  were  to  settle  minimum  rates  of 
wages  and  district  rules  in  twenty-three  separate  districts, 
and  in  settling  any  minimum  rate  "  shall  have  regard  to 
the  average  daily  rate  of  wages  paid  to  the  workmen  of 
the  class  for  which  the  minimum  rate  is  to  be  settled." 
Groups  or  classes  of  coal-mines  in  a  district  might  have 
special  minimum  rates  or  special  district  rules.  There 
might  be  subdivision  or  combination  of  districts.  Mini- 
mum rates  might  be  varied  by  agreement  or  on  notice 
after  expiry  of  a  year  since  the  last  settlement.  If  the 
joint  district  board  failed  to  settle  minimuiri  rates  and 
district  rules  within  a  specified  time,  the  chairman  had  to 
settle  them.  The  office  of  chairman  might  be  held  by 
one  person,  or  committed  to  three  persons,  of  whom  a 
15 


216  COAL,    1912 

majority  was  to  be  deemed  to  be  the  chairman  for  the 
purposes  of  the  Act.  The  Act  was  initially  to  continue 
in  force  for  three  years  and  no  longer,  unless  Parliament 
otherwise  determined. 

There  had,  however,  been  a  crisis.  There  were  two 
questions — the  attitude  of  the  miners  and  owners,  and  the 
attitude  of  the  Opposition ;  and  an  unwonted  scene  in  the 
House  of  Commons,  where  both  those  difficulties  came  to 
the  front.  A  contemporary  journalist  wrote  to  this  effect, 
in  a  description  which  I  can  endorse  : 

"  The  Prime  Minister  spoke  with  growing  slowness,  until 
he  was  scarcely  audible.  He  mourned  the  fact  that  the 
expectations  the  Government  had  of  obtaining  peace  had 
been  disappointed.  '  But,'  he  exclaimed,  '  we  laboured 
hard.'  Yet — and  his  voice  sank  back — he  pleaded  that 
those  who  had  the  deciding  word  would  stay  the  havoc  to 
the  community  with  which  the  country  was  confronted. 
He  narrated  all  that  had  been  done  to  obtain  a  settlement, 
how  hopes  had  risen  and  hopes  had  been  shattered.  He 
would  not  apportion  blame,  but  he  was  filled  with  sorrow 
that,  when  the  issue  had  been  narrowed  down  to  the  matter 
of  five  shillings  and  two  shillings  a  day,  agreement  could 
not  be  reached.  The  one  thing  the  Government  could  do 
was  to  pass  the  Minimum  Wage  Bill,  and  provide  machinery 
for  a  reasonable  wage  to  be  decided. 

"  But  when  it  was  passed,  would  the  strikers  accept  it, 
and  would  they  go  back  to  their  work  ?  That  was  the 
question  in  men's  minds.  It  was  deeply  embedded  in 
Mr.  Asquith's  brain,  for  he  knew  that  the  strike  leaders 
had  proclaimed  that  they  would  not  recognise  the  Bill 
unless  in  plain  print  there  was  inserted  the  five  shillings  and 
two  shillings  minimum.  He  turned  toward  the  tight- 
wedged  Labour  benches.  If  their  case  for  five  shillings  and 
two  shillings  was  strong,  could  they  not  rely  on  the  district 
boards  giving  those  rates  ?  The  law  would  be  changed, 
and  yet  would  they  continue  to  subject  the  community  to 
increasing  hardship  ? 

"  Then  the  awful  strain  got  too  much  for  Mr.  Asquith. 
*  I  speak  under  the  stress  of  very  strong  feeling,'  he  said, 
with  an  effort.  Hesitating  between  his  words,  he  asked 
Parliament  to  pass  the  Bill  as  the  only  possible  solution  in  a 
great  emergency.  *  We  have  exhausted  all  our  powers  of 


EFFECT   OF  THE   STRIKE  217 

persuasion  and  argument  and  negotiation,'  he  added 
swiftly,  as  though  he  would  deliver  the  words  before 
agitation  checked  him.  He  struggled  to  control  himself. 
Tears  were  in  his  eyes.  Then  he  said,  in  thick,  low,  halting 
tones  :  '  But  we  claim  we  have  done  our  best  in  the  public 
interest — with  perfect  fairness  and  impartiality.'  The 
House  was  profoundly  impressed.  Asquith,  the  cold, 
unemotional  Prime  Minister,  showing  the  soft  side 
of  his  nature  before  Parliament — that  was  a  spectacle 
which  will  ever  be  remembered. 

"  The  crisis  was  acute.  The  Opposition  was  gallant. 
Mr.  Bonar  Law  appreciated  the  straits  in  which  the 
Government  were.  The  Opposition  did  not  think  the 
Ministry  had  adopted  the  best  method,  but  it  was  the 
Government's  method,  '  and  so  no  obstacle  will  be  put 
by  us  in  the  way  of  the  Bill  passing  ' — a  remark  which  was 
frankly  appreciated  by  Ministerialists.  But  with  his  eye 
on  eventualities,  the  Leader  of  the  Opposition  gave  advice. 
'  The  members  of  the  Miners'  Federation,'  said  he,  '  are 
not  merely  members  of  the  federation  ;  they  are  citizens 
of  this  country,  and  whatever  may  be  their  view,  we  rely 
upon  them  to  obey  the  law.  But  unless  society  is  to  fall 
to  pieces,  the  Government  will  be  expected  to  use  all  the 
resources  of  this  country  to  protect  from  molestation  any 
man  in  any  part  of  the  country  who  desires  to  obey  the 
law.'  A  tornado  of  cheers  swept  from  the  Opposition 
benches ;  Unionists  would  back  the  Government  so  long 
as  the  Government  saved  the  genuine  worker  from 
tyranny." 

The  owners  recommended  their  colleagues  to  adopt  the 
Act.  The  miners  held  a  ballot,  244,011  voting  against 
resumption  of  work  and  201,013  for  resumption.  There  was, 
therefore,  a  majority  against  return  to  work,  but  as  there  was 
no  exact  precedent  as  to  the  majority  necessary  to  support 
such  a  decision,  the  Executive  recommended  that  the  prin- 
ciple of  a  resolution  of  December  21, 1911,  requiring  a  two- 
thirds  majority  for  a  national  strike,  should  be  applied, 
and  that  the  same  majority  should  be  required  to  continue 
the  strike.  They  advised  a  resumption  of  work.  This 
advice  was  accepted  at  a  National  Conference  on  April  6, 
and  gradually,  by  the  middle  of  April,  practically  all  the 
men  had  resumed  work. 


218  COAL,    1912 

What  was  the  effect  of  the  strike  ?  I  quote  from  the 
official  report,  which  said  : 

"It  is  estimated  that  the  aggregate  duration  of  the 
dispute  amounted  to  30,800,000  working  days.  The  al- 
most complete  cessation  of  the  coal-mining  industry  very 
seriously  affected  employment  in  other  industries.  The 
industries  most  affected  were  those  engaged  in  the  manu- 
facture of  pig-iron,  iron  and  steel,  tin-plates  and  sheet 
steel,  pottery,  bricks,  and  glass.  The  pig-iron  industry 
came  practically  to  a  standstill  early  in  March  ;  10  per 
cent,  of  the  blast  furnaces  were  stopped  by  March  2,  and 
nearly  two-thirds  by  the  end  of  the  following  week,  while 
by  the  end  of  March  only  13  per  cent,  were  still  working. 
Employment  at  iron  and  steel  works  suffered  a  heavy 
decline  in  the  week  ending  March  9,  which  was  further 
accentuated  in  the  following  weeks,  nearly  60  per  cent, 
of  the  men  being  unemployed  by  March  23.  More  than 
half  the  tin-plate  mills  had  ceased  working  by  March  9, 
and  by  the  end' of  the  month  only  76  mills  at  13  works  were 
still  working,  as  compared  with  489  mills  at  80  works  at  the 
end  of  February.  The  sheet-steel  works  in  connection 
with  the  tin-plate  trade  were  practically  at  a  standstill 
by  March  9.  In  the  pottery  trade  of  North  Stafford- 
shire the  majority  of  the  workpeople  were  out  of  employ- 
ment in  the  middle  of  March,  and  in  the  brick  trade  nearly 
one-quarter  of  the  workpeople  were  idle  by  March  23,  and 
many  more  were  on  short  time.  The  glass-bottle  industry, 
especially  in  Yorkshire,  was  the  branch  of  the  glass  trades 
principally  affected,  and  was  brought  almost  to  a  standstill 
by  the  end  of  March. 

"  Owing  to  the  great  curtailment  of  railway  services, 
railway  servants  were  considerably  affected ;  many  of 
the  regular  employees  were  put  on  short  time  or  were 
required  to  take  their  annual  leave,  while  large  numbers  of 
men  in  the  lower  grades  were  thrown  entirely  out  of  employ- 
ment. This  was  particularly  the  case  with  men  employed 
in  the  coal  exporting  ports  ;  and  for  similar  reasons  large 
numbers  of  seamen,  coal-trimmers  and  teemers,  dock  and 
waterside  workers  and  coal-porters  were  unemployed.  The 
fishing  industry  was  greatly  affected,  especially  at  Grimsby 
and  Hull,  where  most  of  the  trawlers  were  laid  up,  thus 
throwing  large  numbers  of  labourers,  in  addition  to  the 
crews,  out  of  work.  Generally  it  may  be  said  that  casual 


UNNECESSARY  FORCE  219 

labour,  in  its  various  forms,  was  severely  affected  through- 
out the  country." 

This  account  does  not  estimate  the  hardship  to  every 
household  in  the  country,  the  loss  of  trade,  the  expense  to 
the  nation,  and  the  loss  to  the  miners  themselves.  Was 
the  strike  worth  all  this  trouble  and  turmoil  ?  and  was  the 
result  adequate  for  the  trial  of  strength  ?  I  think  not. 
Minimum  wages  had  become  usual  in  many  industries  in 
the  country.  I  had  myself  continuously  established 
them.  The  principle  may  be  contested,  but  they  prevent 
much  hardship  and  abuse,  and  do  not  as  a  rule  prevent 
the  exercise  of  individual  ability  or  the  incentive  to  effort 
in  the  majority  of  men.  Some  there  are  who  will  be  con- 
tent to  earn  the  minimum  only,  if  the  margin  between  the 
minimum  and  the  amount  obtainable  by  piecework  is 
narrow,  but  not  the  majority.  In  most  trades  such  rates 
do  not  become  the  standard  rate,  as  is  commonly  asserted. 
The  Federated  Area  were  prepared  to  accept  the  principle, 
and  if  the  miners  had  not  pressed  for  so  high  a  rate  at 
first,  the  principle  could  have  been  adopted  in  that  area, 
and  the  increase  of  the  rate,  if  it  was  insufficient,  obtained 
at  a  later  date.  If  by  agreement  in  that  area  it  had  been 
started,  other  districts,  some  of  whom  were  not  averse  to  it, 
would  have  been  bound  to  follow,  and  very  possibly  Scot- 
land and  even  South  Wales  might  have  been  willing  to  waive 
their  contention  as  to  breach  of  agreements.  They  would 
at  least  have  had  to  give  way  as  soon  as  those  agreements 
terminated. 

A  certain  section  of  the  miners,  however,  were  determined 
to  fight,  the  rest  speedily  got  their  backs  up,  and  the  owners 
entirely  failed  to  realise  the  seriousness  of  the  position. 
The  intervention  of  the  Government  and  Parliament 
followed,  a  situation  which  led  to  subsequent  Government 
action  from  time  to  time  when  disputes  arose  in  coal, 
culminating  in  the  present  demand  for  nationalisation  by 
means  of  the  State,  though  some  at  least  of  the  miners 
would  desire  to  press  the  State  by  direct  action  as  they  tried 
to  press  the  owners  in  1912. 


CHAPTER   XXII 

TRANSPORT   WORKERS,    1912 

THE  coal  strike  of  the  spring  was  to  be  followed  by  a  trans- 
port strike  of  the  summer  involving  about  100,000  work- 
people, and  a  duration  of  about  2,700,000  working  days  ; 
chiefly  confined  to  the  Port  of  London. 

It  was  a  dispute  varied  by  extraordinary  changes  in  the 
demands  made,  in  the  allegations  of  breaches  of  faith  put 
forward  by  both  sides,  and  in  the  attempted  methods  of 
settlement.  It  exhibited  proofs  of  astounding  obstinacy 
on  both  sides,  and,  as  it  would  seem,  an  intention  to  mis- 
understand each  other,  with  strong  objection,  particularly 
by  the  employers,  to  the  action  taken  by  the  Government. 
It  was  a  dispute  with  which  I  had  little  to  do  until  the  close 
of  it,  although  I  had  to  be  present  at  some  conferences, 
and  was  supposed  by  the  employers  to  be  the  "  devil " 
behind  the  scenes. 

The  initial  cause  was  based  on  the  old  question  of  non- 
unionism,  where  the  employers  maintained  a  passive  atti- 
tude, refusing  an  undertaking  to  restrict  themselves  to 
union  labour  ;  and  the  unions  found  that,  though  in  effect 
they  might  enjoy  in  practice  a  preference  for  union  labour, 
they  could  not  force  by  agreement  the  employment  of  union 
labour  only.  Behind  this  cause  was  the  perennial  irrita- 
tion existing  in  the  London  docks,  and  the  policy  of  some 
labour  leaders  at  that  time  to  get  the  most  they  could 
out  of  an  arbitration  or  an  agreement,  and  then  to  raise 
questions  of  interpretation  or  breaches  of  agreement,  head- 
ing and  turning  the  irritation  and  the  men's  demands  into 
a  claim  which  bore  the  aspect  of  legality.  Their  excuse 
might  be  that  they  averted  worse  trouble  by  showing  that 
they  were  doing  something,  and  certainly  some  unions 
had  difficult  constituents.  Their  condemnation  by  the 
employers  was  that  they  could  not  control  their  men,  that 

220 


WATERMEN,   LIGHTERMEN,   AND  BARGEMEN    221 

they  were  fomenting  trouble,  and  that  it  was  of  no  use 
making  agreements  with  them — the  last  point  being  of 
importance,  as  this  was  the  main  cause  of  a  general  refer- 
ence to  the  Industrial  Council  on  the  subject  of  breaches  of 
agreement. 

The  strike  was  too  variegated  for  detail  of  all  its  features, 
but  some  of  its  incidents  are  not  without  some  interest. 
The  question  of  the  Federation  ticket,  to  be  worn  by  all 
dockers  as  proof  that  they  were  members  of  the  National 
Transport  Workers'  Federation,  had  not  been  really  fought 
out  or  settled  in  1911.  It  was  revived  in  1912,  and  the 
attempt  showed  the  lack  of  organisation  and  weakness  of 
that  union,  a  lack  which  they  have  been  working  studiously 
to  remedy  ever  since.  The  trouble  began  with  the  Water- 
men, Lightermen,  and  Bargemen,  where  some  employers 
and  some  employed  for  years  failed  to  get  on  with  each 
other.  A  watchman,  who  seemed  to  have  been  a  foreman 
and  continued  to  belong  to  the  Society  of  Foremen  Lighter- 
men, did  not  want  to  join  the  Society  of  Watermen,  Lighter- 
men, and  Bargemen.  The  lighterage  company  by  whom 
he  was  employed  said  they  had  nothing  to  do  with  the 
dispute,  on  the  ground  it  was  a  dispute  between  two  unions, 
whereupon,  on  May  16,  the  lightermen  were  called  out  on 
strike.  The  Association  of  Master  Lightermen  and  Barge 
Owners  had  resolved  to  stick  together,  under  the  belief 
that  their  heads  were  to  be  chopped  off  one  by  one,  and 
decided  to  do  the  lighterage  company's  work  for  them. 
They  told  their  men  to  do  this  work ;  the  union  men 
refused,  and  were  discharged  for  not  obeying  orders.  This 
lockout  at  once  enlarged  the  dispute,  and  the  fire  quickly 
spread.  On  May  18  the  executive  of  the  watermen  passed 
a  long  resolution  saying  the  master  lightermen  had  broken 
an  agreement  of  August  19,  1911,  that  by  this  agreement 
only  foremen  were  exempt  from  a  Federation  card,  and 
they  had  locked  out  men  who  were  under  the  agreement  for 
refusing  to  work  for  a  firm  employing  union  and  non- 
union men.  On  May  20  the  master  lightermen  issued  a 
statement  that  they  had  never  agreed  to  anything  of  the 
kind  or  to  employ  only  Federation  members.  On  May  21 
the  watermen  and  lightermen's  time  expired  ;  they  came 
out,  and  the  dockers  began  to  strike  in  sympathy.  The 
Executive  of  the  National  Transport  Workers'  Federa- 
tion held  a  meeting,  and  on  May  23  called  upon  "  all  the 


222  TRANSPORT    WORKERS,    1912 

transport  workers  to  cease  work  to-night."  This  drastic 
command  succeeded  in  London  and  on  the  Medway,  work 
gradually  ceasing  in  the  course  of  the  next  few  days.  The 
London  transport  trade  was  stopped. 

I  went  on  a  Sunday  to  Trafalgar  Square,  where  Mr.  Ben 
Tillett  and  other  speakers  were  addressing  a  mass-meeting, 
and  heard  the  end  of  his  address,  closing  with  a  bow  and  the 
words,  "  Good  luck  to  you,  boys."  There  was  little 
enthusiasm  ;  the  prospect  was  rather  grim.  I  heard  a 
man  say,  "  I  hope  Sir  George  can  stop  this." 

As  I  was  one  of  those  who  countersigned  the  agreement 
of  August  11,  and  as  there  was  nothing  in  it  about  the 
Federation  Ticket  being  obligatory,  I  saw  the  parties 
separately,  since  they  would  not  meet,  with  a  view  to  seeing 
whether  the  agreement  was  really  the  only  issue  :  if  that 
was  the  trouble,  as  alleged,  it  was  a  matter  of  interpreta- 
tion ;  if  there  was  another  issue,  could  they  meet  and 
discuss  the  difference  ?  Frankly,  I  do  not  know  how 
Ministers  started  in  to  deal  with  the  dispute.  The  Prime 
Minister  had  left  London  for  a  Whitsun  rest  in  the  Mediter- 
ranean, and  some  of  them  may  have  thought  they  should 
deal  with  so  serious  a  matter  as  a  stoppage  of  the  London 
transport  trade,  or  were  "  rattled  "  by  a  fresh  disturbance 
in  his  absence.  First  one  and  then  another  had  informal 
interviews  with  representatives  of  the  parties,  and  finally 
it  was  announced  in  the  House  of  Commons  that  the 
Government  had  decided  to  cause  an  inquiry  and  report 
to  be  made  "  on  the  facts  and  circumstances  of  the  present 
dispute  affecting  transport  workers  in  the  Port  of  London 
and  on  the  Medway." 

One  of  the  Ministers  (Mr.  Haldane)  asked  me  to  take  this 
inquiry,  but  I  pointed  out  that  I  had  been  immersed  in 
negotiations  with  both  sides,  that  both  sides  knew  I  was 
aware  of  every  point,  and  that  nothing  could  be  gained  by 
a  fresh  inquiry  by  me,  so  that  I  proposed  a  new  mind 
might  be  brought  to  bear  upon  it,  if  this  inquiry  was 
desired,  suggesting  a  list  of  two  or  three  names,  from 
which  Sir  Edward  Clarke  was  selected. 

Sir  Edward,  with  his  usual  ability,  heard  the  parties, 
and  produced  a  report  recording  what  had  been  said  many 
times  before.  He  found  that,  according  to  the  agreements, 
recourse  should  have  been  had  and  should  now  be  had  to 
the  decision  of  the  Board  of  Trade  in  the  event  of  difference 


BISSELL  223 

between  the  Associations  ;  and  that  the  extension  of  an 
agreement  to  parties  such  as  shipowners  or  traders  not 
belonging  to  the  contracting  parties,  so  as  to  make  it  bind- 
ing upon  them,  could  only  be  dealt  with  by  legislation. 

This  report  did  not  settle  the  dispute.  The  employers 
definitely  refused  to  accept  it  as  an  award  on  the  points 
dealt  with  by  Sir  Edward.  The  men  concentrated  on  the 
fact  that  it  had  not  settled  a  question  now  put  forward  as 
their  main  contention  in  place  of  the  compulsory  union 
ticket  which  had  been  the  initial  reason  for  the  dispute. 
This  contention  was  that  a  man  named  Bissell,  who 
employed  two  carters,  and  had  been  a  member  of  the 
London  Master  Carmen  and  Cartage  Contractors'  Associa- 
tion, had  broken  the  agreement  of  August  11,  1911,  by 
paying  less  than  the  award.  Bissell  had  resigned  his 
membership  and  refused  to  renew  it  or  to  appear  at  any 
proceedings ;  there  was  no  power  exercisable  by  the 
Carters'  Association,  or  under  any  Act  of  Parliament,  as 
Sir  Edward  pointed  out,  to  compel  him  to  appear  or  to  pay  ; 
and  his  own  carters  stuck  by  him.  In  fact,  the  dispute 
was  shifted  off  upon  this  issue,  but  it  was  used  as  a  lever 
to  press  denunciations  of  the  employers  for  alleged  breaches 
of  agreement,  the  employers  on  their  side  being  equally 
persistent  in  urging  breach  of  agreement  by  the  men  in 
striking  upon  the  matter  of  the  union  ticket. 

The  Report  was  handed  to  the  Government  on  May  27, 
but  the  dispute  continued  till  well  into  July,  and  work  was 
not  resumed  till  the  first  week  in  August.  Public  opinion 
may  have  a  certain  effect  in  shortening  a  strike,  but  the 
contention  that  there  has  only  to  be  an  open  inquiry  for 
the  public  to  take  cognisance  of  a  dispute,  and  settle  it  by 
public  opinion,  is  a  fallacy.  The  public  cares  little  or 
nothing  about  disputes  which  do  not  immediately  affect 
them  ;  the  newspapers  never  publish,  and  cannot  publish, 
for  the  simple  reason  that  they  cannot  afford  the  space, 
full  reports  of  disputes,  inquiries,  or  even  very  important 
awards  ;  a  sensational  murder  trial  will  oust  industrial 
disputes  entirely  out  of  the  papers  ;  and  the  most  sensa- 
tional dispute  of  recent  years,  the  Music  Hall  dispute,  was 
certainly  not  settled  by  the  Press  or  public  opinion.  It 
may  almost  be  said  that  it  was  kept  alive  by  the  sensation 
created  by  it. 
After  Sir  Edward  Clarke's  report,  five  Ministers  again 


224  TRANSPORT   WORKERS,    1912 

began  interviewing  both  sides,  or,  rather,  different  sections 
of  both  sides,  but  without  the  slightest  effect.  The 
employers  took  up  an  attitude  of  passive  resistance.  At  a 
conference  with  Mr.  Lloyd  George,  the  shipowners  said  they 
had  nothing  to  do  with  a  dispute  about  a  master-carter  ; 
the  dockers  had  left  work  and  injured  them  in  a  dispute 
over  which  they  had  no  control,  and  an  agreement  with 
which  they  were  not  concerned  :  if  they  chose  to  hold  up 
the  whole  port,  the  shipowners  were  not  going  to  be  in- 
volved ;  if  they  recognised  this  dispute,  they  would  have  to 
look  after  every  contract  made  by  any  association  or  any 
single  employer  ;  the  dispute  had  commenced  over  the 
claim  for  the  union  ticket,  which  they  absolutely  refused 
to  recognise,  and  that  claim  had  not  been  withdrawn  ; 
they  could  not  form,  and  objected  to  forming,  a  federation 
of  employers  ;  and  one  of  them  bluntly  said  they  were  not 
going  to  listen  to  "  the  cajolery  of  Mr.  Lloyd  George." 

The  impracticability  of  proper  settlement  of  a  dispute  by 
a  Committee  of  Ministers  was  abundantly  apparent,  and 
was  emphasised  still  more  strongly  in  my  mind  when  I 
heard  a  politician  tell  a  Minister  that  it  was  inadvisable 
the  dispute  should  close  too  early,  as  a  London  election 
then  proceeding  might  not  go  in  the  desired  direction  if  it 
did.  Although  the  Minister  may  not  have  been  influenced 
by  the  tale,  yet  it  illustrates  the  objection  to  politics  or 
the  suspicion  of  politics  coming  into  or  being  allowed  to 
affect  the  settlement  of  industrial  disputes. 

In  reply  to  the  suggestions  for  a  federation  of  employers, 
the  employers  finally  sent  a  formal  answer  : 

"  That  His  Majesty's  Ministers  be  informed  that  their 
suggestion  with  regard  to  the  formation  of  a  federation  of 
employers  has  been  most  carefully  considered,  and  it  is  the 
unanimous  opinion  of  those  employers  who  have  this  day 
discussed  the  question  that  under  existing  conditions  such 
a  scheme  is  impracticable. 

"  Moreover,  the  employers  desire  that  it  should  be  dis- 
tinctly understood  that,  whilst  they  are  willing  to  discuss 
with  His  Majesty's  Ministers  at  all  times  any  suggestion 
made  by  them,  no  such  suggestion,  however  acceptable 
in  other  respects,  will  be  adopted  until  work  has  been 
resumed  throughout  the  Port.  Further,  that  they  will 
not  under  any  circumstances  consent  to  any  recognition 


FIVE   MINISTERS  225 

of  the  Union  or  Transport  Workers'   Federation  ticket, 
or  to  any  discussion  for  such  recognition." 

Then,  accepting  the  meagre  statement  that  the  employers 
would  deign  to  discuss  with  His  Majesty's  Ministers  any  of 
their  suggestions,  further  proposals  were  put  forward  on 
behalf  of  the  Government,  with  a  query  whether  there  was 
any  reason  why  the  lines  of  the  Brooklands  and  similar 
agreements  should  not  be  followed,  with  elaborate  sugges- 
tions for  a  joint  board  consisting  (1)  of  representatives 
nominated  by  groups  of  employers,  and  (2)  of  representatives 
of  the  men,  as  an  Appeal  Court  with  power  to  inflict 
penalties  for  breach  of  agreement.  The  men  accepted  this 
scheme,  which  would  have  been  a  very  possible  basis  of 
sound  settlement  earlier  in  the  course  of  debate,  but  now 
appeared  too  late.  They  made  the  mistake,  in  my  view, 
of  adding  to  their  acceptance  that  they  intended  to  declare 
a  national  strike  if  a  reply  was  not  given  by  the  employers 
on  the  next  day.  This  challenge  was  met  by  a  refusal 
to  accept  the  principle  underlying  the  Government's 
proposals,  the  real  reason  being  objection  to  the 
threat.  Their  answer  was  conveyed  to  the  men,  when 
the  National  Transport  Workers'  Federation  found  them- 
selves in  the  position  of  having  to  fulfil  a  threat  or  confess 
to  an  impotent  threat.  They  sent  telegrams  to  all  ports 
saying,  "  Employers  point-blank  refuse  to  accept  proposal 
for  settlement.  National  Executive  recommend  general 
stoppage  at  once."  Satisfactory  answers  did  not  come. 
Unions  affiliated  to  the  National  Transport  Workers  took 
a  ballot,  and  although  about  20,000  men  in  various  ports 
came  out  for  a  few  days,  the  results  in  each  case  showed  a 
majority  against  a  stoppage.  The  other  ports  had  had  their 
struggle  the  year  before,  and  were  not  prepared  to  support 
a  lost  cause.  Meanwhile  in  London  the  employers  began 
to  fill  up  with  new  labour,  very  inefficient,  but  supplying 
in  number  at  least  some  proof  that  work  was  going  to  be 
carried  on.  There  were  about  5,000  new  men  in  the  Port 
of  London  early  in  June,  and  about  13,000  by  the  end  of  the 
month. 

It  was  obvious  that,  when  Ministers  were  dealing  with 
the  problem,  the  Industrial  Council  could  not  cut  across 
any  action  they  might  be  taking,  but  at  their  meeting 
on  June  12  they  took  note  of  the  repeated  charges  of 


226  TRANSPORT    WORKERS,    1912 

breach  of  agreement  made  by  both  sides  in  London,  and 
also  in  general  terms  throughout  the  country.  They 
unanimously  adopted  this  resolution  : 

"  The  question  of  the  maintenance  of  industrial  agree- 
ments having  come  before  the  Industrial  Council,  that 
Council  are  of  the  opinion  that  this  subject  is  of  the  highest 
importance  to  employers  and  trade  unions  and  workpeople 
generally,  and  would  welcome  an  immediate  inquiry  into 
the  matter. " 

The  Government,  by  this  time  in  a  fix,  at  once  seized 
hold  of  this  proposal,  and  the  next  day  the  Prime  Minister, 
who  had  now  returned,  stated  that  the  Council  would  be 
requested  to  make  an  inquiry  and  report. 

"  It  seems  essential,"  he  said,  "  to  ascertain  : 
"  1.  What  is  the  best  method  of  securing  the  due  fulfil- 
ment of  industrial  agreements  ;   and 

"2.  How  far  industrial  agreements  which  are  made 
between  representative  bodies  of  employers  and  of  work- 
men should  be  enforced  throughout  the  particular  trade  or 
district. 

"  The  Government  are  anxious  to  have  inquiry  made  into 
the  matter,  and  to  receive  advice  from  those  best  qualified 
to  give  it.  In  these  circumstances,  they  propose  to  refer 
the  above  question  to  the  Industrial  Council,  which  is 
representative  of  the  employers  and  of  the  men  in  the  great 
industries  of  the  country  ;  to  request  the  Council  carefully 
to  consider  that  matter  ;  to  take  such  evidence  as  they  may 
think  fit ;  and  to  report  to  the  Government  any  conclusions 
to  which  they  may  come." 

Although  Ministers  were  in  fact  quietly  dropping  away 
from  intervention  in  a  dispute  which  they  had  failed  to 
settle,  there  was  no  opening  for  the  Industrial  Council  to 
step  in  and  attempt  to  pick  up  the  threads.  The  employers 
had  issued  a  statement  that 

"  schemes  for  dealing  with  labour  questions  in  the  Port 
of  London  as  between  and  affecting  individual  trades  and 
their  workmen  must,  in  view  of  the  vast  and  conflicting 


PASSIVE   RESISTANCE  227 

interests  involved,  be  complicated  and  require  exhaustive 
discussion  if  the  settlement  is  to  be  of  a  permanent  character, 
and  in  the  opinion  of  the  Conference  this  discussion  can 
only  take  place  after  work  has  been  resumed." 

Their  theory  of  passive  resistance  was,  however,  pushed 
so  far  that,  in  answer  to  the  query  whether  it  could  be  said 
that  a  discussion  could  take  place  after  work  had  been 
resumed,  they  replied  curtly  that  "  it  would  not  be  in 
accordance  with  the  resolution  to  inform  the  men  that 
after  work  had  been  resumed  discussion  would  take  place 
between  the  respective  associations  of  employers  and 
the  representatives  of  the  men."  They  were  apparently 
determined  to  give  no  opening  whatever  for  return  to 
work  with  hope  of  future  amelioration,  but  to  insist  on 
confession  of  error  by  unconditional  surrender.  Opinions 
may  differ  as  to  the  value  and  sense  of  these  tactics,  but 
everyone  will,  I  think,  agree  that  they  would  not  conduce 
to  cessation  of  an  industrial  dispute.  The  dockers'  leaders 
said,  "  We  are  going  to  tell  the  men  frankly  that  there  is 
nothing  else  to  do  but  to  fight." 

Even  in  reply  to  a  formal  letter  intimating  the  reference 
to  the  Industrial  Council,  and  asking  whether  the  Port  of 
London  Authority  would  nominate  one  or  more  representa- 
tives to  give  evidence  before  the  Council  "  in  regard  to  any, 
or  all,  of  the  Industrial  Agreements  to  which  the  Authority 
has  been  a  party,  or  with  which  it  is  concerned,  or  any 
other  matter  which  it  may  deem  material  to  the  terms  of 
reference,"  that  body  replied  that 

"  the  Authority  has  been  a  party  to  one  agreement  only— 
that  known  as  the  Devonport  Agreement,  signed  by  the 
parties  thereto  on  July  27, 1911.  The  history  of  that  agree- 
ment is  set  out  in  the  Authority's  communication  handed  to 
His  Majesty's  Government  on  the  10th  instant,  and  as  the 
Authority  has  nothing  to  add  on  the  subject,  it  does  not 
propose  to  be  represented  at  the  inquiry  before  the 
Industrial  Council." 

A  Labour  Member  brought  up  a  proposal  on  July  1  in 
the  House  of  Commons,  and  got  a  resolution  accepted  "  that, 
in  the  opinion  of  this  House,  it  is  expedient  that  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  employers'  and  the  workmen's  organisa- 


228  TRANSPORT    WORKERS,    1912 

tions  should  meet  with  a  view  to  arriving  at  a  settlement "  ; 
to  which  the  employers,  on  July  4,  only  announced  that 
"  they  adhere  to  their  decision  conveyed  to  the  Members 
of  the  Cabinet  Committee  on  the  several  occasions  when 
meetings  have  taken  place,  viz.  that  they  agree  to  no 
conditions  precedent  to  the  men  returning  to  work," 
and  that  "  in  the  future  as  in  the  past  the  freest  submission 
of  grievances  will  be  allowed  to  employees,  and  just  and 
generous  consideration  promptly  accorded  to  them." 
This  reply  was  unanimously  confirmed  on  July  11  by 
another  meeting. 

Meanwhile,  as  the  weeks  went  by,  there  was  beginning  to 
be  serious  distress  in  the  East  and  South  of  London.  One 
Bishop  opened  a  relief  fund,  and  three  Bishops,  possibly 
with  the  best  intention  or  aiming  at  following  the  prece- 
dent of  Cardinal  Manning,  butted  in  with  a  summing-up 
of  their  own  as  to  the  points  of  difference,  and  the  futile 
and  despairing  suggestion,  "  Cannot  some  arbitrator  having 
the  confidence  of  both  sides  suggest  a  formula  which  may 
bring  employer  and  employed  together,  and  thus  close 
a  dispute  which  is  causing  untold  misery  and  injuring  the 
whole  country  ?  " 

It  was  about  this  date  that  the  Prime  Minister  asked  me 
to  see  him  privately.  He  requested  me  to  explain  the  full 
position.  I  told  him  the  whole  history  in  an  unvarnished 
tale,  without  any  comment,  although  the  obvious  deduction 
was  the  absolute  failure  of  Ministerial  interference  by  a 
Committee  of  Ministers  in  an  industrial  dispute,  and  the  bad 
effect  upon  Government  prestige,  particularly  in  the  event 
of  a  failure.  He  walked  up  and  down  the  Cabinet  room  in 
Downing  Street,  with  his  hands  in  his  pockets,  and,  turning 
to  me,  said,  "  Every  word  you  have  spoken  endorses  the 
opinion  I  have  formed.  It  is  a  degradation  of  Government. 
Can  you  suggest  anything  ?  "  I  said  that  the  only  chance 
I  saw  of  a  settlement  which  did  not  leave  great  bitterness 
behind  it,  and  a  determination  for  reprisals  on  a  suitable 
occasion,  would  be  a  formal  announcement  by  the  em- 
ployers that  they  intended  to  keep  and  maintain  agreements, 
which  must  be  their  policy  and  which  they  had  always  said 
had  been  their  policy  ;  that  such  a  declaration  could  only 
come  from  Lord  Devonport,  as  Chairman  of  the  Port  of 
London  Authority ;  that  it  would  not  be  believed  unless 
the  transport  workers'  leaders  saw  Lord  Devonport  and  had 


LORD  DEVONPORT  ON  AGREEMENTS    229 

it  from  him  personally ;  and  that,  if  an  interview  took  place, 
Lord  Devonport  would  be  well  advised  to  say  nothing 
about  the  union  ticket,  which  was  dead,  and  not  now  a  live 
claim  :    otherwise  the  strike  would  continue  and  would 
revive  on  the  very  first  opportunity.     Mr.  Buxton  was 
called   in,   and   agreed.     The   Prime   Minister   saw   Lord 
Devonport  alone.    I  was  told  that  he  had  said  he  would  be  at 
his  private  house  between  certain  hours  the  next  morning, 
and  if  two  of  the  transport  leaders  (who  were  both  members 
of  the  Port  of  London  Authority)  called,  he  would  see  them 
and  say  to  them  that  he  was  prepared  to  denounce  breaches 
of  agreements   by   any  employer.      The   Prime   Minister 
asked  whether  this  could  possibly  be  done,  to  which  I  said 
the  attempt  should  be  made.  I  asked  two  of  them  to  break- 
fast on  urgent  business,  one  coming  back  especially  from 
Manchester ;  explained  matters,  and  took  them  to  Lord 
Devonport's  door,  waiting  to  see  that  they  were  admitted. 
He  gave  them  the  assurance,  published  his  assurance  in  the 
Press  on  July  18,  and  a  few  days  after  they  called  off  the 
strike.     The  intervening  days  were  interesting.     The  two 
leaders   had    no  mandate.      They    could    only    wait    to 
ascertain  whether  Lord  Devonport's  statements  in  the  Press, 
that  he  had  explained  to  them  how  far  existing  agreements 
would  remain  in  force,  what  variation  would  be  made,  and 
the  reason  for  such  variation,  would  be  accepted  by  the 
transport    workers.      Meanwhile  they  worked  with  quiet 
hints  that  the  promises  were  sufficient  to  end  the  strike. 
When  the  time  was  ripe,  the  Strike  Committee  issued  a 
manifesto  on  Saturday,  July  27,  recommending  an  immediate 
resumption    of   work :  "  Strike  declared  off.      All  men  to 
return  to  work  Monday."     Even  then  the  men,  on  Sunday, 
July  28,  unanimously  resolved  not  to  resume  work,  but 
on  the  Monday  some  of  the  dockers  and  stevedores  resumed. 
I  was  able,  after  certain  interviews,  to  state  that  sailing- 
barge  owners  would  continue  to  pay  the  "  pink-list,"  and 
all  their  men  returned  to  work.     Others  quickly  followed. 
Finally,  after  some  disturbances  between  the  returning 
trade  unionists  and  the  non-unionists  who  had  worked 
during  the  strike,  a  general  return  to  work  had  come  by 
August  6. 

This  long  strike  had  been  most  ineffective.  It  was 
initiated,  not  for  improvement  of  wages  and  hours,  but 
in  the  belief  that  by  force  the  employers  could  be  induced 


230  TRANSPORT    WORKERS,    1912 

to  employ  men  of  the  Transport  Workers'  Federation  only. 
When  the  force  proved  insufficient,  the  claims  were  shifted 
on  to  alleged  breaches  of  agreement,  including  a  case  where  a 
small  master-carter  had  resigned  from  an  association  bound 
by  an  agreement,  and  of  which  he  was  a  member  when 
the  agreement  was  made.  He  had  then  paid  wages  lower 
than  the  agreed  rates.  There  was  no  power  to  oblige  him 
to  remain  a  member  or  to  continue  as  an  individual  to  be 
bound.  Into  this  varied  tangle  five  or  more  Cabinet 
Ministers  threw  themselves,  though  many  of  them  in  their 
respective  offices  had  nothing  whatever  to  do  with  the 
matter,  and  could  only  have  interfered  because  they  con- 
sidered their  influence  to  be  large  or  because  they  thought 
their  action  would  serve  political  purposes.  Their  efforts 
completely  failed. 

The  Prime  Minister  was  so  annoyed  that  he  gave  strict 
orders  that  Ministers,  even  the  President  of  the  Board  of 
Trade,  who,  if  any  Minister  should  intervene,  was  the  proper 
Minister  to  intervene,  were  to  leave  industrial  disputes  alone 
and  not  mix  themselves  up  with  them.  This  request  was 
almost  unnecessary  in  the  case  of  Mr.  Buxton,  the  then 
President,  whose  policy  it  endorsed.  It  was  scrupulously 
followed  by  his  successor,  Mr.  Burns.  Mr.  Runciman, 
until  the  War  came  and  he  had  to  tilt  by  advice  a  few 
cases  on  to  the  arbitration  tribunals,  also  followed  it. 
Mr.  Harcourt,  who  was  Acting  President  for  some  months, 
rigidly  maintained  the  same  policy.  It  was  left  for 
Mr.  Lloyd  George,  by  his  personal  action,  to  reverse  this 
policy,  during  the  War,  in  the  case  of  the  Welsh  coal  strike, 
and  to  make  it  impracticable  by  handing  over  to  the  vast 
number  of  new  Ministries,  and  even  the  new  Depart- 
ments, established  during  the  War,  the  authority  and 
power  to  deal  with  every  kind  of  dispute  which  in  the  least 
affected  their  Departments,  a  policy  which  led  to  conflicting 
decisions,  a  maze  of  authorities,  and  a  large  number  of 
disputes  which  ought  never  to  have  occurred,  and  would 
never  have  occurred  but  for  this  change. 

Some  bitter  remarks  were  printed  in  various  papers  on  the 
action  of  Ministers,  which  might  well  have  been  taken  to 
heart.  As  one  paper  remarked  : 

"  In  many  respects  the  strike  that  has  just  ended  has  been 
the  most  remarkable  for  many  years.  There  was  no  question 


LESSONS  OF  THE  STRIKE  281 

of  non-payment  of  reasonable  wages,  but  only  alleged  small 
causes  of  friction  and  pressure  to  compel  the  employers 
to  make  themselves  agents  to  force  non-unionists  to  become 
unionists. 

"  The  first  and  foremost  lesson  of  the  struggle  is  that  a 
strike,  if  it  is  prolonged,  is  the  worst  weapon  for  getting 
real  advantages,  and  that,  although  it  may  be  used  as  a 
warning,  it  is  unwise  to  treat  it  as  a  battle  to  the  end. 
Some  opinions  to  the  contrary  were  expressed  on  both 
sides  last  year,  particularly  when  the  efforts  at  conciliation 
had  proved  successful,  and  when  such  efforts  did  not 
prevent  strikes  breaking  out  in  other  quarters.  It  was 
even  said  that  strikes  were  induced  because  it  was 
thought  conciliation  would  be  used.  .  .  .  People  forget 
that  last  year  conciliation  in  towns  where  it  had  been  used 
had  been  effective  in  causing  a  cessation  of  strife  in  those 
towns,  subject  to  small  cases  of  aftermath.  A  proof  of  its 
value  and  of  the  settlements  made  has  been  evident  in  the 
fact  that,  in  the  provincial  towns  where  settlements  were 
made,  hardly  any  disturbance  occurred  when  these  towns 
failed  to  follow  the  lead  of  London. 

"  Another  lesson  from  the  strike  is  that  the  less  the 
Government  and  political  persons  interfere  with  trade 
disputes  the  better.  There  is  no  intention  to  propose 
special  legislation  in  this  trade,  and  yet  a  Committee  of  six 
members  of  the  Cabinet,  supposed  to  be  sitting  to  inquire 
into  the  general  causes  of  unrest,  chose  to  interfere  in  an 
individual  case,  and  buoy  up  the  minds  of  the  strikers  with 
belief  in  legislation  and  the  interference  of  Parliament. 
This  created  a  notion  that  there  was  a  court  of  appeal 
above  the  officials  who  had  acted  with  success  in  previous 
strikes,  not  necessarily  preventing  them,  but  bringing  them 
to  a  close  within  reasonable  time. 

"  Mr.  Sydney  Buxton,  the  President  of  the  Board  of 
Trade,  last  year  earned  general  praise  for  keeping  out  of 
the  strikes  himself,  although,  being  Member  for  Poplar, 
he  had  great  temptation  to  interfere.  He  held  up  the 
conciliation  part  of  his  Department  as  independent  of 
politics,  and  as  separated  from  the  Board  of  Trade  in  all 
respects  except  so  far  as  it  was  necessary  to  have  a  Minister 
who  could  answer  questions  in  Parliament  on  matters  of 
fact.  The  conciliation  department  of  the  Board  had  kept 
upon  those  lines,  and  the  Government  had  themselves 
16 


232  TRANSPORT    WORKERS,    1912 

established  an  Industrial  Council  with  the  object  of 
emphasising  the  lines  on  which  policy  should  be  directed. 
But  in  the  absence  of  the  Prime  Minister  other  members 
of  the  Cabinet  thought  that  there  was  a  good  opportunity 
of  advertising  themselves,  and  interfered,  with  the  most 
disastrous  results.  The  Prime  Minister  at  least  deserves 
credit  for  having  endeavoured  to  bring  matters  back  to  the 
more  normal  condition,  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  action 
of  the  rest  of  the  Government  will  not  have  interfered  with 
the  successful  efforts  of  the  Industrial  Commissioner's 
Department." 

The  most  disastrous  disputes  are  not  without  humorous 
incidents,  of  which  one  perhaps  may  be  mentioned. 

In  the  middle  of  the  strike  there  came  out  Mr.  Ben 
Tillett's  History  of  the  Transport  Strike,  1911,  in  which  he 
indulged  in  a  pen-sketch  of  me  : 

"  Sir  George  Askwith,  the  patient,  plodding  man,  with 
pigeon-holes  in  his  brains  ;  who  listened  without  sign  of 
being  bored  or  absorbed,  who  concealed  his  mind  like  a 
Chinaman.  Emotionless,  excepting  that  he  would  peer 
through  his  glasses  at  someone  making  a  statement  of 
moment,  never  raising  his  diplomatic  voice,  or  appearing 
to  hurry  over  anything  ;  guiding  without  falter  or  apparent 
effort  the  disputants,  however  heated  they  may  be,  himself 
the  inscrutable,  patient  listener. 

"  And  such  patience  !  It  was  more  than  dour  in  its 
persistence  and  calmness  ;  it  compelled  by  its  coldness, 
and  saved  us  from  bickerings  on  occasions  when  the  wisest 
become  puny  and  spiteful. 

"  He  is  the  inost  dangerous  man  in  the  country.  His 
diplomacy  is  and  will  be  worse  than  war.  Unless  it  abso- 
lutely succeeds  in  forcing  industrial  combatants  to  appreci- 
ate the  human  oneness  of  the  community,  it  will  be  a 
danger,  inasmuch  as  it  will  make  with  its  great  genius  for 
a  peace  that,  after  all,  will  be  artificial." 

Let  me  be  allowed  to  reciprocate  with  a  few  words  on 
Mr.  Tillett.  He  could  almost  deprecatingly  wish  the  boys 
good  luck  in  Trafalgar  Square,  or  utter  wild  words  on 
Tower  Hill,  but  in  the  council-chamber  he  was  not  always 
so  effective.  "  Where  is  Mr.  Tillett  ?  "  I  asked.  "  I  want 


MR.   BEN  TILLETT  238 

to  see  him."  "  Oh,  we  have  put  him  out  of  the  way,  to 
write  manifestos  in  your  room,  so  that  he  won't  interrupt 
us,"  was  the  reply.  There  I  found  him,  with  his  coat  off, 
his  shirt-sleeves  rolled  up  (it  was  very  hot),  his  long  hair 
ruffled,  scribbling  for  all  he  was  worth,  on  sheets  and 
sheets  of  Government  notepaper.  I  watered  down  that 
manifesto  for  him,  just  as  he  consented  to  go  back  by  the 
next  train  from  Manchester  at  a  crucial  moment,  when  he 
could  only  have  upset  things.  Ben  Tillett  is  a  far  more 
sensible  man  than  some  people  think,  and,  be  it  said, 
with  a  very  kindly  heart. 


CHAPTER   XXIII 

INDUSTRIAL   AGREEMENTS,    1912 

WHILE  the  London  transport  dispute  was  pursuing  its 
unhappy  course,  many  suggestions  from  many  quarters 
were  put  forward  with  a  view  to  anticipation  or  mitigation 
of  strikes.  Of  these  the  Government,  dimly  aware  that 
they  were  in  a  mess  and  that  they  had  no  policy,  seized 
hold  of  two  stopgaps,  which  could  at  least  allow  them  to 
answer  that  inquiry  was  being  made.  The  first  stopgap  was 
upon  the  subject  of  the  breach  and  maintenance  of  industrial 
agreements,  a  suggestion  made  by  the  Industrial  Council ; 
the  second  an  inquiry  into  the  working  of  Canadian 
law,  proposed  by  a  deputation  from  the  Association  of 
Chambers  of  Commerce  to  the  Prime  Minister  on  June  21. 

The  members  of  the  Industrial  Council  were  requested  on 
June  14  to  inquire  and  report  (1)  what  is  the  best  method  of 
securing  the  due  fulfilment  of  industrial  agreements  ;  and 
(2)  how  far  and  in  what  manner  industrial  agreements 
which  are  made  between  representative  bodies  of  employers 
and  of  workmen  should  be  enforced  through  a  particular 
trade  or  district. 

The  reference  stated  that  "  the  Government  will  give 
the  most  earnest  attention  to  any  recommendations  that 
the  Council  may  be  able  to  make." 

On  July  24  Mr.  Lloyd  George  in  the  House  of  Commons 
followed  the  same  line. 

"  The  Executive,"  he  said,  "  had  no  power  to  go  beyond 
inquiry  and  conciliation.  There  was  no  other  power  vested 
in  the  Executive  for  cases  of  this  kind — none.  Up  to  the 
present  public  opinion  was  opposed  to  any  fresh  powers. 
If  they  proceeded  beyond  conciliation,  the  next  step  was 
compulsion,  and  if  there  was  to  be  compulsion,  it  must  be 
compulsion  on  both  sides. 

234 


GOVERNMENT   PROMISES  235 

"'  But,  after  all,  it  was  impossible  to  legislate  for  each 
particular  case.  Problems  of  this  kind  ought  to  be  dealt 
with  generally,  and  his  own  opinion  was  that  the  public 
were  beginning  to  feel  very  strongly  that  there  ought  to  be 
some  means  of  determining  disputes  without  on  the  one 
hand  driving  one  party  to  starvation,  or  on  the  other  ruining 
the  industry. 

"  He  was  perfectly  convinced  that  the  time  had  come  for 
a  reconsideration  of  the  whole  problem  of  settling  trade 
disputes. 

"  The  Government  had  set  up  an  inquiry  into  the  subject, 
and  the  Industrial  Council  were  considering  the  best  means 
of  dealing  with  matters  of  this  kind.  He  did  not  think  it 
would  be  possible  to  deal  with  them  without  some  form 
of  legislative  sanction,  but  before  legislation  could  be 
carried  it  necessarily  involved  that  there  should  be  a 
guarantee  on  both  sides  that  decisions  could  be  enforced. 

"  The  Government  had  come  to  the  conclusion  that  it 
would  be  necessary  to  deal  with  this  problem.  It  was  not 
merely  this  particular  dispute.  Other  disputes  were 
constantly  cropping  up,  and  therefore  the  Government 
had  come  to  the  conclusion  that  it  was  necessary  to  deal 
with  the  whole  problem,  and  that  in  the  immediate  future." 

But  in  spite  of  these  pledges,  when  the  report  of  the 
Industrial  Council  was  presented,  and  also  the  report  on 
Canada,  the  Government  did  nothing.  The  crisis  was 
passed,  opportunist  policy  no  longer  made  it  important  to 
fulfil  promises,  nothing  was  done  except  shelving  the 
report  by  reference  to  the  Trade  Union  Congress,  and  the 
Government  went  forward  with  no  labour  policy  at  all. 

With  regard  to  Industrial  Agreements,  no  observation 
is  more  often  heard  than  the  statement  that  it  is  of  little 
use  making  agreements  with  workmen  or  their  representa- 
tives, because  no  sooner  are  they  made  than  they  are 
broken.  Many  also  have  been  the  proposals  for  enforcing 
the  maintenance  of  agreements  or  the  awards  of  arbitra- 
tors by  such  expedients  as  penalties,  imprisonments,  black- 
listing, expulsion  from  associations  or  unions,  etc.  It  is 
certainly  as  a  rule  more  easy  to  oblige  employers  to  keep 
agreements.  There  is  damage  to  their  trade  and  credit 
if  they  are  marked  as  failing  to  fulfil  agreements  made  with 
their  workpeople.  They  are  fewer  in  number ;  the  bad 


236  INDUSTRIAL    AGREEMENTS,    1912 

opinion  of  their  fellows  is  more  easily  applied.  They  are 
liable  to  have  more  force  brought  to  bear  upon  them,  both 
by  their  fellows  and  by  their  own  workpeople.  On  the 
other  hand,  even  if  some  workpeople  have  not  equal  educa- 
tion or  moral  sense  to  see  the  importance  of  keeping  agree- 
ments, or  will  down  tools  without  the  slightest  regard  to 
their  own  or  their  union  undertakings,  most  unions  have 
rules  by  which  they  endeavour  to  lay  down  standards  of 
conduct  or  punishments,  such  as  suspension,  refusal  of 
out-of-work  pay,  or,  in  some  cases,  expulsion  for  offending 
members.  The  complaint  of  employers  is  that  those  rules 
may  exist,  but  are  not  adequately  enforced,  or  are  not 
sufficiently  deterrent.  The  subject  is  a  difficult  one,  par- 
ticularly as  in  a  trade  dispute  there  are  generally  charges 
and  countercharges  of  bad  faith  by  both  sides. 

I  have  found  that  allegations  of  breach  of  agreement  are 
very  often  due  either  to  misinterpretation  or  to  misunder- 
stand,ings.  Industrial  agreements  are  not  always  worded 
with  great  clearness  or  legal  precision.  Even  if  they  were, 
who  has  not  known  cases  where  statutes  or  wills,  appar- 
ently drafted  with  the  utmost  precision,  have  been 
construed  in  different  ways  or  formed  the  subject  of  action 
in  the  courts  ?  Employers  or  workmen  who  have  not  been 
present  at  conferences  read  these  documents,  and  possibly 
read  them  in  different  ways.  Even  if  the  employer  desires 
to  follow  out  the  terms  of  the  agreement,  his  methods  of 
payment  or  the  rules  at  his  works  may  make  the  applica- 
tion extremely  difficult,  and  the  application  selected  may 
not  appeal  to  his  workmen  as  being  correct.  A  very  little 
divergence  of  view  serves  to  give  rise  to  charges  of  breach 
of  faith.  It  is  the  same  story  of  suspicion  which  might 
often  be  obviated  if  there  was  a  recognised  system,  well 
matured  in  many  works,  of  bringing  the  question  before  the 
management,  and  failing  agreement  referring  it  to  the 
association  or  union.  In  the  case  of  an  arbitrator's  award 
the  arbitrator  should  always  be  asked  to  say  what  he  meant, 
by  consent  of  both  parties  ;  or  the  document,  if  the  parties 
are  legally  bound,  may  be  capable  of  being  brought  into  the 
courts.  Sad  difficulties,  however,  have  from  time  to  time 
arisen,  when  arbitrators  have  been  so  lax  in  their  wording 
or  understood  the  intricacies  of  a  trade  so  slightly  as  to  be 
unable  to  say  what  they  meant ;  and  others  have  been 
known  to  be  so  foolish  as  to  give  an  interpretation  without 


DANGER  OF   GARBLED   TERMS  237 

notice  to  the  other  side  and  ascertainment  whether  they 
agreed  to  the  reference  or  whether  they  had  anything  to 
say.  An  agreement,  too,  is  only  binding  on  the  parties  to 
it,  just  as  an  award  only  covers  the  parties  named  in  it. 
It  is  only  too  common  for  this  plain  fact  not  to  be  realised, 
with  the  result  that  accusations  of  bad  faith  may  be  made 
against  those  who  are  expected  to  follow  it  by  analogy  or 
by  being  in  business  in  the  same  trade,  even  in  cases  where 
their  methods  may  be  quite  different,  or  where  special 
circumstances  have  not  been  dealt  with  or  heard,  or  where 
those  accused  may  be  genuinely  ignorant  of  the  existence  or 
the  terms  of  an  agreement  or  award.  A  fertile  source  of 
trouble  is  the  fact  that  only  a  synopsis  or  part  of  an  agree- 
ment is  generally  published  in  the  Press,  and  may  be  taken 
by  workmen  as  the  real  agreement,  when  it  may  give  a 
complete  travesty  of  the  proper  effect. 

As  regards  personal  experience,  I  can  only  recall  a  few 
instances  where  my  awards  have  not  been  carried  out, 
and  few  instances  where  agreements  effected  or  drafted 
by  me  have  been  broken.  In  the  first  category  a  case  arose 
at  Grimsby,  but  the  cause  was  found  to  be  the  nefarious 
work  of  bribing  middlemen.  In  the  second,  cases  of  com- 
plaint have  arisen,  but  almost  invariably  I  have  been 
asked  to  rule  on  the  point  or  to  settle  some  subsidiary 
point  of  application  or  of  the  course  to  be  followed  in 
special  circumstances  not  specifically  brought  forward  at 
the  conference.  This  procedure  should  be  invariably 
followed.  It  would  prevent  many  strikes. 

It  is  true  that  small  sections  of  workmen  do  break  away 
from  agreements,  very  often  in  ignorance.  In  other  cases  I 
have  known  employers  put  up  notices  giving  their  own 
interpretation  and  in  their  own  language,  hopelessly 
wrong  ;  instead  of  putting  up  the  whole  and  actual  terms 
of  the  agreement.  An  abbreviation  always  gives  rise  to 
the  belief  that  something  is  being  concealed.  The  actual 
agreement  should  be  published  in  full ;  each  workman 
should  know  of  it  and  be  able  to  see  it ;  and  the  simple 
announcement  made  that  the  terms  will  be  carried  out  in 
the  works,  with  a  notification  by  what  method  any  com- 
plaint concerning  its  mode  of  fulfilment  can  be  brought 
forward. 

On  the  whole,  therefore,  I  endorse  now  the  view  of  the 
Industrial  Council  given  in  1913J  and  think  the  statements 


238  INDUSTRIAL    AGREEMENTS,   1912 

as  regards  breaches  of  agreement  so  commonly  bandied 
about  contain  a  great  deal  of  exaggeration  on  both  sides. 
A  better  method  of  dealing  with  the  charges  would  diminish 
bad  feeling  ;  and  with  better  feeling  the  charges  would  be 
less  likely  to  arise. 

The  Industrial  Council  held  thirty-eight  meetings,  heard 
ninety-two  witnesses  from  the  principal  trades,  and  in  their 
report  dated  July  24,  1913,  said  : 

"  Notwithstanding  the  difficulties  inherent  in  dealing 
with  large  numbers  of  workpeople,  we  find  from  the 
evidence  that  agreements  in  most  cases  are  well  kept. 
Although  a  number  of  instances  of  alleged  breaches  of 
agreements  have  been  referred  to  in  the  course  of  the 
Inquiry,  the  evidence  of  a  considerable  majority  of  the 
witnesses  is  to  the  effect  that  agreements  have,  viewed 
generally,  been  duly  fulfilled  by  both  parties.  The 
breaches  that  have  been  mentioned  were,  with  a  few 
exceptions,  the  result  of  the  action  of  comparatively  few 
men,  or  due  to  exceptional  circumstances  or  to  differences 
and  misunderstandings  in  regard  to  points  of  interpreta- 
tion, and  are  not,  as  a  rule,  countenanced  by  the  respective 
organisations. 

"It  is  recognised  by  both  sides  that  they  are  under  a 
strong  moral  obligation  to  observe  agreements  which  have 
been  entered  into  by  them  or  by  their  representatives  on 
their  behalf.  The  principal  exceptions  appear  to  be  in 
trades  which  are  unorganised,  or  in  which  on  one  side  or 
the  other  the  organisation  is  incomplete  or  is  of  recent 
origin ;  but  we  find  that  where  agreements  are  the  outcome 
of  properly  organised  machinery  for  dealing  with  disputes 
they  are,  with  very  few  exceptions,  loyally  observed  by 
both  sides.  Where  agreements  have  been  broken  it  is 
frequently  found  that  they  were  made  at  times  when, 
owing  to  the  abnormal  conditions,  great  difficulty  must 
have  been  experienced  in  arriving  at  a  fair  adjustment." 

After  considering  the  merits  of  monetary  penalties  for 
breach  or  an  obligation  imposed  by  law  not  to  assist  in  any 
manner  persons  in  breach,  the  Council  reported  : 

"  Our  view  is  that  voluntary  organisation  and  collective 
bargaining  cannot  successfully  proceed  upon  a  basis  of 


MUTUAL   CONSENT  239 

broken  faith,  and  that  breach  of  faith  should  be  discouraged 
by  all  voluntary  action  that  can  be  taken  by  associations 
on  either  side.  In  many  associations  rules  for  the  punish- 
ment of  persons  committing  a  breach  already  exist,  and  we 
recommend  that  other  associations  should  follow  the  lead 
which  has  thus  been  taken,  and  consider  whether  it  is  not 
advisable  that  similar  rules  should  be  adopted  in  their 
organisations. 

"  While  we  are  convinced  that  it  is  to  the  interests  of 
both  employers  and  workpeople  that  industrial  agreements 
should  be  duly  fulfilled,  we  think  that  in  the  long-run  this 
object  is  more  likely  to  be  secured  by  an  increased  regard 
for  the  moral  obligation  and  by  reliance  upon  the  principles 
of  mutual  consent,  rather  than  by  the  establishment  of  a 
system  of  monetary  penalties  or  by  the  legal  prohibition 
of  assistance  to  persons  in  breach. 

"  The  suggestion  that  no  support  should  be  given  by 
either  employers'  associations  or  trade  unions  to  their 
respective  members  acting  in  breach  of  an  agreement 
(e.g.  that  the  union  should  give  no  strike  pay  in  case  of 
breach,  and  the  association  should  also  render  no  assistance 
to  a  defaulting  member)  has,  as  a  principle,  received  general 
support  from  almost  every  witness  who  considered  the 
matter  in  the  course  of  the  evidence. 

"  We  think  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  fact  that 
financial  or  other  assistance  could  not  be  given  to  persons 
acting  in  breach  of  agreement  would  be  an  aid  to  discipline 
and  would  tend  to  assist  in  the  maintenance  of  agreements, 
and  we  are  of  the  opinion  that,  where  it  has  been  decided  by 
an  impartial  tribunal  (or  by  mutual  consent  of  the  parties 
to  an  agreement)  that  a  breach  of  an  agreement  has  been 
committed  by  any  person  who  is  a  member  of  an  association 
represented  by  the  signatories  to  the  agreement,  no  assis- 
tance, financial  or  otherwise,  should  be  given  to  that  person 
by  any  of  the  other  members  of  the  associations  who  were 
parties  to  the  agreement. 

"  It  appears  to  be  the  case  that  many  industrial  agree- 
ments contain  no  clause  providing  for  cases  of  disagreement 
regarding  the  interpretation  of  the  document,  and  we  are 
of  opinion  that  such  a  clause — an  '  interpretation  clause  ' 
— is  an  essential  part  of  an  industrial  agreement  and  should 
form  part  of  every  such  agreement.  We  consider  that  a 
model  clause  of  this  character  would  be  one  which  provided 


240  INDUSTRIAL    AGREEMENTS,    1912 

that,  in  the  event  of  a  dispute  arising  as  to  the  interpreta- 
tion of  an  agreement,  the  point  in  dispute  should  be  referred 
to  an  independent  chairman,  or  to  arbitrators,  or  a  Court 
of  Arbitration,  agreed  upon  in  each  case  by  the  parties. 
In  the  event  of  the  parties  failing  to  agree  upon  the  person 
or  persons  to  whom  the  matter  is  to  be  referred,  it  should 
be  referred  to  a  chairman  or  a  Court  of  Arbitration  appointed 
in  accordance  with  the  provisions  of  the  Conciliation  Act, 
1896.  Such  a  chairman  or  Court  should  have  a  casting 
vote,  or  at  least  be  able  to  recommend  a  solution  should 
the  parties  fail  to  agree." 

So  far  the  Industrial  Council  did  not  specifically  indicate 
legislation,  though  the  circulation  and  development  of 
their  unanimous  opinion  might  well  have  been  undertaken. 

As  regards  the  second  portion  of  the  reference  (as  to  how 
far,  and  in  what  manner,  industrial  agreements  which  are 
made  between  representative  bodies  of  employers  and  of 
workmen  should  be  enforced  throughout  a  particular  trade 
or  district)  there  was  some  difference  of  opinion,  but  the 
majority  of  the  Council  said  : 

"  We  have  come  to  the  conclusion  that,  subject  to  an 
inquiry  made  by  an  authority  appointed  by  the  Board  of 
Trade,  an  agreement  entered  into  between  associations  of 
employers  and  of  workmen  representing  a  substantial 
body  of  those  in  the  trade  or  district  should,  on  the  appli- 
cation of  the  parties  to  the  agreement,  be  made  applicable 
to  the  whole  of  the  trade  or  district  concerned,  provided 
that  the  agreement  contains  conditions  to  secure — 

"  (a)  That  at  least  .  .  .  days'  notice  shall  be  given  by 
either  party  of  an  intended  change  affecting  conditions  as 
to  wages  or  hours  ;  and 

"  (b)  That  there  shall  be  no  stoppage  of  work  or  alteration 
of  the  conditions  of  employment  until  the  dispute  has  been 
investigated  by  some  agreed  tribunal,  and  a  pronounce- 
ment made  upon  it." 

To  which  one  member  suggested  the  addition  of  the 
words — 

"  (c)  That  it  should  be  illegal  for  any  financial  assistance 
to  be  given  by  either  the  Employers'  Association  or  the 


PROPOSALS   OF  THE   INDUSTRIAL  COUNCIL    241 

Workmen's  Association  in  support  of  any  person  who, 
having  been  a  member  of  an  association  represented  by 
the  signatories  to  an  agreement,  has  been  declared  by  an 
impartial  tribunal  or  by  mutual  consent  of  the  parties  to 
the  agreement  to  have  contravened  the  terms  of  the 
agreement." 

The  point  of  the  Report  was  that  industries  desiring 
extension  of  agreements  could  obtain  that  boon,  under  due 
safeguards  for  those  to  whom  it  was  proposed  to  extend 
the  agreement,  if  they  were  prepared  to  undertake  to  give 
notice  of  any  change  affecting  conditions  as  to  wages  or 
hours,  and  not  to  strike  until  the  dispute  had  been  investi- 
gated by  some  agreed  tribunal  and  a  pronouncement  made 
upon  it.  It  was  not  compulsory  arbitration,  it  was  not  an 
interference  with  the  right  to  strike,  but  a  voluntary 
restriction  which  many  industries  desired  and  were  prepared 
to  accept.  No  industry  need  have  come  into  the  scheme 
unless  they  so  desired.  The  Government,  however,  as  I  have 
said,  only  shelved  the  question.  Six  or  more  years  after- 
wards, when  the  Whitley  Committee  endorsed  the  report, 
and  also  the  Canadian  report,  the  Ministry  of  Labour  did 
take  some  steps  in  the  direction  of  extension  of  agreements 
by  order,  but  left  out  the  important  part,  that  agreements 
might  be  extended  only  in  those  trades  which  agreed  not 
to  engage  in  a  strike  unless  notice  had  been  given  and  the 
dispute  had  been  investigated  and  a  pronouncement  made 
upon  it.  Without  this  compensatory  bargain,  extension 
would  be  entirely  one-sided  and  unfair  to  small  firms,  to 
whom  the  application  of  the  agreement  might  be  onerous, 
largely  inapplicable,  or  strangling. 


AN  inquiry  into  Canadian  labour  legislation,  especially 
the  working  of  the  Act  known  in  the  Dominion  as  the 
Lemieux  Act,  was  in  a  sense  supplementary  to  the  reference 
to  the  Industrial  Council — an  interesting  sidelight  promised 
in  the  middle  of  the  transport  strike  on  June  21,  1912. 
The  Prime  Minister  then  said  : 

"  The  Canadian  Act  does  not  provide  for  compulsory 
arbitration  by  an  impartial  authority  before  either  masters, 
on  the  one  hand,  lock  out  their  men,  or  the  men,  on  the 
other  hand,  strike.  ...  I  should  be  sorry  to  pronounce  an 
opinion,  and  I  do  not  know  how  far  the  social  conditions 
of  Canada  make  it  easier  to  work  a  scheme  of  this  kind 
there  as  compared  with  this  country.  I  think  we  ought 
to  inquire  very  deeply  into  the  matter  without  delay.  We 
propose  to  do  so — to  make  a  very  careful  inquiry  as  to  how 
this  machinery  is  working  in  Canada,  with  a  view  to  seeing 
whether  it  is  not  possible  to  adapt  it  to  the  conditions  of  this 
country.  That  will  require  prosecuting  with  promptitude.' ' 

On  July  31  I  gave  notice  to  the  Industrial  Council  that 
the  Government  had  requested  me  to  make  the  inquiry, 
and  on  August  23  sailed  from  Liverpool,  with  my  wife  and 
Mr.  Mitchell.  Our  journey  extended  from  Quebec  to 
Montreal,  Toronto,  London,  the  Trade  Union  Congress  at 
Guelph,  Ottawa,  Winnipeg,  Calgary,  Vancouver,  Victoria, 
Nelson,  Cranbrook,  Frank,  and  again  to  Ottawa,  and  then 
for  a  few  days  to  Washington  and  New  York.  Although 
inquiry  in  the  United  States  had  also  been  mentioned,  time 
and  the  requirements  of  work  in  Great  Britain  prevented 
any  opportunity  for  more  than  official  calls.  One  could 
only  express  hope,  never  fulfilled,  that  another  visit  would 

242 


TRADE  UNION  CONGRESS  AT  GUELPH       248 

facilitate  some  examination  of  conditions  in  the  United 
States.  In  both  countries  the  welcome  from  every  class  of 
the  community  was  such  as  one  can  feel  but  not  adequately 
express.  In  Canada  we  saw  everyone  we  could,  from 
H.R.H.  the  Governor-General,  Ministers,  ex-Ministers,  and 
high  officials,  to  minor  clerks  in  remote  Government  offices  ; 
from  employers  like  Lord  Shaughnessy,  settling  with  a  wave 
of  his  hand  a  large  grant  to  telegraphists  on  the  Canadian 
Pacific  Railway  (on  the  eve  of  the  Trade  Union  Congress), 
to  representatives  of  the  coal  industry  of  Nova  Scotia  and 
the  small  owner  in  Victoria,  exercised  over  the  restrictions  of 
trade  unions  which  hindered  him  from  painting  his  garden 
gate  ;  and  from  the  French  workpeople  in  Quebec,  through 
telegraphists  endorsing  the  Lemieux  Act  (at  the  Trade 
Union  Congress),  to  recently  arrived  Independent  Workers 
of  the  World  in  the  building  trades  of  Vancouver  and  the 
mines  of  Vancouver  Island,  who  paid  little  attention  to  it. 
In  Washington  the  Commissioner  told  us  the  troubles  of  a 
railway  crisis,  and  Mr.  Gompers  took  three  hours  of  his 
valuable  time  in  showing  the  Temple  of  Labour,  and  intro- 
ducing me  to  his  officers,  with  a  final  bestowal  of  a  badge 
of  the  Trade  Unions  of  the  United  States. 

The  most  interesting  features  were  the  Trade  Union 
Congress  held  at  Guelph,  a  town  in  Ontario,  and  some 
interviews  at  the  Labour  Temple  in  Vancouver.  At 
Guelph  there  was  a  special  debate  on  the  Lemieux  Act. 
The  opinions  of  unions  which  were  not  governed  by  it, 
and  irritation  at  a  recent  legal  decision  given  by  a  judge, 
in  an  exceptional  case,  as  to  its  supposed  effect,  caused  a 
vote  to  be  given  that  the  Act  should  be  repealed.  If  the 
word  "amended"  had  been  substituted  for  "repealed" 
the  effect  would  have  been  better,  as  the  principle  of  the 
Act  was  warmly  defended  by  some  of  the  unions  chiefly 
affected  by  it.  The  real  point  was  that  the  railwaymen  had 
come  under  it  by  consent,  while  it  had  been  imposed  upon 
the  miners  at  a  time  of  great  crisis  in  Alberta.  The  miners, 
therefore,  looked  upon  it  with  suspicion,  and  in  that  vast 
country  any  enforcement  in  Alberta  or  Vancouver  from  so 
distant  a  city  as  Ottawa  was  more  than  difficult  to  achieve. 

In  Vancouver  the  building  trade  is  the  governing  trade. 
Both  the  city  and  the  island  are  subject  to  invasions  of 
Independent  Workers  of  the  World  and  other  associations, 
from  Washington  State  and  other  districts  of  the  U.S.A. 


244  CANADA,    1912 

There  are  some  interesting  men  to  be  met  there.  At  one 
interview  they  started  off  with  long  remarks  about  social 
regeneration,  the  destruction  of  everything,  and  the  new 
world,  when  Mr.  Mitchell  quietly  remarked  that  I  had  heard 
these  arguments  nearly  every  day  during  the  last  few 
years  and  knew  them  by  heart,  but  he  believed  I  wanted  to 
know  the  facts  about  Canada  and  what  they  were  practically 
doing  in  Canada.  I  had  maintained  silence,  but  was  then 
asked  to  put  a  few  questions,  when  we  soon  commenced 
to  discuss  business  points.  Hour  by  hour  flew  by,  and 
since  then  I  have  from  time  to  time  received  letters  from 
Vancouver,  including  an  appeal  to  see  that  their  men 
should  be  drafted  to  this  country  to  take  part  in  munitions 
work  during  the  War. 

The  Lemieux  Act,  named  from  the  Postmaster-General 
of  the  day,  and  passed  in  March  1907,  with  an  amending 
Act  in  1911,  was  chiefly  due  to  the  work  of  Mr.  W.  L. 
Mackenzie  King,  now  leader  of  the  Liberal  Party  in  Canada ; 
and  is  expressed  to  deal  with  "  the  prevention  and  settle- 
ment of  strikes  and  lockouts  in  mines  and  industries 
connected  with  Public  Utilities."  It  defines  "strike" 
as  "  a  cessation  of  work  by  a  body  of  employees  acting  in 
combination,  or  a  concerted  refusal  or  a  refusal  under  a 
common  understanding  of  any  number  of  employees  to 
continue  to  work  for  an  employer,  in  consequence  of  a 
dispute,  done  as  a  means  of  compelling  their  employer, 
or  to  aid  other  employees  in  compelling  their  employer,  to 
accept  terms  of  employment  " — a  definition  which  includes 
the  direct  strike  and  the  sympathetic  strike.  Its  scope  is 
indicated  by  the  definition  of  "  employer,"  which  is  given 
as  meaning  "  any  person,  company,  or  corporation  em- 
ploying ten  or  more  persons,  and  owning  or  operating  any 
mining  property,  agency  of  transportation  or  communi- 
cation, steamships,  telegraph  and  telephone  lines,  gas, 
electric  light,  water-  and  power- works,"  or,  in  a  brief  word, 
public  utilities. 

Upon  my  return  from  Canada,  and  after  a  few  weeks  of 
rest  in  Algiers,  my  report  came  out  in  February  1913. 
The  rest  was  necessary,  since,  as  one  paper  remarked, 
"  We  have  often  wondered  how  the  peacemaker  got  through 
his  strike  work  last  year,  because  it  was  enough  to  kill 
anybody  made  of  iron  or  adamant." 

Of  this  report  the  salient  principle  was  this  :   that  there 


THE  RIGHT  OF  THE   PUBLIC  245 

should  not  be  read  into  and  expected  from  the  Act  features 
which  were  never  intended  by  those  responsible  for  its 
becoming  law  and  were  not  included  in  it,  but  that 

"  the  simple  purpose  of  the  Act  is  to  ensure  the  recognition 
of  the  interests  of  the  public,  as  a  third  party,  in  trade 
disputes,  and  the  insistence  that  that  third  party,  through 
the  Government,  shall  have  a  voice  in  regard  to  a  dispute 
affecting  their  interests,  and,  according  to  the  Act,  before 
a  stoppage  of  work  takes  place." 

That  simple  purpose,  the  right  of  the  public,  was  the 
principle  of  the  Act  and  the  principle  to  which  all  the  ex- 
planations in  the  report  were  directed.  After  considering 
the  points  of  objection,  as  well  as  the  favourable  features 
of  the  Act,  I  stated  : 

"  that  it  might  be  feasible  in  the  United  Kingdom,  with 
advantage  both  to  employers  and  employed,  to  give 
opportunity  for  such  investigation  and  recommendation 
as  would  bring  into  light  the  real  causes  of  difficulties, 
and  create  in  the  public  mind  and  in  the  minds  of 
employers  and  employed  the  opinion  that,  when  oppor- 
tunity exists  by  law,  such  opportunity  should  be  taken 
advantage  of,  and  that  strikes  and  lockouts  ought 
not  to  be  commenced,  and  certainly  not  supported  by 
'  sympathetic '  strikes,  while  such  investigation  and 
recommendation  are  pending." 

Finally,  the  end  of  the  report  again  emphasised  the 
value  of  conciliation  being  legally  authorised,  in  cases 
where  the  public  were  likely  to  be  seriously  affected,  even 
if  the  proposals  for  delaying  stoppage  of  work  were  not 
inserted  in  a  statute  or  were  not  compulsory.  In  spite  of 
the  Act,  inquiry  after  stoppage  had  in  fact  necessarily  to 
be  employed  in  certain  cases  in  Canada  ;  but  that  did  not 
take  away  the  value  of  an  inquiry  being  allowed,  authorised, 
and,  in  fact,  required  under  the  aegis  of  the  law  in  cases 
where  the  public  were  interested,  possibly  in  even  greater 
degree  than  the  contending  parties. 

The  report  ended  with  these  words  : 

"  I  consider  that  the  forwarding  of  the  spirit  and  intent 


246  CANADA,    1912 

of  conciliation  is  the  more  valuable  portion  of  the  Canadian 
Act,  and  that  an  Act  on  these  lines,  even  if  the  restrictive 
features  which  aim  at  delaying  stoppage  until  after  inquiry 
were  omitted,  would  be  suitable  and  practicable  in  this 
country.  Such  an  Act  need  not  necessarily  be  applied 
in  all  cases,  but  neither  need  it  be  confined  to  services  of 
public  utility.  It  could  be  generally  available  in  cases 
where  the  public  were  likely  to  be  seriously  affected. 
Without  the  restrictive  features,  it  would  give  the  right  not 
only  to  conciliate  but  fully  to  investigate  the  matters  in 
dispute,  with  similar  powers  in  regard  to  witnesses, 
production  of  documents  and  inspection,  as  are  vested  in  a 
Court  of  Record  in  civil  cases,  with  a  view,  if  conciliation 
fails,  to  recommendations  being  made  as  to  what  are 
believed  to  be  fair  terms.  Such  an  Act,  while  not  ensuring 
complete  absence  of  strikes  and  lockouts,  would  be  valu- 
able, in  my  opinion,  alike  to  the  country  and  to  employers 
and  employed." 

This  proposal  did  not  suggest  such  stringent  conditions 
as  the  Lemieux  Act  enjoined.  That  Act  requires  that  any 
dispute  arising  in  connection  with  the  class  of  industries 
named — mining,  railways,  shipping,  and  other  public 
utilities — shall  be  submitted  to  a  board  of  conciliation  and 
investigation,  with  a  view  to  arriving  at  a  settlement  before 
a  strike  or  lockout  can  be  legally  brought  about.  It  also 
stipulates  that  at  least  thirty  days'  notice  of  an  intended 
change  affecting  conditions  of  employment  with  respect  to 
wages  or  hours  shall  be  given,  and  that  pending  the 
proceedings  before  the  Board,  in  the  event  of  such  intended 
change  resulting  in  a  dispute,  the  relations  to  each  other 
of  the  parties  to  the  dispute  shall  remain  unchanged,  and 
neither  party  shall  do  anything  in  the  nature  of  a  lockout 
or  a  strike. 

It  has  been  said  that  the  Lemieux  Act  is  compulsory 
arbitration  in  disguise,  but  such  a  criticism  could  only  be 
made  by  persons  who  have  not  read  the  Act  or  examined  the 
practice  under  it.  The  Act  differs  essentially  from  com- 
pulsory arbitration.  It  only  endeavours  to  postpone  a 
stoppage  of  work  in  certain  industries  for  a  brief  period  and 
for  a  specific  purpose.  It  does  not  destroy  the  right  of 
employers  or  workpeople  to  terminate  contracts.  It  does 
not  attempt  to  regulate  details  of  administration  of  business 


X 

THE  LEMIEUX  ACT  247 

by  employers,  or  interfere  with  organisation  of  associations 
of  employers  or  of  trade  unions.  It  legalises  the  com- 
munity's right  to  intervene  in  a  trade  dispute  by  enacting 
that  a  stoppage,  either  by  strike  or  lockout,  shall  not  take 
place  until  the  community,  through  a  Government 
Department,  has  investigated  the  difference  with  the 
object  of  ascertaining  if  a  recommendation  cannot  be  made 
to  the  parties  which  both  can  accept  as  a  settlement  of  the 
difference.  It  presupposes  that  industrial  differences  are 
adjustable,  and  that  the  best  method  of  securing  adjust- 
ment is  by  discussion  and  negotiation.  It  stipulates  that, 
before  a  stoppage  takes  place,  the  possibilities  of  settlement 
by  discussion  and  negotiation  shall  have  been  exhausted  ; 
but,  and  here  it  differs  from  Compulsory  Arbitration,  it 
does  not  prohibit  a  stoppage  either  by  lockout  or  strike 
if  it  is  found  that  no  recommendation  can  be  made  which 
is  acceptable  to  both  sides.  If  no  way  out  of  the  difficulty 
can  be  found  acceptable  to  both  parties,  there  is  no 
arbitrary  insistence  upon  a  continuance  of  either  employ- 
ment or  labour,  but  both  sides  are  left  to  take  such  action 
as  they  may  think  fit.  As  a  result  it  does  not  force 
unsuitable  regulations  on  industries  by  compulsory  and 
legal  insistence,  but  leaves  an  opportunity  for  modification 
by  the  parties.  It  permits  elasticity  and  revision,  and, 
if  it  does  not  effect  a  settlement,  indicates  a  basis  on  which 
one  can  be  made. 

My  argument  was  that  both  parties  might  well  be,  as  it 
were,  educated,  or  become  accustomed  in  due  course  of 
time,  to  see  that  discussion  was  necessary,  and  should  be 
exhausted  before  strikes  or  lockouts  hurtful  to  the  com- 
munity as  a  whole  should  be  suddenly  forced  upon  it, 
without  any  knowledge  of  the  facts  by  the  community, 
and  in  a  manner  wholly  detrimental  to  it. 

It  is  contended  that  the  owners  of  commodities  can  sell 
or  withhold  them  without  any  restrictions  whatever, 
and  why  should  workmen,  who  have  only  their  labour  to 
sell,  be  prevented  from  disposing  of  it  or  withholding  it  at 
the  moment  most  favourable  to  them  ?  The  answer 
seems  to  be  that,  if  wheat,  coal,  iron,  or  any  other  com- 
modities were  to  be  held  up  in  such  a  way  as  to  endanger 
society,  and  active  steps  taken  to  hinder  all  importation 
from  any  other  source,  society  would  take  steps  to  protect 
itself.  It  was  the  danger  of  society  being  held  up  by  a 
17 


248  CANADA,    1912 

cessation  of  labour  which  apparently  induced  the  Canadian 
Government  to  pass  the  Industrial  Disputes  Investigation 
Act.     Carried  to  its  logical  conclusion,  the  claim  to  cease 
work  at  a  moment's  notice,  if  acted  upon,  would  make 
business  impossible.     In  a  civilised  community  business 
must     be    made    possible.      Therefore,    it    is    not    very 
unreasonable  for  a  community  to  say  both  to  employers 
and  workmen  :   "If  you  desire  to  engage  in  this  or  that 
business  under  the  protection  of  our  laws,  you  can  only  do 
so  under  certain  conditions,  one  of  which  is  that  before 
bringing  about  a  cessation  of  work  which  may  seriously 
jeopardise  the  public  well-being,  certain  notice  must  be 
given."     This  principle  of  notice  has  long  been  recognised 
both  by  the  Government  in  dealing  with  labour,  and  in  every- 
day business  contracts.    The  policy  of  well-established  trade 
unions,  both  in  this  country  and  America,  is  in  the  direc- 
tion, not  of  the  sudden  attack,  but  of  obtaining  discussion, 
and  exhaustive  discussion,  before  a  stoppage  is  resorted  to. 
The  Canadian  Act  is  an  extension  of  this  principle  of 
exhaustive  discussion.     In  effect  it  stipulates  that  not  only 
shall  the  principals  themselves  exhaust  their  own  efforts 
at  securing  agreement,    but  the    community   must    also 
have  full  knowledge  of  the  matter,  with  a  view  to  seeing 
if  a  tribunal  free  from  the  prejudices  of  both  parties  cannot 
suggest  some  way  out  of  the  difficulty.     With  a  view  to 
obtaining  this  result,  the  Act  gives  a  right  of  obligatory 
discussion,  and  enforces  the  production  of  witnesses  and 
books  for  the  purpose  of  proving  whether  contentions  are 
right  or  wrong. 

It  is  surely  true  to  say  that  the  public  have  no  use 
for  strikes  or  lockouts.  While  the  public  might  often 
have  much  difficulty  in  bringing  opinion  to  bear  in  favour  of 
acceptance  or  rejection  of  technical  suggestions,  which  in 
many  trades  it  would  be  impossible  for  persons  who  had 
not  examined  the  questions  to  understand,  their  support 
to  the  principle  that  the  ordeal  of  battle  should  give  place 
to  reasonable  judgment  would  probably  be  emphatic  and 
frequently  effective.  From  the  point  of  view  of  the  em- 
ployers, examination  need  not  interfere  with  the  adminis- 
trative details  of  business  or  discipline,  but  should  give 
better  opportunity  for  regular  and  consecutive  business 
by  reducing  the  number  of  strikes,  by  bringing  strikes  to  an 
earlier  conclusion,  and  by  the  powerful  effect  which  would 


VALUE   OF  INQUIRY  249 

result  in  the  direction  of  rendering  unnecessary  and  in- 
effective the  progress  of  sympathetic  strikes  by  which 
employers  having  no  quarrel  with  their  own  workmen  are 
so  frequently  disturbed. 

At  the  present  day,  when  business  is  becoming  so  huge 
and  complicated,  the  redress  of  grievances  becomes  more 
and  more  difficult  by  reason  of  the  absence  of  the  "  personal 
touch  "  in  the  conduct  of  many  businesses.  In  the  interest 
of  such  businesses,  as  well  as  in  the  interest  of  other  trades 
which  are  closely  affected  by  a  disturbance  in  any  connected 
trade,  or  even  in  trades  in  the  same  town  or  district,  it 
becomes  more  and  more  necessary  to  clear  the  issues  and  to 
ascertain  the  actual  source  from  which  trouble  has  arisen. 
From  the  point  of  view  of  the  employees,  such  a  course 
would  enable  them  to  bring  forward  valid  grievances  with 
some  opportunity  of  their  being  heard.  Discussion,  or 
opening  the  way  towards  discussion,  is  often  found  by  the 
workpeople  to  be  impracticable  either  in  fact  or  in  belief. 
Everyone  who  has  had  any  experience  of  strikes  or  lock- 
outs knows  how  very  often  a  main  difficulty  consists  in 
bringing  the  parties  together,  or  even,  if  the  parties  do 
not  meet,  in  examining  the  case  of  each  party. 

If  there  was  an  express  and  legal  power  of  making  re- 
commendations or  of  informing  the  public  on  the  rights 
and  wrongs  of  a  dispute,  a  large  number  of  trade  unions 
should  be  quite  willing  voluntarily  in  many  cases  to  afford 
time  for  investigation  and  recommendation,  and  so  an 
atmosphere  would  be  created  in  which  the  voluntary 
granting  of  time  would  be  deemed  to  be  a  proper  course 
to  pursue.  Workpeople  themselves,  now  frequently  coming 
out  in  sympathetic  strike  over  disputes  in  which  they  have 
no  primary  concern,  would  understand  that  such  action 
was  unnecessary  prior  to  examination  of  the  initial  dispute. 
Workpeople  forced  to  cease  work  because  some  allied 
section,  necessary  to  the  conduct  of  the  business,  w^s  not 
continuing  work  would  be  likely  to  exercise  their  influence 
in  favour  of  examination  before  a  cessation  of  work 
involving  innocent  persons  should  take  place. 

Criticism  of  the  Canadian  Act  in  Canada  has  not  been 
wanting. 

"  The  Department  of  Labour,"  to  quote  one  paper, 
"  has  magnified  its  office  and  given  a  good  deal  of  adver- 


250  CANADA,   1912 

tising  abroad  to  the  Industrial  Disputes  Investigation  Act, 
sometimes  called  the  Lemieux  Bill.  But  seen  closely,  it  is 
found  that  strikes  often  occur  in  public  utilities  before 
investigation,  though  the  Act  forbids  it ;  and  that  since  this 
Act  came  into  operation,  Canada  has  suffered  far  more  from 
coal-mining  strikes  than  Great  Britain  in  proportion  to  the 
number  of  men  employed.  Strikes  of  this  kind  have  been 
more  frequent  and  have  continued  longer  in  Canada  than  in 
Great  Britain.  The  prohibitory  clause  of  the  Act  has  been 
violated  scores  of  times.  No  attempt  has  been  made  to 
punish  the  offence.  The  Act  provides  no  machinery  for 
enforcement,  no  penalty  for  disobedience,  nor  does  it 
appear  possible  to  add  to  it  any  of  these  effective  sanctions." 

There  were  also  strong  complaints  of  delay  from  the 
western  states,  so  distant  as  they  were  from  Ottawa. 

Such  criticisms  as  these  would  either  have  not  applied, 
or  were  met,  in  the  suggestion  outlined  in  the  report  upon 
the  principle  of  the  Act ;  but  whether  such  an  atmosphere 
as  has  been  outlined  in  the  preceding  sentences  could  have 
been,  or  could  now  be,  created  in  this  country,  it  is  not 
possible  to  say.  The  Government  had  no  labour  policy 
and  did  nothing  at  all.  No  attempt  was  made  to  do  any- 
thing, although  some  of  the  leading  papers  urged  that 
action  should  be  taken.  A  Bill  drafted  by  Lord  Buck- 
master  met  with  little  support.  Six  years  afterwards,  the 
Whitley  Committee  endorsed  the  report,  but  Committees 
of  Inquiry  which  were  from  time  to  time  appointed 
since  the  War  have  been  apt  to  be  ad  hoc  committees, 
controlled  by  men  who  are  partisans  or  reputed  to  be 
biased  in  view,  a  form  of  tribunal  generally  found  in  past 
years  to  be  unsuitable,  both  in  this  country  and  in  Canada. 

Recently,  during  this  year,  an  Act  giving  statutory 
power  has  at  last  been  passed.  The  appointment  of  a 
Commission  with  legal  powers  of  requiring  attendance  of 
witnesses  and  production  of  documents  had  at  least  the 
indirect  effect  of  influencing  the  settlement  of  an  awkward 
dispute  in  the  electrical  industry.  But  for  many  years  an 
opportunity,  and  a  good  opportunity,  was  lost  owing  to 
the  absolute  lack  of  any  Governmental  policy  except  that 
of  drift. 

Canada,  as  compared  with  the  United  Kingdom,  has 
many  different  factors  to  consider.  Some  of  the  character- 


SCOTLAND   IN  CANADA  351 

istics  most  striking  to  a  traveller  from  these  islands  are  the 
great  distances  between  place  and  place  ;  the  difficulty  of 
quick  communication  with  Ottawa  ;  the  influence  of  the 
United  States  and  the  connection  of  unions  with  organisa- 
tions in  the  States  ;  the  vast  tracts  of  agricultural,  prairie, 
forest,  and  mountain  land ;  the  French-speaking  provinces  ; 
the  numerous  emigrants  from  all  countries ;  and  the 
enterprise  and  opportunity  of  individual  effort.  But  the 
factor  that  struck  Mr.  Mitchell  and  myself  more  than  any 
other  was  the  power,  grit,  and  success  of  the  educated  Scot, 
particularly  in  the  West,  coupled  with  his  keen  interest 
in  everything  connected  with  the  mother- country.  The 
spirit  shown  by  so  many  of  these  men  and  women  irre- 
sistibly recalled  the  fine  lines  : 

"From  the  lone  shieling  of  the  Misty  Island 

Mountains  divide  us,  and  the  waste  of  seas, 
Yet  still  the  blood  is  strong,  the  heart  is  Highland, 
And  we  in  dreams  behold  the  Hebrides." 


CHAPTER  XXV 

THE    MIDLANDS,    1913 

THERE  seemed  to  be  a  lull  after  recent  storms  in  the  early 
months  of  1913.  Acting  on  a  suggestion  which  I  had  been 
able  to  make  in  the  previous  year,  the  Boilermakers' 
Society  were  negotiating  with  the  Federated  Shipyard 
Employers  on  the  terms  of  an  agreement  for  preventing 
stoppages  in  the  shipyards  ;  and  the  Variety  Artistes 
brought  before  me  claims  for  amendment  of  the  Music 
Hall  Award  of  1907.  A  strike  involving  12,000  operatives 
in  the  "  Morley  trade,"  where  cloth  is  manufactured  from  a 
mixture  of  cotton  and  shoddy  or  mungo,  on  a  claim  for 
increased  wages  by  willeyers,  who  blend  the  cotton  and 
mungo,  and  fettlers,  who  clean  the  machines  which  mix 
the  materials,  was  settled  after  many  hours  of  mediation. 
A  building  dispute  in  the  Garden  City  of  Letchworth  and  a 
plasterers'  strike  in  London  were  also  composed  by  confer- 
ence. 

Then  suddenly  there  occurred  a  flare  in  the  Midlands, 
which  spread  rapidly  through  Birmingham  and  the  Black 
Country,  directly  involving  about  50,000  operatives  in 
boiler  and  bridge  works,  metal-rolling  works,  tube  works, 
railway  carriage  and  wagon  works,  nut  and  bolt  works, 
and  other  allied  trades,  and  thousands  of  workpeople 
indirectly  in  various  industries.  The  principal  claim  was 
for  a  minimum  wage  of  twenty-three  shillings  a  week  in 
Birmingham  and  the  Black  Country,  but  the  strike  com- 
menced with  the  small  beginning  of  some  girls  at  Dudley 
saying  that  they  could  not  live  any  longer  on  the  wages 
paid  to  them.  Just  as  years  ago  the  London  match-girls 
had  started  the  London  dock  strike,  so  these  girls  lit  the 
torch  which  fired  the  Midlands.  The  men  followed  suit 
in  factory  after  factory.  The  year  before  a  Midland  em- 
ployer had  said  to  me  that  at  Birmingham  they  could  not 

252 


STRIKE   OF   GIRLS  253 

understand  what  had  come  over  the  sea-port  towns ; 
things  were  managed  much  better  in  the  Midlands,  where 
all  was  quiet.  The  present  movement  did  not  seem  to 
show  that  the  employers  had  correctly  estimated  the 
position  of  their  own  works  or  taken  any  notice  of  the 
growing  improvement  in  trade,  the  rise  in  the  cost  of  living, 
and  the  probable  effect  upon  their  workpeople.  In  any 
event  the  employers  were  taken  completely  by  surprise. 
There  was  no  cohesion  amongst  them.  As  the  strike  went 
on,  slowly  various  groups  began  to  federate  under  the  title 
of  the  Midland  Employers'  Federation,  but  in  some  sections 
there  was  a  strong  objection  to  recognition  of  the  Workers' 
Union,  no  account  being  taken  of  the  fact  that  the  Workers' 
Union  had  been  organising  until  it  had  become  a  very 
powerful  body.  Other  employers  were  yielding,  or  in- 
clined to  yield,  the  problems  being  to  them  comparatively 
simple.  Others  employed  large  numbers  of  women  and 
youths  and  were  not  united  on  any  scale  of  payment. 
An  additional  strike  of  the  firebrick  makers  at  Stourbridge 
added  to  the  confusion.  The  whole  position,  with  varying 
classes  of  firms,  workpeople,  and  claims,  was  complicated, 
and  exactly  fulfilled  the  conditions  under  which  a  legally 
authorised  inquiry,  as  suggested  in  the  Canadian  report, 
might  well  have  unravelled  the  skein  and  brought  forward 
lines  of  agreement.  Instead  of  that,  nothing  had  been 
done  by  the  Government  on  the  lines  of  the  report,  but  a 
Bishop  had  come  forward  with  unacceptable  proposals, 
to  be  followed  by  a  peer  quite  inexperienced  in  industrial 
disputes,  both  of  whom  the  employers  emphatically  ignored. 
On  May  29,  and  again  in  June,  tentative  inquiry  was  made 
by  Mr.  Cummings  of  my  Department,  when  it  appeared 
that  some  meetings  were  to  take  place  between  the  Em- 
ployers' Federation  and  the  Birmingham  and  Allied  Trades 
Societies'  Federation  ;  but  it  was  not  until  July,  after  a 
ballot  of  thousands  to  99  against  acceptance  of  the 
employers'  proposals  by  the  workpeople,  that  it  became 
plain  that  the  parties  would  be  glad  to  receive  suggestions 
of  settlement. 

On  my  arrival  at  Birmingham  I  found  that  the  parties 
were  assembled  in  different  hotels.  There  did  not  appear 
to  be  any  desire  to  meet.  The  employers  had  stated  their 
terms,  simply  announced  that  they  were  final,  and  pro- 
posed to  await  a  reply,  which  they  seemed  to  think  I 


254  THE    MIDLANDS,    1913 

should  induce  the  men  to  give  in  the  affirmative.  The 
men  stated  that  some  of  the  terms  were  so  vague  that  ex- 
planations were  necessary.  This  answer  annoyed  some  of 
the  employers,  who  said  it  was  mere  equivocation  ;  the 
terms  were  perfectly  clear,  and  could  be  taken  or  left. 
"  Well,"  I  said,  "  that  may  be  so,  but  as  I  have  to  explain 
to  the  men,  will  you  tell  me  for  my  own  information,  what 
do  these  clauses  mean  ?  " — citing  three  clauses.  One  em- 
ployer gave  his  explanation,  and  was  promptly  contradicted 
from  the  other  side  of  the  table.  *'  You  see  the  difficulty," 
I  remarked.  "  You  are  not  agreed  on  the  meaning  of  your 
own  clauses.  I  can  convey  no  unanimous  explanation.  If 
I  give  my  own,  you  may  not  agree  with  it.  These  men  have 
got  to  explain  to  the  rank  and  file.  They  may  give  different 
explanations  which  one  or  other  of  you  may  disown. 
Nothing  but  a  clear  statement  heard  from  yourselves  can 
be  satisfactory,  with  amendments,  if  necessary,  to  your 
document,  in  order  that  the  statement  may  be  clear  both 
by  word  of  mouth  and  in  writing."  I  suggested  a  meeting, 
where,  if  they  liked,  I  would  be  present,  but  take  no  part 
except  by  request ;  and  at  last  they  met.  That  document 
required  several  amendments  and  long  discussions,  lasting 
for  three  days. 

In  the  intervals  of  the  second  day  the  firebrick  trade  was 
separately  induced  to  come  to  a  settlement,  which  got  one 
difficulty  out  of  the  way.  As  was  remarked  : 

"  The  dispute  has  extended  over  a  month,  and  it  took 
the  peacemaker  rather  more  than  three  hours  to  adjust 
the  terms  upon  which  1,200  workers  will  return  to  their 
occupations  on  Monday.  Why  should  not  such  a  confer- 
ence have  been  called  in  the  early  stages  of  the  dispute, 
or  even  before  open  warfare  commenced  ?  It  does  seem 
a  pity  that  a  month  should  have  been  wasted  before  the 
possibilities  of  discussion  were  quite  exhausted.  Perhaps 
some  day  we  shall  be  wiser,  and  adopt  some  system  making 
it  impossible  for  a  strike  or  a  lockout  to  occur  before 
the  art  of  conciliation  has  been  tried  and  has  failed. 
This  success  with  the  Stourbridge  trouble  encourages  an 
optimistic  view,  but  can  Sir  George  succeed  in  ending  the 
whole  of  the  industrial  turmoil  in  the  Black  Country  ? 

"  Save  as  evidence  of  the  widespread  demand  among 
various  classes  of  workers  for  improved  conditions,  the 


FIREBRICK  DISPUTE  355 

strike  of  brickmakers  in  the  Stourbridge  district  was 
unconnected  with  the  strike  of  unskilled  and  semi-skilled 
labourers  in  the  metal,  tube,  and  allied  trades.  But  the 
fact  that  an  agreement  for  the  settlement  of  the  brick- 
makers'  dispute  has  been  drawn  up  is  surely  an  excellent 
omen  for  the  success  of  mediation  with  employers  and 
workmen  concerned  in  the  bigger  trouble.  The  terms 
approved  by  the  brickmakers'  representatives  have  yet 
to  be  ratified  by  the  unions  interested  ;  but  since  the  men 
and  women  employed  in  the  brickmaking  industry  gain  an 
advance  of  10  per  cent,  on  piecework  and  day  rates,  and 
the  women  have  secured  a  minimum  wage  of  ten  shillings 
a  week,  there  is  unlikely  to  be  any  general  indisposition 
to  resume  work.  Furthermore,  a  wages  board  is  to  be 
established  for  the  trade,  and  pending  its  formation  disputes 
are  to  be  settled  either  by  negotiation  or  by  reference  to 
an  independent  umpire  of  the  Board  of  Trade.  Obviously 
in  the  new  conditions  they  have  been  able  to  obtain  the 
brickmakers  have  substantial  cause  for  satisfaction." 

The  larger  dispute  was  a  much  more  serious  matter. 
It  was  being  fought  with  very  great  determination. 

"  In  some  parts  of  the  strike  area  men  have  been  idle 
for  nearly  three  months  ;  in  others  large  numbers  of  work- 
people have  been  voluntarily  unemployed  for  periods 
varying  from  four  to  eight  weeks,  while  other  workers  have 
experienced  the  serious  and  depressing  effects  on  general 
trade  that  a  large  disturbance  of  staple  industry  invariably 
produces.  The  actual  loss  in  wages  suffered  by  the  men  on 
strike  and  locked  out  now  exceeds  a  quarter  of  a  million 
sterling,  but  large  as  that  figure  may  be,  it  represents 
neither  the  whole  of  the  material  loss  brought  upon  the 
affected  districts  nor  upon  the  workmen  themselves.  The 
semi-skilled  and  even  the  skilled  labourers  in  the  Midlands 
have  been  called  out  in  support  of  the  upheaval.  These 
are  the  men,  aggregating  some  37,000,  who  have  dispatched 
three  marching  contingents  to  London  with  set  deter- 
mination on  their  faces.  Every  day  added  to  the  duration 
of  the  strikes  intensifies  the  suffering  and  loss  :  in  spite  of 
the  activities  of  relief  agencies,  distress  among  the  families 
of  the  strikers  becomes  increasingly  acute,  and  no  one 
who  appreciates  the  realities  of  the  struggle  will  suggest 


256  THE    MIDLANDS,    1913 

that  the  intervention  of  the  Board  of  Trade  has  come  a 
moment  too  soon." 

The  discussion  of  this  embittered  dispute  soon  resolved 
itself  into  conciliation,  lasting  a  full  Thursday  and  Friday, 
and  finally  the  whole  of  the  following  Monday,  when  an 
agreement  was  reached.  This  agreement,  besides  dealing 
with  reinstatement,  certain  existing  agreements,  and  the 
minimum  wage,  and  the  wages  of  women,  girls,  and  youths, 
all  of  which  were  raised,  was  remarkable  for  the  success 
of  its  provisions  for  avoiding  disputes,  whether  on  general 
rates,  piecework,  and  sectional  rates,  or  sympathetic 
strikes.  It  created  quite  a  new  spirit  in  the  Midlands, 
and  months  afterwards  both  employers  and  workmen 
informed  me  how  successful  it  had  been.  It  created  order 
out  of  a  very  chaotic  condition  ;  the  strike  perhaps  proving 
a  blessing  in  disguise,  because  it  provided  methods  of 
dealing  with  difficulties  which  proved  of  service  during  the 
War. 

These  provisions  stated  that : 

"  With  a  view  to  avoiding  disputes,  deputations  of  work- 
men shall  be  received  by  their  employers  by  appointment 
for  mutual  discussion  of  any  question  in  the  settlement  of 
which  both  parties  are  directly  concerned,  or  it  shall  be 
competent  for  an  official  of  any  trade  union  to  aproach  the 
secretary  of  the  trade  committee  of  the  federation  in- 
volved, or  vice  versa,  with  regard  to  any  such  question,  or  it 
shall  be  competent  for  either  party  to  bring  the  question 
before  a  conference  to  be  held  between  the  trade  committee 
and  the  trade  union.  In  the  event  of  a  trade  committee 
or  trade  union  desiring  to  raise  any  question,  a  sectional 
conference  for  this  purpose  may  be  arranged  by  appli- 
cation to  the  secretary  of  the  trade  committee  or  of  the 
trade  union  as  the  case  may  be.  Sectional  conferences 
shall  be  held  within  twelve  working-days  from  the  receipt 
of  the  application  by  the  secretary  of  the  trade  committee 
or  of  the  trade  union  concerned.  Failing  settlement  at 
sectional  conference  of  any  question  brought  before  it, 
it  shall  be  competent  for  either  party  to  refer  the  matter 
to  the  Executive  Board  of  the  federation  and  the  central 
authority  of  the  trade  union  or  trade  unions  concerned. 
Central  conferences  shall  be  held  at  the  earliest  date  which 


PROVISIONS  AGAINST  FUTURE  DISPUTES    257 

can  be  conveniently  arranged  by  the  secretaries  of  the 
federation  and  of  the  trade  unions.  There  shall  be  no 
stoppage  of  work  either  of  a  partial  or  a  general  character, 
but  work  shall  proceed  under  the  current  conditions  until 
the  procedure  provided  for  above  has  been  carried  through. 

"  (2)  This  agreement  is  entered  into  on  the  under- 
standing (which  the  federation  are  informed  to  be  the  case) 
that  the  rules  of  the  various  unions  involved  efficiently  deal 
with  breaches  of  agreement  by  their  members  and  that  the 
rules  in  such  cases  will  be  enforced. 

"  (3)  No  notices  to  stop  or  suspend  work  to  be  given 
in  on  account  of  any  dispute  in  any  works  outside  the 
membership  of  the  federation.  The  trade  unions  agree 
to  abstain  from  giving  notice  for  the  workmen  in  the  employ 
of  members  of  the  federation  in  the  case  of  an  outside 
dispute,  and  the  federation  will  not  support  any  firms 
who  are  not  members  of  the  federation. 

"  (4)  This  agreement  shall  remain  in  force  for  a  period 
of  at  least  twelve  months  from  the  signing  of  this  agreement, 
and  within  fourteen  days  of  the  end  of  the  term  of  this 
agreement  notice  to  terminate  may  be  given  by  either 
party.  Work,  however,  shall  not  be  suspended  pending 
any  negotiations  which  may  be  proceeding.  Should  the 
negotiations  fall  through,  work  shall  not  be  stopped  until 
seven  days  from  the  termination  of  such  negotiations." 

The  scheme  involved  stages  of  exhaustive  discussion, 
speedy  examination  of  claims,  and  no  stoppage  of  work 
while  negotiations  were  pending,  together  with  avoidance 
of  stoppage  or  suspension  of  work  on  account  of  outside 
disputes,  while  at  the  same  time  the  right  to  strike  or 
lockout  was  maintained. 

The  dispute  in  the  Midlands  was  a  sequel  to  the  economic 
disputes  of  1911  and  1912,  but  it  must  not  be  supposed  that 
any  of  these  disputes  failed  to  leave  a  mark.  They  indi- 
cated to  Labour  the  value  of  organisation,  which  was  being 
actively  pressed  throughout  the  country,  and  the  value  of 
propaganda,  which  more  and  more  made  its  force  felt ; 
they  increased  the  cohesion  of  labour,  particularly  among 
semi-skilled  and  unskilled  workers  ;  they  educated  both 
leaders  and  the  rank  and  file  on  things  to  be  done  and  things 
to  be  avoided  in  the  course  of  a  strike. 

After  the  close  of  this  trouble  the  month  of  August 


258  THE  MIDLANDS,   1918 

passed,  with  conferences  over  a  dockers'  dispute  at  Leith 
and  a  china-clay  workers'  strike  in  Cornwall ;  the  issue 
of  the  report  of  the  Industrial  Council,  dealt  with  by  the 
Government  in  the  futile  manner  already  described  ;  and 
a  telegram  from  General  Botha  asking  that  I  might  be 
permitted  to  go  to  South  Africa  to  deal  with  the  strikes 
on  the  Rand.  The  Government  refused  the  request  on 
the  ground  that  a  long  absence  from  the  United  Kingdom 
was  not  feasible. 


CHAPTER  XXVI 

LARKIN,    1913 

IT  was  a  very  different  disturbance  to  which  attention  had 
to  be  given  in  September  1913.  If  the  disputes  in  the 
ports  and  inland  cities  of  Great  Britain  had  been  chiefly 
based  upon  economic  causes,  the  serious  riots  in  Dublin, 
although  founded  upon  poverty,  low  wages,  and  bad  con- 
ditions, included  determination  to  establish  the  transport 
workers'  union  as  the  "  one  big  union  "  in  Ireland,  and  to 
put  into  practice  the  doctrines  of  syndicalism.  Mingled 
with  these  ideas  the  prejudices  of  politics  and  religion 
affected  the  minds  of  individuals,  amongst  both  employers 
and  employed.  Mr.  Larkin  was  determined  to  win,  to 
hit  the  employer  whenever  and  wherever  he  could,  while 
on  the  other  hand  there  were  employers,  especially  Mr. 
William  Murphy,  who  were  out  at  the  cost  of  any  expendi- 
ture to  smash  Mr.  Larkin,  if  they  could.  The  influences 
of  "ca'  canny  "  propaganda,  the  overthrow  of  Capitalism, 
and  revolution  against  existing  authority,  were  all  present. 
The  Irish  riots  of  1913  were  the  precursor  of  many  things 
which  are  alleged  to  be  features  in  recent  industrial 
differences,  and  to  be  the  methods  now  inculcated  by  social 
writers,  extreme  socialists,  and  syndicalists  ;  and  practised 
by  some  trade  unionists  and  workpeople  in  recent  strikes. 
On  August  1  The  Times  remarked  : 

"  The  report  of  the  Industrial  Council  on  industrial 
agreements  which  was  issued  yesterday  is  not  likely  to 
attract  the  attention  it  deserves.  .  .  ."  The  pertur- 
bation which  prevailed  fourteen  months  ago  had  passed  ; 
"  the  public  have  reassured  themselves  and  general  interest 
in  the  subject  has  died  away.  Strikes  are  no  longer  of 
interest  except  in  so  far  as  languid  attention  may  be  given 
to  events  6,000  miles  away  on  the  Rand." 

250 


260  LARKIN,    1913 

A  month  later,  on  September  2,  Great  Britain  was 
startled  from  this  dangerous  apathy  by  the  brief  announce- 
ment : 

"  Dublin,  September  1.  Killed  1  ;  injured  460 ; 
arrested  210.  Of  the  injured,  60  are  policemen. 

"  The  rioting  of  the  past  two  days  has  been  desperate, 
but  it  will  appear  like  a  playful  skirmish  compared  with 
what  may  be  expected  during  the  present  week. 

"  Dublin  is  now  practically  in  a  state  of  civil  war  between 
Labour  and  Capital." 

The  dispute  was  more  serious  even  than  either  of  the 
policies  of  trade  unions,  which  were  well  described  at  the 
time  by  Mr.  Snowden  in  a  morning  paper,  when  he  said  : 

"  The  old  policy  of  the  trade  unions  was  to  build  up 
strong  reserves  ;  to  refrain  from  exasperating  the  public 
and  the  employers  by  never-ceasing  threats  of  strikes  ;  to 
exhaust  every  possible  means  of  conciliation  before  calling 
out  the  men,  and  then  not  to  do  so  unless  there  was  a 
reasonable  chance  of  victory.  By  this  policy  the  unions 
entered  upon  the  strike  with  the  most  useful  of  all  assets — 
namely,  a  public  sympathy  which  had  been  won  over  by 
the  willingness  of  the  men  to  adopt  every  possible  means 
to  avert  a  strike.  The  new  policy  is  to  enter  upon  a 
strike  without  any  effort  to  obtain  a  settlement  of  the 
grievances  by  negotiation ;  to  exasperate  the  employers 
by  every  possible  means  ;  to  indulge  in  wild  and  san- 
guinary language,  which  makes  it  impossible  for  a  self- 
respecting  employer  to  meet  such  leaders  of  the  men  ; 
to  never  pay  any  attention  to  the  rather  important  matter 
of  preparing  some  means  of  support  during  the  strike  ; 
and  to  endeavour  to  cause  as  much  public  inconvenience 
as  possible,  by  involving  the  services  upon  which  the 
public  needs  and  convenience  depend.  These  are  the  two 
trade  union  policies  which  are  now  in  conflict." 

One  of  the  largest  firms  in  the  city,  Messrs.  Jacobs  &  Co., 
the  biscuit  manufacturers,  who  had  made  many  efforts 
for  the  welfare  of  the  employees,  locked  out  their  employees, 
chiefly  girls,  on  the  ground  of  the  "  intolerable  tyranny  and 
injustice  "  of  Mr.  Larkin's  transport  union.  Mr.  William 


TAINTED   GOODS  261 

Murphy,  chief  man  in  the  Dublin  tramways,  took  a  similar 
line,  stating  that  the  dispute  was  forced  upon  him,  and  that 
it  was  impossible  to  carry  on  business  under  the  dictator- 
ship which  was  attempted  to  be  imposed. 

On  the  other  hand,  Mr.  Larkin  attacked  everyone  right 
and  left,  but  was  adored  in  Dublin,  as  he  had  been  in 
Belfast  in  1907,  and  had  about  10,000  members  of  the  union 
behind  him,  and  at  least  20,000  other  supporters  of  both 
sexes  and  all  ages.  In  a  brief  time  the  whole  number  was 
estimated  at  80,000.  It  required  but  small  observation  to 
see  that  the  conditions  of  Dublin  were  the  chief  source  of 
his  power. 

With  the  continuance  of  disturbance,  the  question  of 
"tainted  goods"  began  to  arise  in  Great  Britain,  about 
7,000  railwaymen  going  out  at  Crewe,  Sheffield,  Derby, 
Liverpool,  and  Birmingham.  The  railway  trade  union 
leaders  composed  this  difficulty,  inquiry  showing  that  many 
of  the  "  tainted  goods  "  had  not  come  from  Ireland,  and 
that  the  Irish  goods  arriving  in  Birmingham  were  barrels 
of  stout  loaded  by  trade  union  labour.  Individual  railway- 
men  could  not  possibly  judge  the  source  of  goods,  or  pick 
and  choose  what  goods  a  railway  should  carry,  if  a  railway 
was  to  be  run  according  to  law  or  as  a  business  concern. 
With  a  view  to  general  sympathy  for  fellow-workers, 
however,  the  Trade  Union  Congress,  sitting  in  September, 
voted  the  supply  of  a  ship  filled  with  food  for  the  hungry 
in  Dublin,  and  sent  over  a  mission  of  inquiry.  They  made 
no  headway.  The  Lord  Mayor  of  Dublin  came  forward 
with  some  proposals  for  a  board  of  employers  and  transport 
workers,  which,  as  the  employers  would  have  nothing  to  do 
with  the  transport  workers  as  constituted,  met  with  no  ac- 
ceptance. The  National  Transport  Federation  also  proposed 
to  take  over  the  strike,  but  though  their  efforts  were  nomin- 
ally accepted,  Mr.  Larkin  showed  them  scant  courtesy. 

I  was  very  busily  engaged  in  a  successful  attempt  to 
avert  an  omnibus  strike  in  London,  which  would  infallibly 
have  spread,  if  it  had  not  been  composed,  to  the  tramways 
and  tubes,  when  the  Irish  Government,  after  long  con- 
sideration, and  many  suggestions  from  the  Press,  asked  that 
my  Department  should  endeavour  to  deal  with  the  difficulty. 
It  was  with  considerable  hesitation  that  I  approached  the 
task,  but  proposed  a  Court  of  Inquiry  as  preferable  to  an 
attempt  by  a  single  Englishman  to  intervene  in  the  welter 


2<J2  LARKIN,    1913 

of  a  revolution.  Sir  Thomas  Ratcliffe  Ellis,  secretary  of 
the  Mining  Association  of  Great  Britain  and  of  the  Con- 
ciliation Board  of  the  coal  trade  of  the  Federated  Area,  and 
also  a  member  of  the  Industrial  Council,  and  Mr.  J.  R. 
Clynes,  M.P.,  Chairman  of  the  Executive  Committee  of  the 
Gas  Workers'  and  General  Labourers'  Union,  were  ap- 
pointed to  join  me  in  the  effort,  "  an  absolutely  impossible 
effort,"  as  Mr.  Clynes  subsequently  wrote  me.  Mr. 
Mitchell  and  Mr.  H.  F.  Wilson  came  with  us  to  Dublin  from 
my  Department.  Although  neither  party  refused  to  come 
before  the  Court  of  Inquiry  and  make  statements,  we 
soon  found  that  no  settlement  was  meant.  Mr.  Murphy 
was  out  for  a  fight  to  the  finish ;  his  counsel,  Mr.  Timothy 
Healy,  did  not  cross-examine  Mr.  Larkin ;  Mr.  Larkin 
abused  his  best  friends  in  Ireland,  descending  to  person- 
alities which  were  at  least  unwise  if  he  desired  a  settlement ; 
and  even  during  the  sittings  of  the  Court  sympathetic 
strikes  continued  to  occur.  The  situation  was  not  assisted, 
as  I  afterwards  heard,  by  secret  advices  from  Great  Britain 
not  to  listen  to  the  proposals  of  the  Court,  and  by  rumours 
that  "blackleg"  dockers  were  going  to  be  imported. 

The  only  parties  who  would  have  liked  to  negotiate  were 
the  English  transport  leaders,  but  the  employers  would  not 
listen  to  them,  unless  they  could  show  more  power  of  control 
over  the  Irish  workers  than  the  Irish  workers  would  accept 
or  they  could  promise ;  and  more  guarantee  that  any 
agreement  effected  would  be  adequately  maintained. 
Hence  a  conference  or  negotiation  between  the  parties, 
though  pressed  by  the  English  leaders,  proved  to  be 
impracticable.  "  If  the  Transport  Workers'  Federation," 
it  was  said,  "  is  not  more  fertile  in  resource  and  does  not 
possess  sanctions  hitherto  unsuspected,  the  inquiry  must 
leave  the  position  no  better,  if  no  worse,  than  it  found  it." 
The  inquiry  was  open  to  the  Press,  and  held  at  the  Castle 
in  public,  but  neither  side  would  meet  separately  with  the 
Court  or  carry  on  methods  of  conciliation  or  ascertainment 
of  the  real  points  at  issue  in  a  manner  which  had  been  found 
to  be  useful  in  other  cases.  The  Court  could  only  listen  for 
four  days  to  a  tale  of  sympathetic  strikes,  on  very  flimsy 
grounds  ;  lack  of  control  or  attempts  at  control  by  labour 
leaders ;  recriminatory  accusations  of  breaches  of  agreement 
on  both  sides ;  and  a  deplorable  picture  of  Dublin  as  it  was. 
Mr.  Larkin  in  one  speech  managed  faithfully  to  pronounce 


SYMPATHETIC  STRIKES  263 

equal  criticism  on  the  Government,  the  Catholic  Church, 
Ulster,  the  Pope,  and  the  Salvation  Army.  No  institution 
or  person  seemed  to  be  safe  from  denunciation. 

The  Court  came  to  a  unanimous  report  in  which  it  was 
pointed  out  that  proposals  for  conciliation  or  avoidance  of 
disputes  had  been  fixed  by  agreement  or  arbitration  or 
conferences  time  after  time  since  1908,  without  any  effect 
being  given  to  them.  Nothing  had  been  done.  Although 
we  agreed  that  events  indicated  that  "  grievances  of 
considerable  importance  have  existed,"  the  Court  spoke  on 
the  subject  of  the  sympathetic  strike  in  the  following  terms  : 

"  The  sympathetic  strike  may  be  described  as  a  refusal 
on  the  part  of  men  who  may  have  no  complaint  against 
their  own  conditions  of  employment  to  continue  work, 
because  in  the  ordinary  course  of  their  work  they  come  in 
contact  with  goods  in  some  way  connected  with  firms  whose 
employees  have  been  locked  out  or  are  on  strike.  This 
practice  has  far-reaching  results,  as,  for  example,  the  refusal 
of  porters  at  Kingstown  to  handle  parcels  of  publications 
consigned  from  England  to  a  firm  of .  newsagents  in 
Dublin,  who  had  declined  the  request  of  the  union  that 
they  should  refuse  to  distribute  newspapers  printed  by 
another  firm  whose  dispatch  hands  were  involved  in  a 
dispute. 

"  In  actual  practice  the  ramifications  of  this  method  of 
industrial  warfare  have  been  shown  to  involve  loss  and 
suffering  to  large  numbers  of  both  employers  and  work- 
people who  not  only  have  no  voice  in  the  original  dispute, 
but  have  no  means  of  influencing  those  concerned  in  the 
original  cause  of  difference.  Even  collective  agreements, 
signed  on  behalf  of  employers  and  men's  organisations,  a 
provision  of  which  was  that  no  stoppage  of  work  should 
take  place  without  discussion  and  due  notice,  were  entirely 
disregarded  underthe  influence  of  this  ever- widening  method 
of  conducting  disputes.  The  distinction  between  strike 
and  lockout  became  obscured,  attacks  on  one  side  being 
met  with  reprisals  on  the  other  side  in  such  rapid  succession 
as  completely  to  confuse  the  real  issues. 

"  No  community  could  exist  if  resort  to  the  '  sympathetic  ' 

strike  became  the  general  policy  of  trade  unionism,  as, 

owing  to  the   interdependence   of  different   branches   of 

industry,  disputes  affecting  even  a  single  individual  would 

18 


264  LARKIN,    1913 

spread  indefinitely.  If  this  should  be  the  policy  of  trade 
unionism,  it  is  easy  to  understand  that  it  does  not  commend 
itself  to  the  employers,  but  in  our  experience  of  the  better- 
organised  employers  and  workmen,  the  sympathetic  strike 
or  the  sympathetic  lockout  is  not  a  method  which  is 
recognised  as  a  reasonable  way  of  dealing  with  disputes." 

There  followed  a  very  adverse  criticism  of  a  document, 
which  some  firms  had  asked  their  employees  to  sign,  with 
reference  to  obeying  all  the  orders  of  the  employers  and 
not  becoming  members  of  the  Irish  Transport  and  General 
Workers'  Union,  as  contrary  to  individual  liberty  and  likely 
to  create  a  maximum  of  ill-feeling ;  and  a  statement  of  the 
imperative  necessity  for  a  truce. 

"  We  have  given,"  the  report  said,  "  very  careful 
consideration  to  the  contention  put  forward  that  the 
labour  conditions  obtaining  in  Dublin  required  on  the  part 
of  the  workpeople  action  of  the  drastic  character  which 
seems  to  have  been  taken  during  the  past  few  years,  and, 
without  attributing  undue  blame  to  those  who  considered 
that  these  conditions  necessitated  a  resort  to  the  methods 
which  they  adopted  to  remedy  them,  we  think  that  the  time 
has  now  come  when  a  continuance  of  the  same  methods 
will  be  fraught  with  disastrous  results  to  all  concerned. 
Thousands  of  workers  have  now  become  associated  with 
the  Transport  Workers'  Union,  and  the  workpeople  in 
many  of  the  industries  of  the  city  have  shown,  during  the 
past  few  years,  a  determination  to  organise  themselves 
under  its  officials.  If  this  struggle  is  not  adjusted  by 
consent,  rather  than  by  resort  to  the  extremes  of  force,  the 
industries  of  Dublin  will  not,  we  think,  be  free  from  further 
serious  troubles.  Even  if,  after  many  weeks  of  suffering 
and  loss  of  business,  the  resort  to  force  should  seem  to  be 
successful  and  result  in  a  resumption  of  work,  resentment 
and  bitterness  would  remain,  with  a  very  probable  recur- 
rence of  the  disputes.  On  the  other  hand,  it  cannot  be 
expected  that  employers,  many  of  whom  have  no  grievance 
whatever  with  their  employees,  can  continue  their  business 
if  they  are  to  be  subjected,  no  matter  what  conciliatory 
steps  they  may  themselves  take  to  prevent  it,  to  consent 
interruptions  through  the  effects  of  the  sympathetic  and 
sudden  strike. 


PROPOSALS   FOR  A  BASIS  265 

"  All  the  great  industries  of  every  civilised  country  have 
long  recognised  that  trade  and  manufacture  can  only  be 
conducted  by  the  practical  acceptance  on  the  part  of  both 
employers  and  employed  of  the  fact  that  there  is  a  mutual 
interest,  and  that  such  interest  can  only  be  adjusted  satis- 
factorily by  friendly  discussion.  Irish  employers  and  Irish 
workers  will  find  they  can  be  no  exception  to  this  modern 
development. 

"  We  think,  therefore,  that  this  position  should  be  frankly 
accepted  by  both  sides  ;  and  while  we  recognise  that  a 
uniform  method,  of  settling  differences  is  impracticable, 
owing  to  the  varying  circumstances  in  different  trades,  we 
think  that  a  method  of  settling  differences  that  exist  or  may 
arise  hereafter  might  well  be  accepted  as  a  basis  for  dis- 
cussion." 

The  method  proposed  by  the  Court,  a  scheme  founded 
upon  the  Canadian  plan,  was  set  forth  at  length  ;  and  its 
value  indicated  as  a  means  "  to  remove  the  necessity  for  the 
sudden  strike  and  for  the  sympathetic  strike  or  lockout." 
There  was  also  laid  down  a  method,  as  proposed  by  the 
Industrial  Council,  for  deciding,  and  dealing  with,  questions 
of  breach  of  agreement ;  and  in  view  of  the  personal  feelings 
and  hostility  engendered  by  the  strike,  a  recommendation 
on  the  personal  element. 

"  We  recognise  that  personal  objections  to  individuals 
have  entered  into  the  disinclination  on  the  part  of  some  of 
those  interested  to  negotiate,  and  difficult  as  this  subject 
may  be,  we  think  it  necessary  to  deal  with  it. 

"  In  ordinary  business  dealings,  as  well  as  in  private 
matters,  men  have  the  right  to  decline  to  associate  with 
people  whom  for  one  reason  or  another  they  prefer  not  to 
meet,  but  in  a  community  such  as  the  city  of  Dublin,  with 
its  interdependent  interests,  this  right  is  necessarily  subject 
to  great  limitation.  This  matter  is,  however,  one  for 
individual  consideration  and  determination,  and  should  not, 
in  our  opinion,  influence  any  decision  to  discuss  the  pro- 
posals which  we  have  made." 

The  whole  report,  while  expressing  a  clear  opinion  against 
the  sympathetic  strike  and  going  beyond  the  final  opinion 
of  the  Industrial  Council,  after  an  exhaustive  inquiry,  as 


266  LARKIN,    1913 

to  the  feasible  methods  for  preventing  or  penalising 
breaches  of  agreement,  indicated  a  method  for  avoidance 
of  disputes  in  the  future  as  a  "  basis  of  discussion."  Dis- 
cussion was  necessary,  since  amendments  suitable  to 
varying  conditions  might  be  necessary  ;  goodwill  had  to  be, 
if  possible,  resuscitated  ;  the  difficult  and  delicate  question 
of  reinstatement,  which  might  vary  in  different  trades  and 
different  firms,  required  negotiation  ;  guarantees,  if  any 
could  be  suggested  and  accepted  beyond  the  proposed  terms, 
would  also  require  negotiation.  The  English  transport 
leaders  accepted  the  report  as  a  basis  for  discussion.  The 
employers,  through  Mr.  Healy,  made  a  long  statement  that 
their  evidence  had  not  been  disproved  or  proof  offered  to 
justify  the  strikes  and  intimidation  by  means  of  witnesses 
who  could  be  cross-examined  ;  that  Mr.  Larkin  failed  in 
spite  of  his  undertaking  to  go  into  the  witness-box  ;  that 
he  had  made  new  imputations  in  a  speech  which  was  only 
listened  to  "on  the  basis  that  his  allegations  could  be 
sifted  by  cross-examination  "  (a  request  which  Mr.  Healy 
could  have  made  and  did  not  make)  "  or  would  be  sub- 
stantiated by  evidence."  The  statement  concluded  with 
the  words  : 

"  On  the  whole,  therefore,  we  feel  it  would  be  unwise 
for  our  committee,  without  an  opportunity  of  consultation 
with  the  general  body  of  the  employers,  to  proceed  to  the 
discussion  of  the  details  of  the  report.  The  elaborate 
machinery  it  provides  will  doubtless  be  submitted  to 
careful  examination  on  both  sides  ;  but  in  our  view  it 
offers  no  effectual  solution  of  the  existing  trouble.  The 
employers  are  much  more  concerned  to  put  an  end  to 
present  difficulties  than  to  consider  problems  relating  to 
future  unrest.  Accordingly  we  feel  that  the  failure  of  the 
report  to  touch  on  the  question  of  guarantees  for  preventing 
further  outbreaks  affords  proof  that  the  Court  has  found 
itself  unable  to  devise  a  remedy  for  the  difficulty  which  led 
to  the  breakdown  of  the  recent  negotiations  with  the  mem- 
bers of  the  English  Trades  Congress.  This,  we  need  hardly 
say,  is  to  us  a  matter  of  deep  regret." 

To  this  statement  the  Court  made  the  announcement : 
"  As  there  appears  to  be  no  immediate  prospect  of  a 


ANCIENT   RANCOUR  267 

meeting  of  the  parties  as  invited  by  our  report,  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  Court  of  Inquiry  are  now  concluded.  If, 
subsequently,  a  different  opinion  should  prevail,  the  services 
of  the  Board  of  Trade  will,  of  course,  be  at  the  disposal  of 
the  parties,  should  they  desire  to  avail  themselves  of 
them." 

The  fact  was  that  the  employers  did  not  want  discussion, 
and  definitely,  though  politely,  refused  the  invitation  to 
follow  the  only  method  by  which  a  settlement  could  be 
arrived  at,  both  in  the  existing  dispute  and  in  future  dis- 
putes. Although  they  spoke  of  guarantees,  none  of  them 
suggested  what  guarantee  they  wanted  or  proposed.  The 
guarantee  they  desired  in  actual  fact  was  to  show  that  they 
could  beat  both  Larkin  and  "  Larkinism."  The  feeling  at 
the  time  was  very  bitter. 

"  The  task  set  the  Court,"  it  was  remarked,  "  was  almost 
impossible.  It  had  to  intervene  in  a  dispute  of  long  stand- 
ing, a  dispute  of  wide  scope,  a  dispute  that  had  reached 
almost  its  fiercest  point.  Sir  George  Askwith  received 
very  little  help  from  the  parties  concerned.  Almost  from 
the  outset  there  was  felt  to  be  an  atmosphere  of  rancour 
and  bitterness.  Consciously  or  unconsciously,  those  present 
seemed  to  allow  personal  animosity  and  the  memory  of 
ancient  wrongs  to  unbalance  their  judgment  and  colour 
their  assertions.  The  spirit  was  the  spirit  of  the  law  court 
and  not  of  the  council  chamber,  the  methods  were  those 
of  partisan  warfare  and  not  of  cool  conference.  Person- 
alities were  common,  the  issues  were  confused  and  shifting, 
evidence  was  too  obviously  biased,  eloquence  too  obviously 
heated.  In  such  circumstances  it  would  have  been  almost 
a  miracle  if  Sir  George  Askwith' s  diplomacy  had  succeeded." 

The  strike  continued,  the  hungry  of  Dublin  receiving 
considerable  aid  both  in  food  and  money  from  the  English 
unions,  Mr.  Larkin  speaking  in  England  of  the  leaders  of  the 
Labour  Party  being  as  "  useful  as  mummies  in  a  museum," 
and  making  the  remark,  "  To  hell  with  contracts  !  "  Taking 
up  these  speeches  and  the  report  of  the  Commission, 
the  employers  issued  a  long  statement  in  the  form  of  legal 
pleadings  controverting  the  report,  and  after  stating  that 
they  were  in  favour  of  trade  unionism,  said  : 


268  LARKIN,    1913 

**  While  it  is  in  no  way  the  province  of  employers  to 
interfere  with  the  internal  management  of  Trade  Unions, 
and  whilst  not  desiring  to  appear  to  dictate,  they,  in  face 
of  conclusions  come  to  by  the  Court,  regarding  sympathetic 
strikes,  broken  agreements,  and,  further,  the  statements 
made  since  in  public  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Irish  Transport 
Union,  including  the  declaration  in  London  :  '  To  hell  with 
contracts  ! '  are  compelled  again  to  refuse  to  recognise  this 
Union  until — 

"  (a)  The  Union  be  reorganised  on  proper  lines. 

"  (b)  With  new  officials  who  have  met  with  the  approval 
of  the  British  Joint  Labour  Board. 

"  When  this  has  been  done  the  Executive  Committee 
will  recommend  the  employers  to  withdraw  the  ban  on  the 
Irish  Transport  Union,  and  to  re-employ  their  workers  as 
far  as  vacancies  and  conditions  permit ;  but  until  then 
they  regret  that  existing  circumstances  compel  them  to 
continue  to  insist  on  the  undertaking  referred  to  being 
signed. 

"  Apart  from  any  settlement  that  may  be  arrived  at  now, 
the  different  stages  of  the  dispute  have  made  it  very  clear 
that  the  difficulty  in  arriving  at  any  form  of  guarantees 
for  the  keeping  of  agreements  must  be  the  subject  of  legis- 
lation, as  it  has  become  of  universal  importance  to  the 
whole  trading  community." 

The  employers  thus  jointly  adhered  to  the  document 
condemned  by  the  Commission,  for  the  time  being  at  least, 
and  shelved  their  claims  for  guarantees  upon  the  legislature, 
while  the  attitude  of  individual  employers  was  expressed 
in  a  statement  by  one  of  them,  who  remarked  : 

"  Look  how  difficult  Mr.  Larkin  makes  it  for  both  of  us. 
The  Askwith  Report,  which  the  men's  representatives 
as  a  whole  agreed  to,  was  dead  against  the  sympathetic 
strike.  Yet  Mr.  Larkin,  who  was  one  of  that  body,  makes 
a  speech  in  London  repudiating  the  whole  thing.  Had  we 
agreed  there  and  then  to  settle  the  strike  on  the  basis  of 
the  Askwith  Report,  where  would  we  be  now  ?  My  own 
opinion  is  that,  whatever  chance  there  was  of  a  peaceable 
settlement,  Larkin' s  last  speech  has  now  made  it  im- 
possible. As  long  as  the  workers  are  content  to  have 
him  to  represent  them  nothing  can  be  done." 


LARKIN'S   ORATIONS  269 

Mr.  Larkin  continued  his  orations,  and  at  the  end  of 
October  was  sentenced  in  Dublin  to  seven  months' 
imprisonment  for  seditious  speaking,  but  acquitted  on 
counts  for  incitement  to  revolt  and  incitement  to  larceny. 
On  the  ground  of  his  acquittal  on  these  two  counts  he  was 
released  in  the  middle  of  November,  and  meanwhile  a  war 
of  argument  went  on  in  the  Press,  and  a  more  active  war 
by  transport  workers  holding  up  the  shipping  in  Dublin, 
responded  to  by  importation  of  "free"  labour.  A  Dublin 
Industrial  Committee  and  the  Archbishop  of  Dublin  made 
no  headway  in  proposals  for  a  truce.  Mr.  Larkin  started 
a  "  fiery  cross  "  in  England,  appealing  to  the  rank  and  file, 
calling  the  trade  union  leaders  "  fools  who  mask  as  leaders," 
and  saying,  "  I  never  trust  leaders,  and  I  don't  want  you 
to  trust  leaders.  Trust  yourselves."  On  this  the  secretary 
of  the  Miners'  Federation  issued  a  statement,  concluding  : 

"  A  leader  of  men  should  be  at  the  seat  of  war,  and  if  Mr. 
Larkin  would  only  consider  the  position  from  a  common- 
sense  point  of  view  he  would  cease  his  '  fiery  cross '  mission, 
which  appears  to  be  the  trying  to  create  strife  and  enmity  be- 
tween the  trade  unionists  of  Great  Britain  and  their  leaders, 
and  will  go  back  to  Dublin  and  use  his  energy  and  influence 
in  trying  to  get  a  fair  and  honourable  settlement  of  the 
dispute." 

Mr.  W.  Murphy  also  issued  a  pronouncement,  which  did 
nothing  to  assist  the  cause  of  peace.  At  last  a  special 
trade  union  congress  was  summoned,  committees  were 
appointed,  "  representatives  of  the  whole  might  of  British 
trade  unionism  proceeded  to  Dublin"  and  took  up  the 
threads  of  negotiation.  For  three  days  they  conferred  with 
employers,  who  seemed  willing  to  withdraw  the  document 
which  the  Court  of  Inquiry  had  so  criticised,  saying  that  it 
had  not  been  used  by  all  the  employers.  It  appeared  at 
first  to  be  possible  that  the  principle  of  the  report  would  be 
adopted,  but  the  dispute  by  its  very  length  was  the  cause 
of  a  breakdown,  on  the  point  of  reinstatement.  So  many 
other  workpeople  had  gone  out  that  it  was  impractic- 
able to  reinstate  all  who  had  been  either  on  strike  or  locked 
out,  at  least  within  a  short  time.  The  old  opinion  that  the 
employers  would  fail  to  reinstate  those  men  who  had  been 
active  in  the  strike  came  up.  No  form  or  method  of  getting 


270  LARKIN,    1913 

over  this  difficulty  was  devised.  No  provisional  agreement 
was  accepted  by  the  employers  or  by  the  local  trade 
unionists.  The  committee  had  to  report  failure. 

The  congress  began  with  some  very  moderate  speeches. 
The  speakers  desired  to  maintain  the  principles  of  trade 
unionism,  to  continue  aid  to  the  women  and  children,  and 
to  avoid  "  petty  personalities."  The  scene  changed  when 
one  of  the  speakers  brought  forward  a  telegram  sent  by 
Mr.  Larkin,  in  which  he  had  denounced  "  the  tactics  of  our 
false  friends  in  the  trade  union  movement,"  and  Mr. 
Larkin  replied  in  a  long,  rambling  speech,  hurling  attacks 
right  and  left.  Uproar  and  disorder  followed  ;  Mr.  Larkin 
hurt  his  own  cause.  In  the  afternoon  the  storm  had 
passed.  Renewed  negotiations  were  proposed,  an  amend- 
ment for  a  general  sympathetic  strike  was  lost  by  a  huge 
majority.  The  railwaymen  would  have  none  of  it ;  the 
miners,  through  Mr.  Smillie,  condemned  it  on  the  issue 
before  them,  and  without  reference  to  their  constituents, 
in  no  sparing  terms  : 

"  They  had  not  come  there  that  day  with  a  mandate 
on  the  question  of  the  extension  of  this  fight  to  other 
trades.  Neither  were  they  in  a  position  to  vote  on  the 
question  of  a  general  stoppage.  There  might  be  a  difference 
of  opinion  as  to  how  best  to  fight  the  capitalists,  whether 
by  localising  a  strike  or  by  extending  it.  That  was  a 
matter  which  would  have  to  be  seriously  discussed  in  the 
future.  It  did  not  arise  here  and  now,  but  when  the  time 
came  either  to  face  a  general  strike  or  to  take  action  which 
the  miners'  organisation  was  tending  in  the  direction  of, 
that  was  the  knitting  together  of  the  miners,  the  railway- 
men,  and  the  transport  workers  for  common  action,  it 
would  not  require  to  be  done  in  a  slipshod  fashion.  It 
would  require  to  be  done  after  full  discussion  and  negotia- 
tion between  the  representatives  and  the  rank  and  file 
of  those  organisations.  So  that,  if  such  a  step  was  taken,  it 
would  have  to  be  the  final  step  by  which  they  would  win." 

The  delegates  from  the  congress  again  reopened  negotia- 
tions, but  any  chance  of  agreed  terms  once  more  broke 
down  on  the  question  of  reinstatement.  No  aid  was  given 
to  agreement  when  Mr.  Larkin  published  a  manifesto 
before  the  meeting,  commencing,  "  Comrades,  a  foul  and 


THE  BIG  UNION  271 

black  conspiracy  is  afoot  here."  The  fact  was  that  Mr. 
Larkin  had  promised  so  often  that  every  man  should  regain 
his  former  place,  and  had  buoyed  up  his  followers  with  this 
hope  through  so  many  weeks,  that  he  could  not  face  a 
settlement.  He  preferred  that  there  should  be  no  settle- 
ment, and  that  he  should  be  recognised  as  the  man  who 
would  not  yield,  the  intransigeant  ever  ready  to  lead  the 
extreme  left  wing.  The  report  and  the  conferences  had, 
however,  produced  their  effect.  Everyone  was  weary  of 
the  dispute.  The  Catholic  Bishops  issued  a  pronouncement 
against  it.  The  ban  on  trade  unionism  was  practically 
withdrawn  by  the  employers.  Those  who  could  be  taken 
back  were  gradually  absorbed  ;  and  the  strength  of  any 
united  effort  ceased.  By  the  end  of  February  1914  the 
interest  and  present  influence  of  this  dispute  melted  away, 
but  it  must  not  be  supposed  that  the  aftermath  of  bitterness 
and  resentment  was  not  without  effect  during  the  War. 

Mr.  Larkin  had  attempted  more  than  he  could  achieve. 
On  one  occasion  he  called  himself  an  Ishmael,  popular  and 
powerful  owing  to  conditions  which  anyone  who  knows 
Dublin  must  recognise  as  a  ripe  field  of  work  for  a  man  who 
promised  better  things.  The  fervour  of  his  nature  probably 
led  to  some  results,  though  at  very  heavy  cost  of  suffering, 
but  his  scheme  of  organisation  was  not  perfected,  and 
connoted  not  only  organisation  of  his  own  men,  but 
counter-organisation  of  employers.  In  his  own  words 
when  a  witness  before  the  Industrial  Council,  he  advocated 
the  Big  Union  :  "  All  workers  should  be  in  one  union, 
controlled  by  elected  representatives  from  each  section, 
and  there  should  be  no  strike  without  the  consent  of  all 
units  to  that  affiliated  body  or  organised  body."  "  When- 
ever we  find  one  of  our  friends  attacked  anywhere,  we  take 
up  the  fight,  too."  An  experiment  should  be  made  in 
Ireland  immediately.  "  The  workers  should  elect  those 
they  have  confidence  in,  and  they  might  meet  employers 
elected  by  the  employers  and  try  to  come  to  a  common 
understanding,  and  for  those  who  break  that  agreement  the 
punishment  should  be  either  to  put  them  outside  the 
country  or  put  them  inside  a  place  where  they  would  be 
quiet." 

Mr.  Larkin  had  to  leave  the  country  at  the  beginning  of 
the  War.     He  has  not  since  returned. 


CHAPTER   XXVII 

LABOUR   EXCHANGES 

THE  three  disputes  just  described  were  the  principal  overt 
and  cohesive  acts  prior  to  1914,  but  before  giving  any 
estimate  of  the  position  immediately  before  the  War,  I 
would  make  allusion  to  some  administrative  institutions, 
some  practices  and  theories,  some  economical  factors,  all 
of  which  had  greater  or  less  influence  upon  the  industrial 
situation  at  the  outbreak  of  war  and  at  a  later  date.  The 
list  cannot  be  called  exhaustive.  Space  alone  forbids  essays 
upon  all  points,  but  I  have  endeavoured  to  choose  the  most 
important  subjects.  It  is  not  possible  to  confine  the 
statements  entirely  to  the  period  before  1914,  since  all  the 
factors  exist  now,  and  frequently  with  increased  influence 
and  force.  Consecutive  narrative  necessarily  carries  them 
through  to  the  present  time. 

The  first  administrative  institution  which  perhaps  is 
worthy  of  some  mention  is  the  system  of  Labour  exchanges, 
now  called  Employment  exchanges. 

On  his  advent  to  the  office  of  President  of  the  Board  in 
1908,  Mr.  Churchill  is  reported  to  have  said,  "  There  is 
nothing  to  do  here.  Lloyd  George  has  taken  all  the  plums  "  ; 
but  there  awaited  him  the  scheme  for  labour  exchanges, 
which  at  least  afforded  a  subject  for  a  legislative  Bill. 
The  presence  of  Labour  Members  in  the  House  of  Commons 
rendered  their  adhesion  to  any  schemes  a  desirable  factor. 
The  adhesion,  too,  of  the  leaders  of  the  principal  trade  unions 
could  not  be  ignored.  Discussion  with  these  representa- 
tives was  carried  out  with  considerable  skill,  and  in  the 
result  the  Labour  Exchange  Bill  passed  through  both 
Houses  without  division  or  amendment. 

It  must  be  allowed  that  the  Bill  rested  on  high  recom- 
mendation. The  majority  report  of  the  Poor  Law  Com- 
mission had  stated  :  "In  the  forefront  of  our  proposals  we 

272 


GERMAN  REGISTRIES  278 

place  labour  exchanges."  The  minority  report  used  these 
words :  "  This  national  exchange,  though  in  itself  not  an 
adequate  remedy,  is  the  foundation  of  all  our  proposals. 
It  is  in  our  view  an  indispensable  condition  of  real  reform." 
Acting  upon  this,  Parliament  passed  the  measure,  and  in 
1909  and  1910  ninety  exchanges  were  started  in  Great 
Britain.  Five  or  six  Irish  exchanges  were  opened  a  month 
afterwards. 

The  Bill  itself  was  largely  the  work  of  Mr.  W.  H.  (now 
Sir  William)  Beveridge,  who  had  studied  the  unemployed 
question,  chiefly  in  London.  It  was  based  partly  upon 
his  theories  and  practice,  and  the  temporary  work  of  the 
Central  (Unemployed)  Body  in  London,  and  partly  on  the 
systems  used  in  Germany. 

Labour  "  registries  "  had  been  tried  for  some  years  in 
Belgium,  Germany,  France,  and  Switzerland,  but  had  had 
their  chief  growth  in  Germany.  A  public  registry  had  been 
established  as  long  before  as  1865  in  Stuttgart,  as  1874  in 
Cologne,  and  as  1883  in  Berlin.  In  1902  there  were  136 
German  labour  registries  of  various  types.  The  earliest 
types  seem  to  have  started  with  the  labour  organisations, 
whose  object  was  at  first  to  keep  the  provision  of  labour 
in  their  own  hands.  Organisation  of  registries  by  the  com- 
mune or  by  any  public  authority  was  opposed  by  labour 
organisations  on  principle.  This  position  was  gradually 
given  up,  "  because  for  large  masses  of  workmen  the  Trade 
Union  Registry  remained  ineffective,  and  more  than  all 
because  the  employers  converted  the  supply  of  labour 
into  a  monopoly."  The  employers,  in  fact,  had  produced 
a  corresponding  movement  on  their  own  side,  under  which 
registries  were  introduced  as  a  means  of  controlling  the 
labour  market.  One  of  their  objects  was  to  prevent  the 
employment  of  workmen  on  their  "  black  list,"  and  the 
members  of  the  masters'  unions  agreed  together  to  use  their 
own  registries  to  supply  their  own  wants,  particularly  in 
the  metal  trades,  where  the  system  was  specially  developed. 
Under  these  circumstances  the  State  and  municipalities 
stepped  in  with  public  registries,  controlled  by  employers 
and  representatives  of  employees,  with  some  outside 
persons  and  officials  representing  the  public  authority. 

"  In  Germany,"  reported  Mr.  David  Schloss  in  1904, 
"  where  the  systematic  organisation  of  labour  registries 


274  LABOUR    EXCHANGES 

has  been  carried  to  the  highest  pitch  of  perfection,  we 
find  arrangements  which  enable  every  workman,  even  if  he 
be  living  in  a  remote  village,  as  soon  as  he  falls  out  of  work, 
to  ascertain  the  situations  then  open  for  men  of  his  trade 
in  the  whole  of  an  extensive  section  of  the  country,  and, 
in  case  he  is  unable  to  obtain  immediate  employment  in 
this  manner,  to  put  himself  in  communication  with  a 
labour  registry  in  the  nearest  important  town,  through 
whose  agency  he  may  hope  before  long  to  hear  of  employ- 
ment available  for  him,  either  in  that  town  or  in  some  other 
place.  For  the  operations  of  each  of  the  public  registries 
are  not  confined  to  the  city  in  which  the  registry  is 
established,  but,  by  means  of  a  carefully  planned  organi- 
sation of  clearing  houses — central  registries,  by  which  a 
great  number  of  different  local  registries  are  linked  up — 
cover  a  very  large  district,  and  in  some  cases  extend  to  a 
still  wider  area,  not  alone  with  the  German  Empire,  but 
even  beyond  its  confines." 

It  was  this  system,  so  suited  to  the  German  ideas  of 
organisation  and  so  useful  to  a  nation  which  wanted  to 
know  where  every  man  was  and  what  every  man  could  do, 
which  was  hastily  imposed  upon  this  country.  It  was 
received  with  some  doubt,  but  at  least  without  opposition, 
since  it  was  advertised  as  a  free  gift  from  the  State  and  as 
the  basis  on  which  further  social  reforms  were  to  be  built. 
Its  suitability  to  the  United  Kingdom  and  the  effects  which 
it  might  have  upon  the  relations  of  employers  and  em- 
ployed were  not  thought  out.  The  example  of  German 
organisation  cannot  truthfully  be  said  to  have  had  no  effect. 

After  the  passing  of  the  Act  and  a  hurried  visit  of  officials 
to  Germany  (on  which  I  went)  in  1909,  the  new  department 
was  established  in  the  course  of  the  year  1910  and  attached 
to  my  division  of  the  Board  of  Trade,  until,  owing  to 
pressure  of  work,  it  had  to  be  separated  off  at  the  time  when 
the  Industrial  Council  was  formed.  In  the  first  year  of 
its  existence  more  money  had  to  be  got  from  the  Treasury, 
owing  to  wrong  estimates  of  its  cost.  Since  then,  its  cost 
has  been  increasing  annually  by  leaps  and  bounds,  until 
it  is  one  of  the  expensive  luxuries  of  the  country. 

In  1910  I  visited  Ireland,  going  to  Belfast,  Dublin,  Cork, 
and  Waterford,  with  a  view  to  explanation  of  the  hopes 
and  aims  of  the  institution.  The  scheme  was  explained  to 


EXPECTATIONS   FROM   EXCHANGES          275 

be  that  the  whole  of  the  United  Kingdom  was  now  marked 
out  in  ten  divisions,  over  each  of  which  there  was  a  divisional 
officer,  with  so  many  exchanges  of  the  first,  second,  or 
third  class,  according  to  the  number  of  big  cities  in  the 
division.  Those  exchanges  had  managers,  and  sub-offices 
existed  in  minor  towns,  whilst  there  were  waiting-rooms 
in  the  smaller  towns,  forming  a  network  over  the  whole 
kingdom.  The  divisional  officers  were  in  close  touch  with 
the  national  clearing-houses  in  London,  and  from  the 
central  office  directions  and  regulations  were  issued  for  the 
guidance  of  the  officers  all  over  the  country.  It  was  the 
intention  of  the  Board  of  Trade  to  set  up  advisory  commit- 
tees centred  around  the  great  areas,  both  with  regard  to  the 
management  of  the  labour  exchanges  and  also  with  regard 
to  juveniles.  These  committees  would  be  composed  half 
of  employers  and  half  of  employees,  the  chairman,  failing 
agreement,  to  be  nominated  by  the  Board  of  Trade. 
They  would  have  certain  functions  handed  over  to  them, 
but  still  more  important  would  be  the  junior  advisory 
committees.  The  country  was  getting  more  and  more 
annoyed  at  the  use  which  was  being  made  of  the  juvenile, 
and  it  desired  more  and  more  that  the  children  should  not 
be  put  into  "  blind  alley  employments,"  but  that  capable 
children  should  have  an  opportunity  of  advancement  or  of 
getting  into  positions  from  which  they  might  be  able 
to  rise.  Without  the  assistance  and  the  advice  of  people 
who  knew  business,  it  was  scarcely  possible  to  suppose  that 
most  children  could  do  so,  but  with  that  assistance  and  care 
which  many  voluntary  workers  were  willing  to  give,  it 
might  be  possible,  largely  through  the  medium  of  the  ex- 
changes, to  organise  the  juvenile  industry  of  the  country 
so  as  to  give  the  best  chance  to  the  children  and  the  best 
advantage  to  the  employer.  For  with  all  the  vast  sums 
spent  on  technical  education,  it  was  more  a  case  of  children 
trying  to  find  employment  than  of  employers  who  knew 
exactly  where  to  find  them.  Any  locality  that  wished  to 
tackle  a  subject  so  important  to  future  generations  could 
from  its  own  people  find  those  who  were  best  able  to  deal 
with  the  subject.  It  was  a  thorny  and  difficult  subject, 
but  unless  it  was  tackled  by  localities,  it  was  hard  to  see 
how  it  was  to  be  dealt  with. 

That  hope  has  not  been  too  well  fulfilled.    The  exchanges 
have  assisted  the  pool  of  casual  labour  by  encouraging  the 


276  LABOUR    EXCHANGES 

supply  of  juvenile  labour  rather  than  the  training  and 
right  placing  of  the  young.  Other  points  were  that  the 
exchanges  would  be  national,  "  a  national  market  for  deal- 
ing with  labour  "  ;  they  would  be  free,  "  worked  at  the 
national  expense,  with  no  expenditure  either  by  employer  or 
employee  "  ;  they  should  be  impartial,  "  neither  side  should 
consider  they  were  in  the  least  favoured  "  ;  they  should  be 
voluntary,  as  they  aimed  at  bringing  together  employer  and 
employee  ;  their  object  should  be  to  send  the  best  men  on 
their  lists,  sift  out  the  best,  and,  where  possible,  afford  a 
selection ;  there  should  be  absence  of  delay,  which  was  one  of 
the  most  important  factors  with  regard  to  these  exchanges. 

"  If  there  was  delay  in  finding  the  right  sort  of  men  that 
were  wanted,  or  if  there  was  delay  on  behalf  of  the  unem- 
ployed in  finding  the  work  that  was  being  sought  for,  that 
delay  must  necessarily  mean  a  wastage  in  the  production 
of  the  goods  or  articles  that  were  being  made,  or  in  the 
carrying  out  of  the  work  that  was  in  hand.  Speed  was  what 
was  wanted,  and  anything  that  caused  an  absence  of  waste 
between  the  bringing  together  of  the  employer  and  the 
unemployed  must  necessarily  be  of  value  to  production. 
In  big  works  that  was  of  the  utmost  moment.  It  might 
in  time  become  as  natural  and  as  usual  for  an  employer 
to  go  to  the  exchange  as  it  was  for  an  ordinary  householder 
to  go  to  the  servants'  registry  in  order  to  obtain  a  domestic 
servant.  In  all  ordinary  commodities  hawking  had  practi- 
cally gone  to  the  wall,  and  there  were  regular  places  where 
a  commodity  was  bought  and  sold.  It  seemed  curious  that 
in  this  country  up  to  so  late  a  date  the  most  important 
necessity  of  all — labour — should  have  remained  without 
a  definite  place  where  it  might  be  obtained.  Other 
countries  had  for  years  had  systems  of  labour  exchanges — 
Belgium,  France,  Switzerland,  Germany.  In  establishing 
the  labour  exchanges  as  a  national  system  in  England, 
the  endeavour  had  been  made  to  see  upon  what  points  the 
Continental  labour  exchanges  had  achieved  success,  and 
upon  what  points  they  had  been  failures  ;  and  so  build 
up  the  system  in  these  countries  with  the  idea  that 
successes  might  be  followed,  and  failures  as  far  as  possible 
avoided.  It  might  be  said,  and  was  said  by  some  em- 
ployers, that  it  was  much  more  eas}r  for  them  to  get  their 
labour  at  their  own  gates  than  to  get  their  supply  from 


GROWING  UNPOPULARITY  277 

the  labour  exchange.  It  was  so  very  often,  but  a  large 
number  of  employers  in  Great  Britain  had  already  found 
a  choice,  and  a  much  easier  choice,  in  the  labour  exchange 
than  they  formerly  had  by  going  outside  their  gates  and 
picking  up  Tom,  Dick,  and  Harry,  who  were  waiting  there. 
From  the  working  of  the  labour  exchanges  there  would  be 
prepared  statistics  which  would  help  in  dealing  with  other 
problems  that  may  arise  in  the  future,  such  as  the  decasual- 
isation  of  labour." 

With  the  beginning  of  the  work  under  the  new  Act  a  fair 
start  was  made,  although  the  civil  servants  were  new  to 
their  work.  The  head  officers  had  all  been  personally 
selected  by  Mr.  Churchill  with  great  care ;  the  minor 
officers  were  chosen  by  a  committee,  which  endeavoured 
to  judge  the  applicants  upon  their  merits.  A  trial  of  the 
new  system  was  made  :  some  of  the  civil  servants  have 
worked  hard,  some  employers  and  some  employees  have 
made  use  of  the  facilities  given  by  the  Government.  In 
some  cases  a  good  advisory  Committee  has  attempted 
developments,  in  some  ports  partial  decasualisation  has 
been  effected  by  methods  to  which  the  exchanges  were  use- 
ful adjuncts,  at  some  crises  work  has  been  found  from  other 
districts  to  meet  the  needs  of  employers,  or  men  requiring 
work  have  been  able  to  migrate.  Nevertheless  by  1911 
and  1912  murmurs  began  to  arise  that  the  labour 
exchanges  were  not  coming  up  to  expectations.  The 
trade  unions,  especially  in  the  skilled  trades,  kept  or  reverted 
to  former  methods  of  dealing  with  their  unemployed 
members.  In  spite  of  the  requirements  of  the  Insurance 
Act,  which  made  it  necessary  for  the  insured  to  use  the 
exchanges,  they  became  more  and  more  unpopular, 
particularly  in  Scotland  and  the  North.  During  the  War 
they  were  used  for  the  transfer  of  labour,  sometimes  with 
ludicrous  or  lamentable  results,  sometimes  with  moderate 
success  achieved  at  enormous  cost.  After  the  War  they 
have  been  used  for  demobilisation  purposes,  practically 
with  similar  results.  Though  the  name  was  changed 
to  Employment  Exchanges,  as  if  a  name  would  change  the 
character,  there  is  now  a  growing  feeling  against  them, 
strongly  developed  in  that  great  hive  of  industry,  the  North 
of  England.  The  Ministry  of  Labour  has  had  to  appoint 
a  Committee  to  inquire  into  their  value,  and,  it  may  be 


278  LABOUR    EXCHANGES 

hoped,  their  cost — the  cost  per  man  and  per  woman  and  per 
child  placed  and  kept  in  work  in  comparison  with  the  cost 
of  an  army  of  officials,  of  a  vast  number  of  buildings,  of  a 
proposed  huge  expenditure  upon  new  buildings,  and  the  loss 
of  the  life-work  of  the  officials  if  their  efforts  are  directed 
to  an  unfruitful  channel.  Some  members,  at  least,  of  the 
Committee  will  doubtless  say  all  that  can  be  said  in  their 
favour.  Personally  I  feel  that  their  cost  is  out  of  all  pro- 
portion to  their  value.  The  test  of  results  has  not  proved 
to  be  sufficient.  The  high  hopes  with  which  they  were 
started,  the  possibilities  which  seemed  to  be  feasible,  have 
not  ended,  and  do  not  show  sign  of  ending,  in  practical  and 
useful  tendencies  or  a  solution  of  any  industrial  difficulties. 
They  were  an  interference  by  the  State  between  employer 
and  employed  at  the  cost  of  the  community,  when  the  cost 
should  have  been  borne  by  employers  and  employed  in  the 
industries  concerned  with  the  production  of  the  required 
goods.  Many  of  the  general  propositions  mentioned  in 
1910  have  not  been  developed  or  have  not  been  reached. 
If  they  could  be  said  to  be  opinions  which  should  preclude 
any  remarks  against  labour  exchanges,  I  have  changed  my 
opinions.  The  course  of  events  has  proved  different  to  wishes 
or  expectations.  The  system,  particularly  in  the  North  of 
England,  does  not  bear  the  test  of  results,  and  by  that  test 
its  ultimate  continuance  or  failure  must  be  settled. 

My  main  objection  is  not  to  the  working  of  the  exchanges 
or  to  the  efforts  of  the  staff,  but  to  the  result.  The 
exchanges  have  been  a  disintegrating  force.  Instead  of 
bringing  classes  together,  they  have  served  to  emphasise 
the  distinction  of  classes.  As  the  employer  in  Germany 
tried  to  use  exchanges  to  maintain  his  own  monopolies 
and  keep  up  his  "  black-lists,"  so  the  employer  in  England 
can  use  them  for  the  purpose  of  discarding  his  men  in  times 
of  scarcity,  sending  them  to  the  exchanges,  and  taking  men 
on  from  the  exchanges  when  again  he  desires  more  labour. 
They  tend  against  sympathy,  fellow-feeling,  and  respon- 
sibility. They  place  upon  others  the  cost  of  unemploy- 
ment. They  afford  no  incentive  for  such  regulation  of 
production,  time,  and  contracts  as  may  mitigate  the  chances 
or  the  amount  of  unemployment.  They  tend  to  assist 
the  division  of  classes  into  two  camps,  they  form  a  prop 
to  class  war.  In  comparison  with  the  number  of  applicants, 
real  success  from  application  has  been  the  exception,  not 


DISLIKE  OF  STATE  LABOUR  EXCHANGES    279 

the  rule.  Those  exceptions  may  be  used  as  a  defence  to 
any  criticism,  but  are  they  worth  the  cost  which  they  have 
entailed  ?  The  general  result  is  that  the  working-classes 
dislike  them,  the  trade  unions  are  becoming  more  and  more 
hostile,  even  though  their  expenses  may  have  been  lessened 
by  their  existence.  The  efforts  of  the  trade  unions  over 
many  years  to  assist  and  serve  their  members  have 
been  curtailed  and  impeded.  The  incentive  to  clear 
the  books  of  the  unemployed,  and  to  work  with  the 
employers  to  reduce  unemployment  in  a  firm  or  in  a 
trade,  has  been  lessened.  Division  in  place  of  co-opera- 
tion has  been  the  principle  which  the  system  has 
aided.  The  Labour  Exchange  Act  heralded  a  policy  of 
State  interference  and  expenditure  with  incommensurate 
results.  The  policy  of  allowing  industry  to  solve  its  own 
problems  gave  place  to  a  policy  whereby  the  workers  were 
encouraged  by  lavish  expenditure  to  look  to  the  State  to 
find  employment  for  them,  and  discouraged  from  reliance 
upon  their  own  efforts. 

The  principle  should  be  recognised  and  supported  that 
employers  must  accept  some  responsibility  for  their 
unemployed ;  that  every  industry  ought  to  regulate  its 
business  so  as  to  reduce  unemployment  to  a  minimum,  and 
that  the  cost  of  maintenance  of  those  for  whom  no 
employment  could  be  found  should  be  a  charge  upon  the 
industry.  Adjustments  should  be  made  between  industries 
for  those  workpeople  changing  from  one  to  another 
industry,  men  on  the  border-line,  and  as  in  the  case  of 
trade  boards  special  arrangements  might  be  necessary 
for  women. 

As  I  stated  in  The  Times  of  October  28, 1919  : 

*'  Encouragement,  even  strong  pressure,  along  the  lines 
that  employers  should  join  with  trade  unionists  to  carry 
out  this  work — a  work  backed  by  an  ideal  and  by  incentive 
to  all — might  have  had  great  results.  Joint  Industrial 
Councils  might  well  have  grown  naturally  in  every  trade, 
with  mutual  determination  to  regulate  employment,  solve 
unemployment,  and  assist  those  for  whom  employment 
could  not  be  found.  The  problem  would  have  been  in  the 
hands  of  those  best  fitted  to  deal  with  it.  By  extension  of  the 
principle  of  the  necessity  of  united  action  and  of  the  burden 
being  carried  by  the  industry  concerned,  the  country  would 
19 


280  LABOUR    EXCHANGES 

not  only  have  been  freed  from  the  weight  of  these  costly 
labour  exchanges,  but  the  vast  sums  now  expended  on 
unemployment  would  have  been  placed  where  the  weight 
should  be  borne.  The  amount  would  have  been  minimised 
by  organisation  on  the  part  of  those  vitally  interested  in 
solving  the  problem  and  knowing  the  business  ;  not  left 
to  the  discretion  and  efforts  of  officials  who  know  little  of 
industry  and  labour,  and  the  direction  of  a  Minister  who 
generally  knows  less. 

"  The  working  of  the  present  system  is  in  the  result 
contrary  not  only  to  development  and  recognition  of  the 
duties  of  industry,  but  a  direct  incentive  to  unemployment. 
Employers  are  encouraged  by  the  very  system  of  labour 
exchanges  to  accept  no  responsibility  for  continuance  of 
employment  by  the  workmen  in  their  industry.  Labour  ex- 
changes encourage  employers  to  come  to  them  for  workmen. 
As  soon  as  it  suits  the  employers'  interests,  the  workers 
are  thrown  back  upon  the  State,  and  the  State  maintains 
them  until  another  employer  finds  it  to  his  interest  to 
seek  their  services.  There  is  no  collective  responsibility 
by  employers  in  a  trade  that  every  workman  in  that  trade 
should  have  his  share  of  employment,  no  arrangement  of 
business  so  that  exchange  of  workmen  could  easily  take 
place  as  demand  varied  between  one  employer  and  another. 
Many  are  the  cases  in  which,  if  a  central  exchange  had 
existed  in  a  district,  managed  by  employers  and  the  unions, 
and  to  which  all  employers  and  men,  through  their  associ- 
ations, were  attached,  it  would  not  have  been  difficult  to 
transfer  workmen  from  one  employer  who  was  slack  to 
another  who  was  busy  ;  and  if  work  generally  dropped 
below  the  normal,  to  reduce  hours,  so  that  all  workmen 
could  secure  a  share  of  the  possible  work.  The  joint  effort, 
besides  having  a  high  aim,  would  be  mutually  helpful 
and  lead  to  appreciation  of  views  and  difficulties  in  other 
matters. 

"  Even  now  the  necessity  for  lightening  the  ship  of 
State  makes  it  imperative  that  each  industry,  by  its 
associations,  trade  unions,  and  councils,  should  take  hold  of 
this  problem,  establish  the  necessary  simple  organisations, 
and  face  such  cost  as  may  ensue.  Let  employers  and 
workpeople  get  out  of  the  hands  of  officials,  of  whom  they 
are  always  complaining.  The  joint  effort  would  tend  to 
co-operation,  not  the  array  of  class  against  class  which, 


THE  OPPORTUNITY  FOR   INDUSTRIES        281 

in  spite  of  the  War  and  the  soft  words  of  those  who  do  not 
know,  is  now  so  harmful  and  embittering.  It  would  unite 
both  in  a  great  object,  with  incentives  to  efficient  results, 
and  tend  seriously  to  lay  the  spectre  of  unemployment, 
which  so  continuously  haunts  the  minds  of  an  actual 
majority  of  workers." 


CHAPTER  XXVIII 

TRADE  BOARDS 

IF  the  principle  of  the  intervention  of  the  State  in  industry 
was  pressed  upon  industry  in  the  case  of  labour  exchanges 
for  political  purposes,  and  was  copied  partly  from  Germany 
by  men  who  admired  German  organisation,  with  the  idea 
that  it  would  be  suitable  to  this  country,  no  similar  causes 
operated  to  produce  trade  boards.  They  arose  in  this 
country  from  the  energy  of  those  who  felt  for  poor  workers. 
By  persistent  effort  and  proof  of  evils  the  Government  were 
reluctantly  induced  to  face  the  issue,  and  accept  the 
argument  that  organisation  of  sweated  trades  could  be 
effected  and  administratively  worked  with  success,  at 
small  cost  and  with  great  advantage  to  persons  unable  to 
take  action  by  themselves.  With  a  few  notable  exceptions, 
the  leaders  of  the  large  trade  unions  did  not  trouble  much 
about  the  subject.  The  establishment  of  Trade  Boards  was 
not  a  plan  pressed  by  the  political  power  of  the  Labour 
Party  in  Parliament,  although  it  endorsed  the  principle 
of  a  minimum  wage,  both  for  time-  and  piece-workers. 
In  fact,  there  was  necessity  for  a  great  deal  of  hard  spade- 
work  and  some  more  or  less  sensational  exhibitions  and 
meetings  before  the  Government  or  the  public  began  to 
understand  that  something  should  be  done. 

As  long  ago  as  1890  a  Select  Committee  of  the  House 
of  Lords  had  reported  that  the  evils  of  sweating  could 
"  hardly  be  exaggerated."  The  Labour  Commission  of 
1894  mentioned  the  subject  and  practically  left  it  alone. 
They  said  : 

"  The  natural  difficulty,  in  not  highly  skilled  occupations, 
of  organising  persons  who  work  at  home,  or  are  dispersed 
through  numerous  small  workshops,  even  if  it  can  be 
overcome  in  the  case  of  men,  would  seem  almost  insuperable 

282 


EVILS   OF  SWEATING  283 

in  that  of  women.  In  the  absence  of  organisation,  and 
in  the  face  of  the  unlimited  competition  for  the  cheaper 
and  less  skilled  kind  of  sempstress  and  similar  work,  there 
seems  to  be  little  to  prevent  wages  from  sinking  to  the 
point  at  which,  in  the  words  of  one  witness,  *  it  is  easier  to 
starve  without  the  work.'  So  long  as  there  is  abundance 
of  cheap  labour,  without  any  minimum  wage  affixed  by 
the  action  of  trade  organisations  or  otherwise,  it  seems  to  be 
beyond  the  power  of  small  employers  and  contractors, 
wholly  unorganised  themselves,  and  keenly  competing 
with  each  other  for  the  custom  of  wholesale  houses,  and 
for  small  profits,  to  give  women  more  for  their  work  than  the 
lowest  pay  at  which  it  can  be  obtained." 

The  minimum  wage  was  indicated  in  this  report  as  a 
possible  remedy,  but  nothing  had  been  done  until  The 
Daily  News,  Miss  Gertrude  Tuckwell,  her  uncle,  Sir  Charles 
Dilke,  and  a  small  band  of  keen  persons,  amongst  whom 
Miss  Mary  Macarthur  was  noticeable,  pressed  for  action. 

Some  of  the  arguments  used  by  their  supporters  may  be 
indicated  by  passages  from  a  magazine  article  I  wrote  upon 
the  question,  in  which  I  said  : 

"  The  subject  seems  at  last  to  have  struck  the  imagin- 
ation of  the  whole  community,  claimed  its  interest,  and 
raised  the  desire  to  cure  by  close  investigation  and  practical 
means.  It  is  recognised  that  sweating  hurts  the  trade  of 
Great  Britain.  It  hurts  the  people  of  Great  Britain.  It 
hurts  the  race,  their  happiness,  their  health,  their  progeny, 
so  that  effective  steps  should,  if  practicable,  be  taken 
speedily  to  restrict  its  dire  influence. 

"  The  investigators  have  only  needed  encouragement  to 
come  forward  and  tell  their  tale.  Those  working  amongst 
the  poor  in  great  towns,  in  slums  and  cottages,  in  the 
purlieus  of  docks  and  arsenals,  knew  many  an  instance 
of  women  and  men  living  at  the  mercy  of  the  sweater, 
if  living  it  could  reasonably  be  called.  Charity  societies, 
ministers,  sanitary  inspectors,  poor  law  officials,  and  many 
others,  can  tell  of  localities  and  trades  where  no  fair  wage 
for  fair  work  is  paid,  where  it  is  a  case  of  '  take  it  or  leave 
it '  at>  the  sole  dictation  of  the  '  master.'  That  4  master  ' 
may  have  no  regard  to  the  condition  of  the  workers,  or  no 
object  save  undercutting  another  tradesman,  who  would, 


281  TRADE    BOARDS 

if  he  dared,  pay  sufficient  wage  for  reasonable  subsistence. 
Yet  neither  the  '  master's '  competitors  nor  his  work- 
people have  redress.  The  competitors  cannot  leave  their 
shops  or  study  social  conditions.  The  workers  are  not 
organised,  they  have  no  spare  time,  they  cannot  tilt  alone 
at  a  system,  or  hazard  their  work  by  complaint,  or  reproof, 
or  even  remark.  They  have  to  bear  the  load  without  being 
able  to  move,  and  without  much  hope  of  help,  when  hope 
is  confined  to  little  else  than  the  chance  of  earning  enough 
to  keep  body  and  soul  together. 

*'  The  social  reformer  who  desires  to  deal  with  this 
system  is  at  once  met  with  an  initial  criticism — that,  if  the 
wages  are  raised,  work  will  be  driven  from  the  country, 
foreign  goods  will  come  in,  British  trade  will  be  injured,  and 
the  Empire  will  be  ruined.  It  is  not,  indeed,  a  very  strong 
argument  that  the  British  Empire's  strength  has  been  based 
upon  the  exploitation  of  slaves,  but  even  if  the  criticism  is 
not  meant  to  go  so  far,  it  does  seem  to  ignore  certain  his- 
torical and  mercantile  facts.  Was  the  trade  of  the  country 
seriously  and  irremediably  injured  by  raising  the  age  of 
child-labour  in  the  factories,  or  by  regulating  the  work 
of  women,  or  by  insisting  on  sanitary  requirements  ? 
Are  we  to  have  the  same  howl  if  there  be  any  interference 
with  child-labour  in  button-making  or  with  the  making  of 
clothes  in  fever-stricken  dens  ?  Or,  to  take  minor 
industries  :  has  the  pottery  trade  left  the  country  because 
regulations  were  made  as  to  the  use  of  lead  in  glazing  ? 
Has  there  been  a  fresh  invasion  of  American  boots  because 
the  minimum  wages  of  clickers  have  been  raised  to  thirty 
shillings  a  week  ?  Or  has  the  tin-plate  industry  gone 
rapidly  downhill  because  bar-cutters  received  at  one  time 
a  heavy  increase  in  their  minimum  wages  ?  Has  the  music 
hall  industry  ceased  because  some  classes  of  scene-shifters 
or  stage  employees  received  a  rise  in  wages  and  a  minimum 
wage  ?  If  this  be  the  case,  some  arbitrators  have  a  very 
serious  indictment  to  answer,  and  many  conferences  of 
employers  and  employed  in  all  parts  of  the  country  have  a 
still  heavier  one  to  meet. 

"  Persons  who  make  these  criticisms  in  good  faith  cannot 
have  any  real  grasp  of  the  huge  size  and  extent  of  the 
mercantile  interests  of  this  country,  or  of  the  infinitesimal 
portion  of  goods  which  is  made  by  the  sweated  in  relation 
to  the  real  trade  of  the  United  Kingdom. 


ARGUMENTS   FOR   A   CHANGE  285 

"  When  future  difficulties  are  considered,  are  they  great  ? 
Take  the  employer.  My  experience  is  that  the  fair-minded 
employer  is  willing  to  pay  a  fair  wage,  if  he  can  ;  but  if  he 
is  undercut  by  sweating  employers,  and  does  not  know  what 
his  neighbour  is  doing,  he  is  naturally  suspicious,  and 
obliged  to  take  his  tone  or  make  his  price  by  what  he  thinks 
his  competitor  is  doing.  If  somebody  else  was  not  paying, 
or  thought  to  be  paying,  a  less  price,  many  employers  would 
be  ready  to  pay  higher  wages.  Get  these  men  together, 
let  them  fight  the  sweater  themselves  and  insist  upon 
reasonable  equalisation  of  minimum  rates,  and  they  will  be 
able  to  fix  a  price  for  their  locality  and  possibly  for  the 
kingdom.  Produce  them  from  their  shops,  put  them 
together,  hear  the  prices,  and  then,  in  conjunction  with  the 
employees  or  representatives  of  the  employees,  let  them 
consider  whether  it  is  fair  and  reasonable,  and  can  be 
taken  at  least  as  a  foundation  on  which  payments  can  be 
based,  without  immediate  and  undue  injury  to  the  industrial 
conditions  of  the  trade  or  locality. 

"  The  question  will  arise,  whether  by  regulation  of  wages 
the  price  of  articles  would  be  materially  raised  to  the 
community  as  a  whole.  I  believe  not.  As  one  factor, 
it  must  always  be  remembered  that  sweating  may  only 
affect  one  part  of  a  garment.  The  rich  man's  trousers  may 
be  cut  by  the  most  expensive  tailor,  the  buttons  on  those 
trousers  may  be  made  by  sweated  industry.  Higher  pay- 
ment for  those  buttons  would  be  a  minute  part  of  the  cost 
of  the  whole  article.  As  another  factor,  though  the  poor 
man's  trousers  might  be  imported  from  Germany,  if  there 
was  a  serious  rise  in  their  cost,  does  not  experience  show 
that  the  saving  of  freight,  transhipment,  middlemen, 
packing,  and  many  other  incidents,  give  some  margin 
in  favour  of  the  industry  on  the  spot  ?  And  would  they  not 
be  better  made  by  better-paid  workpeople  ?  And  would 
the  influx  of  foreign  goods  be  easy  when  it  is  considered 
that  Great  Britain  exported  in  1906  nearly  £5,500,000 
in  value  of  garments  alone  ? 

"  Yet,  though  the  movement  on  behalf  of  sweated 
industries  is  a  movement  partly  on  account  of  the  whole 
community,  it  is  chiefly  on  behalf  of  the  employee.  Will 
it  better  the  condition  of  the  employee  ? 

"  It  may  possibly  be  that  some  persons  at  first  will  be 
hurt.  I  am  not  prepared  to  urge  that  this  result  is 


286  TRADE    BOARDS 

impossible.  Those  desiring  work  at  any  cost  and  unable 
to  get  it,  or  too  unskilful  to  do  it,  may  be  hampered,  but 
the  argument  that  hurt  may  result  in  some  instances,  and 
in  some  places,  has  always  been  an  argument  against  every 
interference  with  the  casual  opportunities  of  the  casual 
individual.  It  was  advanced  against  every  improvement 
in  the  Factory  Acts,  and  every  restriction  upon  the  employ- 
ment of  men,  women,  or  children.  It  is  the  argument  of 
the  powerful  individual  against  the  right  of  less  powerful 
individuals  to  combine,  and  to  obtain  greater  strength  by 
united  effort.  It  is  the  argument  which  was  put  forward 
to  stop,  or  at  least  to  hinder,  the  trade  unions.  It  proceeds 
upon  the  fallacy  that  all  regulation  is  an  interference  with 
freedom  of  exchange.  When  it  is  advanced  as  a  solid 
argument  against  those  incapable  of  standing  up  alone, 
and  notoriously  incapable  of  organising,  or  ensuring  real 
freedom  of  exchange,  by  lack  of  time,  opportunity,  know- 
ledge, money,  or  any  ordinary  attribute  of  strength,  it 
is  an  argument  which  prima  facie  must  excite  suspicion, 
and  cannot  be  accepted  as  conclusive  by  the  mere  statement 
of  it.  In  answer  to  it,  I  would  not  prophesy  the  result 
of  wages  boards.  I  would  prefer  to  say  I  admit  the  argu- 
ment, but  that  since  it  has  so  often  been  proved  to  be 
specious  and  bad,  I  would  like  to  try  this  humble  experi- 
ment, and  see  whether  the  argument  can  hold  good  in 
relation  to  those  few  industries,  those  weak  people,  this 
particular  sore.  The  sore  may  yield  only  partially  to  the 
action  of  wages  boards.  Their  action  may  require  to  be 
reinforced.  In  some  trades,  licensing,  inspection,  cleansing, 
etc.,  may  have  to  be  added  to  effect  a  cure,  but  that  is  no 
sufficient  reason  why  the  most  adequate  remedy  as  yet 
suggested  should  not  be  first  applied. 

"  Another  important  question  will  be  this  :  Are  you  not 
going  to  swell  the  ranks  of  the  unemployed  by  preventing 
people  from  getting  work  ?  I  think  the  answer  to  that 
is  that  the  more  labour  and  wages  are  reasonably 
organised,  the  better  chance  there  is  of  the  genuine  unem- 
ployed getting  work  and  of  fair  distribution  of  work,  of 
not  being  sweated  by  oppression  from  above  or  by  the 
undercutting  of  casual  labour  and  uncertain  influx  of  work, 
and  of  receiving  more  work  and  more  regular  work  by 
better  organisation  of  the  so-called  seasonal  trades.  The 
unemployed  will  be  better  known  and  better  defined. 


UNITY  OF  EMPLOYERS   AND   EMPLOYED     287 

The  method  of  dealing  with  them  will  be  brought  more 
clearly  into  view.  The  limits  of  the  assistance  of  the  State, 
charity,  and  local  authorities  to  the  individual  will  be  more 
easily  determined.  At  present  the  State,  charity,  and  rates 
are  continually  taxed  to  produce  cheap  goods,  and  in  a 
manner  and  in  directions  unequal  in  incidence,  unfair  as 
between  individual  employers  and  workers,  and  harassing 
to  the  whole  community. 

"  Further,  the  more  labour  and  wages  are  reasonably 
organised,  the  more  chance  there  is  that  the  worker  gets 
fair  pay,  and,  with  fair  pay,  his  standard  of  comfort  and 
self-respect  is  raised.  He  becomes  one  of  the  community, 
anxious  to  work  with  and  for  the  community,  not  against 
it,  nor  in  continuous  enmity  to  all  that  is  and  to  all  that 
have.  Employers  brought  together  on  a  wages  board  will 
go  outside  the  narrow  compass  of  one  shop,  one  detail  of 
trade  ;  employees  brought  together  will  learn  each  other's 
difficulties  ;  employers  and  employees  brought  together 
will  better  judge  the  capacity  and  possibilities  of  their 
joint  enterprise. 

"  One  of  the  objects  of  the  boards  is  to  bring  employers 
and  employed  together,  to  permit  discussion  over  mutual 
interests,  just  as  organised  trades  have  formed  voluntary 
boards  and  discussed  disputes,  wages,  hours,  etc.,  at  those 
voluntary  boards.  True  it  is  that  direction  is  necessary, 
and  official  or  voluntary  aid  must  be  given  to  effect  a  result 
which  these  workers  themselves  certainly  cannot,  and  the 
employers  probably  would  not,  be  able  to  accomplish  by 
themselves.  Hence  legislation  is  necessary,  because  without 
legislation  the  proper  machinery  could  not  be  set  up,  and 
when  the  machinery  is  set  up,  administration  will  be  re- 
quired to  make  it  work. 

"  It  may  be  said  that  in  such  trades  as  tailoring,  shirt- 
making,  buttons,  cardboard-box  making,  fur-pulling,  and 
other  trades,  piece  work  statements  cannot  be  made;  that  the 
processes  are  too  minute,  the  fashions  change  too  rapidly. 
I  can  only  say  that  piecework  statements  have  been  made  in 
the  Colonies  for  such  trades,  and  in  very  complicated 
trades  here,  and  that  '  particulars  lists  '  already  exist  for 
some  of  those  very  trades  in  many  districts  in  the  country. 

"  I  am  not  afraid  of  the  complexity  of  piecework  state- 
ments. They  may  take  a  long  time  to  make,  and  must 
be  susceptible  to  variation,  particularly  in  trades  where 


288  TRADE    BOARDS 

fashion  changes  rapidly.  But  district  copies  from  district, 
trade  from  trade,  with  variations  suitable  to  district  or  trade. 
And  in  the  same  way  as  this  process  occurs,  so  an  employer 
should  be  able  to  judge  by  analogy,  without  any  infringe- 
ment of  the  minimum  wage  principle,  what  prices  should  be 
generally  paid  on  the  production  of  a  new  fashion  or  a  new 
variation.  He  need  not  run  risk  of  disclosing  his  invention 
or  his  market  to  competitors  ;  and  if  the  change  is  one  which 
is  to  be  adopted  by  the  trade  generally,  the  wages  board 
will  be  in  existence  to  deal  with  it.  The  board  will  be  a 
body  meeting  from  time  to  time  and  dealing  with  changes 
in  the  same  way  as  is  now  done  in  organised  trades  when  new 
fashions  and  designs  are  continually  being  introduced. 

"  In  the  boot  trade,  the  lace  trade,  and  many  other 
trades,  of  which  I  have  had  personal  experience — such  as 
printing,  tinplates,  flax,  coal,  paper-making,  building — 
questions  of  a  minimum  wage  have  come  up  over  and 
over  again.  I  have  settled  scores  of  minimum  wages, 
without,  as  far  as  I  am  aware,  having  ruined  any  person 
or  any  industry,  or  ever  seriously  hampered  any  industry. 
If  this  has  been  the  case  within  the  experience  of  a  single 
individual  doing  similar  work  to  that  which  other  individuals 
have  done  or  are  now  doing,  how  can  it  be  said  that  the 
fixing  of  a  minimum  wage  is  such  a  serious  matter  that  it 
must  endanger  the  trade  of  Great  Britain  and  the  organis- 
ation of  society  ?  The  fear  must  surely  be  founded  upon 
some  popular  fallacy  of  which  it  is  difficult  to  judge  the 
exact  cause,  and  also  upon  ignorance  of  facts.  Theo- 
retical difficulties  seem  to  become  less  potent  an  objection 
to  all  minimum  wages,  when  one  knows  that  they  exist 
on  all  sides,  and  in  some  measure  in  nearly  every  trade, 
not  only  in  experimenting  colonies,  but  here,  in  England, 
Scotland,  Ireland,  Wales. 

"  I  am  aware  that  Mr.  Ramsay  Macdonald,  M.P.,  in  an 
argument  directed  to  show  that  a  socialistic  distribution 
of  wealth  is  the  only  panacea  for  social  ills,  has  cited  New 
Zealand  and  Australia  as  examples  of  countries  where 
arbitration  courts  and  wages  boards  have  not,  in  his 
opinion,  produced  the  result  he  desires.  Personally,  I  see 
small  analogy  between  the  present  proposals  and  the  com- 
pulsory arbitration  courts  of  New  Zealand,  or  experiments 
in  a  continent  where  the  whole  population  is  about  equal 
to  that  of  Glasgow  and  its  suburbs.  But,  even  in  his 


NECESSITY  FOR  LEGISLATION  289 

article,  he  indicates  that  opinions  flatly  contradictory  to 
his  own  are  held  by  persons  who  have  passed  their  lives  in 
Australasia.  He  omits  to  mention  the  general  benefit 
to  the  community  which  industrial  peace,  even  for  a  few 
years,  must  have  effected ;  he  gives  scant  credit  to  the  facts 
that  wages  boards  are  not  meant  to  be  a  sovereign  remedy 
for  all  ills,  or  to  exclude  the  use  of  other  remedies ;  and  he 
seems  to  lament  that  sweating  had  not  wholly  disappeared 
in  ten  years. 

"  Ten  years !  It  seems  to  me  that  Mr.  Ramsay  Mac- 
donald  is  not  unlike  those  early  Christians  who  believed 
that  the  end  of  the  world  must  come  within  their  lifetime, 
and  took  steps  for  the  disposal  of  their  days  and  goods  in 
a  manner  which  later  generations  have  regarded  as  a 
marvellous  example  of  the  power  of  faith.  A  more 
cautious  philanthropist  might  feel  less  confident  of  the 
power  of  any  generation  to  obliterate  so  deep-seated  an 
evil,  but  none  the  less  would  not  lose  heart  in  the 
opinion  that  each  generation  should  do  what  it  could  to 
effect  tangible  results,  within  the  limits  of  practical  power, 
from  which  their  successors  could  proceed  to  such  better 
conditions  as  the  course  of  time  and  experience  might  in- 
dicate. Wages  or  trade  boards  may  not  be,  as  a  principle, 
wholly  ideal,  but  I  think  they  are  possible,  practicable,  and 
likely  to  be  advantageous  to  the  people  of  this  country." 

In  preference  to  wages  boards  there  were  many  people 
who  supported  a  system  of  licensing  employers  or  con- 
tractors. When  the  Government  appointed  a  Committee 
of  the  House  of  Commons,  in  1908,  under  the  chairmanship 
of  Sir  Thomas  Whittaker,  the  two  systems  were  con- 
sidered, the  Committee  finding  in  favour  of  the  minimum 
wage.  This  Committee  said  : 

"If  *  sweating '  is  understood  to  mean  that  work  is  paid 
for  at  a  rate  which,  in  the  conditions  under  which  many  of 
the  workers  do  it,  yields  to  them  an  income  which  is  quite 
insufficient  to  enable  an  adult  person  to  obtain  anything 
like  proper  food,  clothing,  and  house  accommodation,  there 
is  no  doubt  that  sweating  does  prevail  extensively.  We 
have  had  quite  sufficient  evidence  to  convince  us  (indeed, 
it  is  almost  common  knowledge)  that  the  earnings  of  a  large 
number  of  people — mostly  women  who  work  in  their  homes 


290  TRADE    BOARDS 

— are  so  small  as  alone  to  be  insufficient  to  sustain  life  in  the 
most  meagre  manner,  even  when  they  toil  hard  for  ex- 
tremely long  hours.  The  consequence  is  that,  when  those 
earnings  are  their  sole  source  of  income,  the  conditions 
under  which  they  live  are  often  not  only  crowded  and 
insanitary,  but  altogether  pitiable  and  distressing ;  and  we 
have  evidence  that  many  are  compelled  to  have  recourse  to 
Poor  Law  or  charitable  '  relief.'  Lord  Dunraven's  Commit- 
tee, after  hearing  evidence  from  as  many  as  291  witnesses, 
drawn  from  many  different  trades  and  localities,  recorded 
their  opinion  in  1890  that  the  evils  of  sweating  '  can  hardly 
be  exaggerated.'  In  the  almost  complete  absence  of  statistics 
on  the  subject,  it  is  impossible  for  your  Committee  to  decide 
whether  the  volume  of  sweating  is  at  the  present  time 
more  or  less  than  in  1890,  either  actually  or  relatively  to 
population,  but  sufficient  evidence  has  been  put  before 
them  to  show  that  sweating  still  exists  in  such  a  degree 
as  to  call  urgently  for  the  interference  of  Parliament. 
While  it  is  impossible  to  measure  the  number  of  sweated 
individuals,  there  is,  unfortunately,  no  doubt  whatever 
that  it  is  very  large,  and  that  it  is  still  true  that  the  evils 
of  sweating  are  very  great.  While  our  evidence  has  been 
chiefly  concerned  with  home  workers,  it  has  been  shown 
that  very  low  rates  of  remuneration  are  by  no  means 
confined  to  them,  but  are  not  infrequently  the  lot  of  factory 
workers  also  in  the  trades  in  which  home  work  is  prevalent." 

Trade  boards  have  had  to  deal  with  both  home  and  fac- 
tory work,  but  initially  the  Committee  said  little  or  nothing 
about  the  factories  ;  and,  in  fact,  confined  their  recommen- 
dation to  wages  boards  for  home  workers.  After  discussing 
the  difficulties  of  licensing,  they  stated  : 

"  In  the  opinion  of  your  Committee,  the  second  proposal 
— for  the  establishment  of  wages  boards — goes  to  the  root 
of  the  matter,  in  so  far  as  the  object  aimed  at  is  an  increase 
in  the  wages  of  home  workers.  No  proposals  which  fail 
to  increase  the  income  of  these  people  can  have  any  appre- 
ciable effect  in  ameliorating  their  condition.  Improved 
sanitary  conditions  are  important  and  necessary ;  greater 
personal  and  domestic  cleanliness  in  many  cases  is  very 
desirable ;  but  the  poverty,  the  miserably  inadequate 
income,  of  so  many  of  the  home  workers  is  the  great 


HOUSE  OF  COMMONS  COMMITTEE  291 

difficulty  of  the  situation.  With  the  increase  in  their 
earnings  many  of  the  other  undesirable  conditions  which 
intensify  and  in  turn  are  aggravated  by  the  ever-present 
burden  of  grinding  poverty  would  be  very  appreciably 
modified  and  improved." 

This  Committee,  by  condemning  the  policy  of  licensing, 
which  would  have  established  an  inquisition,  onerous  to 
employers  and  still  more  so  to  employees,  and  an  army 
of  officials,  rendered  a  great  service.  For  my  part,  so  far 
as  I  had  influence  in  the  movement,  by  speaking  at  the 
Mansion  House,  at  Glasgow,  and  at  the  Albert  Hall, 
writing  the  magazine  article,  and  giving  evidence  before 
the  Committee,  I  endorsed  the  wages  board  proposal.  My 
opinion  was  that  the  minimum  wages  should  be  worked  out 
by  employers  and  employed,  who  knew  the  trades,  with 
such  aid  from  officials  as  might  be  actually  necessary  in 
view  of  the  class  of  workpeople  with  whom  it  was  intended 
to  deal.  I  thought  also  that  the  chief  difficulty  of  business 
men  was  to  see  how  the  principle  could  be  applied  to  piece- 
work, and  particularly  concentrated  on  examples  from  the 
Nottingham  lace  trade  and  the  boot  and  shoe  trade,  with 
the  view  of  showing  how  it  could  be  done. 

Nevertheless,  the  report  of  the  Committee  was  very 
carefully  guarded.  The  scheme  was  treated  as  an  experi- 
ment, the  result  of  which  could  scarcely  be  foreseen. 

"  Your  Committee  are  of  the  opinion,"  they  said,  "  that, 
unless  Parliament  steps  in  and  gives  these  workers  the 
protection  and  support  which  legislation  alone  can  supply, 
the  prospects  of  any  real  and  substantial  improvement  in 
their  position  and  condition  being  brought  about  are  very 
small  and  remote.  We  are  further  of  opinion  that  care- 
fully considered  legislation  would  aid  them  materially ;  and, 
that  being  so,  we  cannot  doubt  that  it  is  desirable  that  an 
attempt  should  be  made,  and  an  experiment  be  tried.  At 
the  same  time  we  recognise  that  legislation  which  will 
affect  the  well-being  and  may  interfere  to  some  extent  with 
the  livelihood  of  a  number  of  extremely  poor  and  helpless 
persons  must  be  considered  with  the  utmost  care,  and  be 
entered  upon  with  great  caution. 

"  Your  Committee  attach  importance  to  the  experience 
and  opinion  of  Mr.  Askwith,  of  the  Board  of  Trade,  who 


292  TRADE    BOARDS 

for  many  years  has,  from  time  to  time,  rendered  most 
valuable  service  by  acting  as  arbitrator  and  conciliator  in 
trade  disputes  of  various  kinds.  He  has  settled  piece- 
work rates  in  industries  where  the  complication  and 
diversity  of  patterns,  etc.,  is  great,  and  the  results  have 
been  arrived  at  without  excessive  difficulty,  and  afterwards 
have  worked  satisfactorily.  He  is  of  opinion  that  '  wages 
boards  are  workable  and  practicable,  and  would  be  bene- 
ficial, and  ought  to  be  tried.'  After  making  full  allowance 
for  the  fact  that  these  settlements  have  been  made  in  trades 
where  the  employees  were  organised  and  had  trained 
members  of  their  trade  unions  to  represent  them,  and 
where  the  whole  of  the  conditions  were  much  more  favour- 
able than  would  be  the  case  when  piecework  rates  for 
home  workers  had  to  be  fixed,  your  Committee  agree  that 
the  experiment  ought  to  be  tried. 

"  In  view  of  the  fact  that  this  proposal  represents  a 
very  considerable  new  departure  in  industrial  legislation, 
and  fully  realising  the  many  difficulties  that  surround  it, 
your  Committee  are  of  opinion  that  it  is  desirable  that 
Parliament  should  proceed  at  first  somewhat  experiment- 
ally, and  apply  the  general  principles  to  one  or  two  trades, 
in  which  the  necessity  for  some  legislation  is  great,  and 
where  experience  could  be  gained  without  running  any 
serious  risk  of  dislocating  an  important  industry. 

"  The  conclusions  at  which  your  Committee  have  arrived 
are  that  it  is  desirable — 

"  (1)  That  there  should  be  legislation  with  regard  to  the 
rates  of  payment  made  to  home  workers  who  are  employed 
in  the  production  or  preparation  of  articles  for  sale  by  other 
persons. 

"  (2)  That  such  legislation  should  at  first  be  tentative 
and  experimental,  and  be  limited  in  its  scope  to  home 
workers  engaged  in  the  tailoring,  shirtmaking,  under- 
clothing, and  baby-linen  trades,  and  in  the  finishing  pro- 
cesses of  machine-made  lace.  The  Home  Secretary  should 
be  empowered,  after  inquiry  made,  to  establish  wages 
boards  for  any  other  trades. 

"  (3)  That  wages  boards  should  be  established  in  selected 
trades  to  fix  minimum  time  and  piece-rates  of  payment  for 
home  workers  in  those  trades,"  etc. 

The  resulting  Bill  became  an  Act,  scheduling  at  first 


PRESENT  RESULTS  293 

industries  such  as  chainmaking  at  Cradley  Heath,  card- 
board boxes,  finishing  in  the  lace  trade,  and  wholesale 
tailoring.  The  administration  was  attached  to  my  De- 
partment, and  slowly  made  its  way.  As  I  remarked  to 
Sir  Charles  Dilke,  to  whom  the  Parliamentary  success  of  the 
Bill  was  almost  wholly  due,  "  This  is  a  very  delicate  plant. 
It  appears  to  offend  the  canons  of  many  political  economists. 
If  it  is  to  be  allowed  to  live,  its  roots  should  get  firm  hold 
of  the  soil  before  many  experiments  are  made."  Sir  Charles 
Dilke  absolutely  agreed,  curbing  enthusiasts  who  could  not 
understand  the  saying,  "  More  haste,  less  speed." 

What  has  been  the  result  of  this  Act  ?  It  has  been 
extended,  and  is  likely  to  be  still  more  extended.  Home 
workers  and  factory  workers  come  within  its  scope.  An 
Amending  Act,  giving  large  powers  to  the  Ministry  of 
Labour,  was  passed  in  1918.  If  these  Acts  are  used  for  the 
purposes  for  which  they  were  intended,  and  not  for  pur- 
poses of  unreasonable  or  transient  advantages,  their 
effects  may  be  far-reaching.  At  present  the  tide  runs  in 
their  favour.  On  May  19,  1920,  the  Minister  of  Labour 
stated  in  the  House  of  Commons  : 

"  Steps  are  being  taken  to  apply  the  Trade  Boards  Acts 
to  a  great  number  of  trades  in  which  it  is  desirable  that 
legal  minimum  rates  of  wages  should  be  fixed.  Since 
the  Amending  Act  of  1918  there  have  been  established 
thirty-seven  new  trade  boards,  affecting  1,500,000  workers, 
and  it  is  estimated  that  2,000,000  workers  are  now  covered 
by  trade  boards.  I  hope  that  during  the  next  twelve 
months  2,500,000  more  workers  will  be  brought  under  the 
operation  of  the  Acts." 


CHAPTER  XXIX 

PROPAGANDA   AND    CAJ    CANNY 

OF  all  the  causes  of  division  of  classes,  it  is  possible  that  the 
employment  of  active  propaganda  has  been  the  most 
important. 

Methods  of  propaganda  are  necessarily  very  varied  in 
their  form.  The  only  unsuccessful  method  up  to  the 
beginning  of  the  War  which  had  been  adopted  by  Labour 
in  this  country  was  a  dominant  Labour  newspaper.  Though 
many  efforts  were  made,  no  newspaper  achieved  lasting 
success  or  commanded  a  wide  number  of  readers.  Since 
the  War,  one  newspaper  at  least  has  gained  a  more  powerful 
influence.  But  although  ordinary  daily  newspapers  often 
quote  portions  of  speeches  or  arguments  which  may  have 
some  influence,  there  are  other  methods  besides  newspapers 
by  which  views  may  be  communicated.  In  organised 
trades  pamphlets  or  reports  of  union  secretaries  are  circu- 
lated among  the  members.  In  these  trades,  too,  the 
meetings  of  lodges  or  branches  give  opportunity  for  speechi- 
fying as  well  as  for  more  sober  debate  and  discussion,  for 
the  budding  orator  and  the  skilled  and  trained  lecturer.  In 
unorganised  trades  and  in  time  of  disturbances  in  all  trades, 
speeches  outside,  varying  from  wild  tub-thumping  to 
reasoned  argument,  command  the  attention  of  audiences. 
All  have  their  influence,  and  there  is  very  little  answer  or 
argument  adduced  on  the  other  side  of  the  case.  Catch- 
words may  have  their  effect,  just  as  "  liberty,  equality, 
and  fraternity  "  had  a  vogue  during  the  French  Revolu- 
tion and  often  since. 

The  capitalist ;  the  associations  of  shareholders,  many 
with  tiny  holdings,  who  by  union  formed  a  capital  aggre- 
gation ;  the  wage-payers  generally,  large  and  small,  can 
be  all  compared  together  and  equally  denounced  as  capi- 
talist profit-makers,  sucking  the  blood  of  the  wage-earners. 

294 


METHODS  OF  PERSUASION  295 

Everyone  in  a  motor-car,  every  woman  in  a  new  dress, 
can  be  jumbled  up  in  the  generic  term  "  the  idle  rich  "  ; 
jealousy,  not  co-operation,  can  be  placed  in  the  forefront. 
Appeal  is  made  to  those  who  have  an  interest  in  accept- 
ing the  propositions,  whether  the  methods  of  attain- 
ment be  right  or  wrong.  The  case  of  objectors  goes  by 
default. 

Peaceful  persuasion  in  all  its  forms,  from  the  mildest 
type  of  information  to  the  giving  of  information  which  may 
verge  so  close  to  coercion  as  practically  to  be  indistinguish- 
able from  it,  is  available  under  the  express  protection  of 
the  law. 

I  heard  a  delegate,  on  one  occasion,  go  up  to  a  train  full 
of  labourers  for  the  purpose  of  giving  information.  He  said, 

"  You  ,  you  ought  to  know  there  are  between  this 

station  and  the  docks  hundreds  of  men  with  stones  and 
iron  nuts.  If  that's  not  enough,  the  docks  are  pretty  deep 
and  not  easy  to  get  out  of.  The  last  lot  didn't  get  to  work. 
That's  all  I've  got  to  say."  Not  a  man  left  that  train. 
In  a  court  of  law  the  delegate  might  reasonably  have 
argued  he  had  saved  then*  lives  by  giving  information, 
or,  as  a  solitary  individual,  had  peacefully  suggested  to 
them  not  to  run  the  risk.  "  Stick  to  your  union,"  or  "  your 
colleagues,"  or  the  cry  of  "  No  blacklegs  !  "  are  quite  enough 
for  most  men. 

Beyond  this,  at  street  corners,  in  parks,  on  market-places 
or  the  seashore,  there  is  a  vast  amount  of  speechmaking, 
apart  from  processions  or  organised  assemblies  in  any  open 
places  and  along  streets  and  roads.  Very  little  attempt  at 
counteracting  influence  seems  to  be  sought  by  employers, 
or  by  any  of  those  denounced  without  their  knowledge  in 
season  and  out  of  season ;  and  yet  the  doctrines  and  the 
leaflets  command  a  large  amount  of  belief.  It  may  be  true 
that  Marx  died  in  obscurity,  and  that  his  works  were  not 
generally  known  for  many  years  ;  but  now  Marxian  doc- 
trines in  various  forms,  some  of  which  Marx  would  not  have 
recognised  as  his  own,  are  preached  from  end  to  end  of  the 
country,  with  more  fervour  than  the  doctrines  of  Henry 
George  were  preached  to  the  last  generation. 

The  speeches  and  the  literature  are  wont  to  bear  a 

common  stamp,  that  Capitalism  is  the  enemy  and  that  the 

present  system  must  go.     Bolshevism  goes  farther  in  saying 

that  the  system  and  everyone  connected  with  it  must  be 

20 


296  PROPAGANDA    AND    CA'    CANNY 

destroyed  before  the  new  era  of  reconstruction  can  even  be 
entered.  "  Buy  up  and  change  the  ownership,"  "  Divide 
up  and  change  the  ownership,"  "  Destroy  and  start  again 
with  a  new  form  of  ownership,"  "  Take  the  ownership  for 
the  State,"  and  many  another  shade  of  colour  may  be 
selected  according  to  the  taste  of  each  listener  and  the 
amount  of  thought  which  each  man  can  devote  to  his 
choice.  New  waves  of  opinion  are  natural  to  the  human 
mind,  and  in  times  of  quick  change  and  great  events  and 
strain  of  body  and  nerves  the  waves  gain  movement  and 
force,  particularly  when  there  has  existed  a  feeling  of 
discontent  and  possibly  of  injustice. 

That  was  the  position  of  affairs  before  the  War,  when  big 
movements  were  pending.  Education  and  self-education 
had  been  going  on  more  and  more  rapidly  for  years  before. 
More  and  more  young  people  were  being  turned  out  into 
the  world  with  better  knowledge  of  books  and  wider 
aspirations  than  their  grandfathers  had,  but  with  no  equal 
speed  had  a  right  start  or  opportunities  for  advancement 
or  any  system  giving  them  a  return  for  their  efforts  been 
opened  up.  Can  anyone  be  surprised  that  the  various 
forms  of  propaganda  find  adherents  ?  The  seeds  fall  upon 
fertile  soil  in  the  sense  that  people  are  thirsty  for  endorse- 
ment of  half-baked  opinions  or  preconceived  ideas.  It 
says  much  for  the  general  effect  of  our  education  and  stan- 
dards of  right  and  wrong  that  so  little  violence  follows  from 
wild  statements.  Remarks  in  the  heat  of  an  oration  on 
Tower  Hill  that  So-and-So  should  be  shot  lead  to  no  result, 
while  a  similar  suggestion,  if  only  insinuated,  has  been 
known  in  Ireland  to  be  taken  as  a  hint  upon  which  action 
will  follow.  So  far  as  such  incidents  are  connected  with  the 
actual  work  of  conciliation,  I  have  almost  always  had  to 
treat  any  threats  or  acts  of  physical  violence  as  matters 
outside  the  attempt  to  settle  a  dispute  by  argument  or 
agreement.  It  is  of  no  use  to  hold  men  who  are  debating 
in  the  council  chamber  responsible  for  speeches  made  out- 
side without  their  knowledge  or  authority,  or  for  acts  which 
can  only  hamper  and  retard  the  consent  of  the  other  side 
to  negotiate,  or  which  may  even  cause  the  breaking  off 
of  negotiations.  There  are  occasions  when  attention  may 
be  called  in  public  or  in  private  to  sheaves  of  expostulation 
or  serious  breaches  of  the  peace,  but  as  a  rule  for  practical 
purposes  it  is  useless.  Sometimes,  too,  the  complaints 


AGGRESSIVE   INFLUENCES  297 

verge  on  the  ludicrous.  A  high  official  once  strongly 
complained  to  me  that  an  agitator  had  called  his  wife  an 
"  idle,  well-fed  woman,"  with  the  remark  that  at  any  rate 
she  was  not  idle,  and  asked  me  to  stop  him.  In  nine  cases 
out  of  ten  the  messages  are  only  an  indication  of  the 
spread  of  a  dispute  or  the  commencement  of  sympathetic 
strikes.  They  may  worry  politicians,  and  if  forwarded  from 
a  Minister  may  worry  a  negotiator,  but  the  maintenance 
of  the  peace  and  acts  of  violence  can  as  a  rule  only  be  left 
to  the  efforts  of  the  police,  except  so  far  as  quiet  advice 
may  be  given.  Such  advice,  as  far  as  my  experience  goes, 
has  generally,  within  their  powers,  been  taken  by  the  leaders 
to  whom  it  has  been  given. 

An  exception  may  be  made  in  two  classes  of  cases,  both 
in  South  Wales.  One  was  where,  on  the  advice  of  leaders, 
subordinate  leaders  had  agreed  to  accept  and  arranged  to 
advise  a  provisional  settlement  to  their  followers,  and  next 
day,  to  the  open  disgust  of  the  leaders,  repudiated  any 
agreement  ever  having  been  made  by  them,  and  produced 
a  hostile  meeting.  The  other  was  where  an  undertaking 
had  been  given  by  leaders  to  ballot  on  the  terms  of  a  pro- 
visional settlement,  and  perforated  cards  were  printed  with 
"  Yes  "  in  one  half  and  "  No  "  in  the  other.  Any  man  who 
came  out  without  the  "  Yes  "  fixed  in  his  hat  or  pinned  to 
his  clothes,  so  as  to  show  he  had  voted  "  No,"  was  received 
with  hostile  demonstration  as  soon  as  he  appeared.  That 
was  not  a  free  ballot. 

How  is  the  word  passed  round  ?  There  is  no  doubt  that 
there  is  often  warm  debate  among  the  members  of  an 
executive  or  in  the  inside  of  a  lodge.  But  even  there  the 
more  enthusiastic  and  aggressive  men  have  far  more  weight 
than  their  numbers  justify.  A  cautious  leader  may  some- 
times hold  them  in  hand  or  advise  tactics  of  delay,  with  a 
view  to  renewed  debate  after  he  has  tried  methods  of  his 
own  with  the  employers.  Yet  if  there  is  money  to  be 
drawn  from  the  union  purse,  a  grievance  which  can  be 
magnified  and  exploited,  the  presence  of  a  few  hot-heads, 
then  disputes  may  be  brought  about  where  no  dispute 
ought  reasonably  to  have  been  incurred.  It  is  then  that 
the  mettle  of  a  leader  is  put  to  the  test.  He  may  curb  the 
trouble,  if  he  knows  it  to  be  unwise,  before  it  is  too  late, 
but  if  he  cannot  and  will  not  do  so,  or  if  he  serves  but  does 
not  lead,  he  knows  well  that,  when  once  a  decision  has  been 


298  PROPAGANDA    AND    CA'    CANNY 

sent  out  by  an  executive  or  leaders,  there  is  little  chance 
of  the  movement  being  stopped.  Any  apparent  reference 
to  a  ballot  is  coloured  with  a  particular  view  in  the  form 
of  the  questions  or  the  method  of  taking  the  ballot :  and 
sometimes  a  storm  may  be  created  far  larger  than  its 
originators  may  have  intended  or  even  desired.  There  is 
a  great  responsibility  in  reality  attaching  to  men  who  launch 
a  strike,  and  change  or  interfere  with  the  lives  and  hopes 
of  many  a  man,  perhaps  at  a  crisis  in  his  career.  It  is  the 
fate  of  almost  every  working  man  to  have  to  learn  that, 
whether  he  wills  it  or  not,  he  is  liable  several  times  in  his 
life,  perhaps  at  moments  which  he,  as  an  individual,  might 
least  choose,  to  be  obliged  to  leave  his  work  and  his  means 
of  livelihood  for  an  unknown  period  of  time.  At  least 
the  issue  and  the  ballot  should  be  fairly  placed  before  him, 
and  many  men  may  well  feel  that  a  fair  ballot,  properly 
conducted  and  by  secret  and  unbiased  voting,  would  be 
the  most  reasonable  method  of  obtaining  the  real  opinion 
of  the  majority  before  so  serious  a  step  was  taken. 

During  the  War  the  art  of  propaganda  became  very 
intensive.  Literature  could  not  be  safely  disseminated. 
Speeches  of  the  kind  which  had  been  made  before  the 
War  would  not  only  have  been  dangerous  from  the  point 
of  infringement  of  the  laws,  but  also  from  the  temper 
of  the  audience.  Some  at  least  of  those  who  had  been 
wont  to  speak  strong  words  occupied  themselves,  to 
my  knowledge,  in  doing  all  they  could  to  aid  our  men 
and  our  cause.  There  were  others  who  did  not.  An 
emissary,  generally  a  young  man,  could  drop  into  a  shop  and 
get  taken  on,  skilled  or  semi-skilled,  stay  a  few  weeks, 
grumble  that  it  was  no  place  for  a  decent  workman,  sow 
discontent,  and  move  on  to  another  factory.  A  few  days 
later  another  similar  man  would  appear.  Apparently 
unconnected  with  the  first,  he  would  say  the  same  things, 
or  worse  ;  possibly  a  third  or  a  fourth  would  follow. 
The  seed  thus  sown  was  bound  to  bring  forth  some  fruit. 
A  strike ;  a  movement  with  intention  to  go  to  another  place ; 
a  circuit  of  factories  on  the  suggestion  that  a  rival  paid  more 
wages,  would  easily  ensue.  The  Munitions  of  War  Act  did 
not  act  as  a  deterrent,  when  managers  and  foremen  were 
anxious  to  let  men  go  who  would  not  work  properly  and 
were  known  or  suspected  to  be  causing  trouble.  "  These 
are  the  devils  of  my  works,"  said  a  manager  to  me,  as  we 


THE   DISEASE  OF  CA'   CANNY  299 

watched  twenty  or  thirty  young  men  dashing  into  their  coats 
and  rushing  away  on  the  stroke  of  the  hour.  "  Where  are 
they  going  ?  "  I  said.  "  To  hold  a  meeting  and  prepare  an 
ultimatum,"  he  replied.  "  Why  don't  you  give  them  a 
football  ?  "  I  remarked.  "  They  would  make  two  teams 
and  fight  each  other."  Since  the  War,  although  the 
cessation  of  censorship  does  not  require  the  use  of  swift 
cycle-riders  to  carry  messages  from  Lancashire  to  Sheffield, 
or  analogous  subterfuges,  plenty  of  discontent  can  be 
more  openly  promulgated.  It  may  be  well  worth  consider- 
ation whether  facts,  apart  from  arguments,  the  truth  which 
it  must  be  in  the  interest  of  man  to  know,  cannot  wisely  be 
given  in  some  form  or  other,  so  as  to  give  a  chance  to  young 
men  for  the  exercise  of  judgment  and  brain  upon  the  prob- 
lems of  then*  life  and  future  welfare.  Propaganda  at  the 
present  time  is  apt  to  be  too  one-sided. 

Following  on  the  propaganda,  that  demoralising  doctrine, 
so  harmful  to  the  State,  the  employer,  and  the  man  himself, 
commonly  called  by  the  name  "  Ca'  canny,"  or  "  Go  slow," 
to  limit  work  to  the  level  of  the  slowest  man,  to  restrict 
production  when  the  world  is  crying  out  for  goods,  has 
before,  during,  and  after  the  War  been  a  great  influence 
in  setting  class  against  class.  The  interests  of  employer 
and  employed  become  entirely  adverse,  when  the  employer 
is  craving  for  production  and  the  man  will  produce  as  little 
as  he  possibly  can  without  losing  his  job. 

This  disease,  originating  possibly  in  the  innate  pleasure 
of  man  in  laziness,  has  also  a  certain  measure  of  scientific 
interest  as  a  practical  method  of  protection  by  the  man 
against  exhaustion,  the  desire  to  retain  a  reserve  of  force 
against  the  continuously  wearing  effect  of  long  hours,  dull 
work,  low  wages  or  driving.  Each  factor  might  exist  as  a 
stimulant  to  a  man's  conscious  or  semiconscious  objection 
to  work.  A  man  would  not  give  more  work  than  he  could 
help  for  a  very  low  wage,  or  he  would  not  respond  to  con- 
tinual commands  to  speed  up,  or  he  got  frankly  bored  with 
his  work,  or  felt  tired  or  unwell.  No  good  example  was  set 
when  employers  might  be  seen  to  be  slowing  down  with 
the  object  of  lessening  production  and  keeping  up  the 
prices  of  goods,  or  discharging  men  so  that  by  scarcity 
the  prices  might  be  maintained  and  existing  stocks  got 
rid  of.  That  policy  was  ca'  canny  by  the  employers.  It 
often  came  to  grief,  because,  even  if  groups  of  employers 


300  PROPAGANDA   AND    CA'    CANNY 

might  decide  to  slow  down,  other  employers  or  foreign 
countries  might  take  a  different  view  of  the  shortage, 
foresee  a  future  demand,  be  able  more  cheaply  to  carry 
stocks,  and  get  the  orders  in  advance  which  the  others  could 
not  fulfil.  As  an  example,  those  firms  in  the  cotton  trade 
who,  in  spite  of  gloomy  prophecies,  bought  material,  carried 
stocks,  and  ran  their  mills  in  the  winter  of  1918-19  reaped 
a  golden  harvest.  They,  and  the  employees  in  their 
demand  for  better  wages,  which  the  employers  would  not 
give  without  the  undesired  dictation  of  the  Prime  Minister, 
had  the  imagination  to  foresee  the  world's  shortage  and  the 
huge  demand  for  goods  which  must  arise  from  the  fact  that 
the  War  could  not  be  renewed. 

In  answer  to  the  difficulty  of  overproduction  where  lessen- 
ing of  supply  might  occasionally  be  necessary,  or  even 
actually  justifiable,  the  cotton  trade  and  also  the  woollen 
trade  have  from  time  to  time,  by  joint  arrangement  between 
employers  and  employed,  successfully  provided  by  tempo- 
rary systems  of  short  time.  Discharge  of  operatives  could 
thus  be  avoided.  But  in  other  trades  short  time  has  not 
been  often  attempted,  or  could  not  easily  be  applied, 
particularly  when  the  use  of  machinery  made  it  difficult. 
Discharge  and  unemployment  were  accepted  as  the  general 
practice  of  firms  who,  even  if  they  retained  a  nucleus  of 
skilled  men,  a  commodity  difficult  to  replace,  ruthlessly 
dismissed  semi-skilled  or  unskilled  men  with  little  or  no 
compunction.  It  was  against  this  system,  this  horror  of 
unemployment  at  short  notice  for  reasons  over  which  they 
had  no  control,  that  men  banded  together  and  had  their 
unemployment  funds,  their  out-of-work  donations,  their 
insurance  systems,  until  the  State  itself  came  in  with 
compulsory  insurance  schemes  and  State  contributions 
in  the  case  of  specified  trades.  These  benefit  systems  have 
been  of  the  essence  of  trade  union  policy  ever  since  trade 
unions  began,  but  they  took  time  to  organise,  were  im- 
perfect, and  only  applied  to  a  minority  of  workpeople. 
The  schemes  did  not  cover  the  ground.  Seeing  this, 
workmen  argued  that,  if  production  meant  ultimately 
unemployment  or  the  risk  of  discharge,  they  would  mini- 
mise that  risk  by  taking  care  that  they  would  produce  as 
little  as  possible.  It  would  be  the  same  type  of  thought 
which  led  the  workmen  in  the  early  days  of  the  nineteenth 
century  to  resent  so  strongly  the  introduction  of  machinery, 


THE  SPREAD   OF  THE  DISEASE  301 

on  the  ground  that  fewer  men  would  be  employed  and  that 
too  much  production  would  ensue  from  the  use  of  machines. 
The  argument  might  apply  in  certain  cases  to  the  single 
workman  or  to  groups  of  workmen  or  to  a  whole  trade 
union.  It  could  be  speciously  defended  by  the  plea  that 
they  wanted  the  work  to  go  round  and  last  longer,  that 
there  should  be  jobs  for  more  men,  that  their  comrades 
should  have  work  to  do,  and,  from  the  point  of  view 
of  trade  union  secretaries,  that  the  funds  of  the  union 
should  not  be  depleted  by  providing  out-of-work  pay. 
Instead  of  pressing  the  employers  to  unite  with  them  in 
fixing  joint  schemes  of  insurance  suitable  for  emergencies 
of  trade,  instead  of  the  employers  having  the  sense  to  see 
that  spells  of  unemployment  deteriorated  the  workers  and 
the  produce  of  their  work,  and  that  men  required  for  an 
industry  should  be  supported  by  that  industry  in  good  times 
and  in  bad,  each  went  their  own  way,  with  disastrous  results. 
The  policy  of  the  ports  relying  upon  pools  of  casual  and 
ineffective  labour,  or  of  getting  semi-skilled  or  unskilled 
labour  as  and  when  wanted,  was  followed  in  almost  every 
industry  in  the  country  in  the  same  or  minor  degree.  It  was 
this  policy  which  led  certain  unions  to  restrict  their 
members  and  to  demand  that  no  non-union  labour  should 
be  employed.  As  men,  too,  by  the  extension  of  the  fran- 
chise, realised  more  political  consciousness  and  power, 
and  by  extension  of  education  widened  their  thoughts, 
it  was  this  policy  which  led  to  increased  embitterment 
between  Capital  and  Labour. 

Labour  followed  its  own  plans  for  dealing  with  an 
accepted  evil;  Capital  never  united  to  plan  out  a  joint 
method  of  dealing  with  it;  the  State  crept  in  with  its 
ineffectual  and  expensive  labour  exchanges,  which  could 
not  cope  with  it  and  only  led  to  worse  estrangement. 
Meanwhile  the  canker  of  ca'  canny  spread,  mitigated  by  the 
earnest  desire  of  individuals  to  succeed,  to  get  advancement 
in  life,  to  have  outlet  for  enterprise.  Its  evils  are  manifest 
in  such  trades  as  the  moulders,  who  even  during  the  War 
would  not  give  up  then:  methods  of  slow-time  work  lest 
the  struggles  of  their  unions  in  past  years  should  be 
endangered  :  and  now  amongst  the  builders,  who  will  not 
break  away  from  the  restricted  amount  of  bricks  to  be  laid 
within  a  given  time.  It  was  only  the  common  purpose  of 
the  War  which  hindered  its  influence  in  many  works,  and 


302  PROPAGANDA    AND    CA'    CANNY 

showed  what  its  absence  might  produce.  It  would  be 
useless  to  calculate  how  much  talent  and  how  many  rising 
hopes  have  been  dashed  down  in  the  atmosphere  of  insis- 
tence on  time-work  with  its  watchword,  "  Keep  your  time 
by  the  slowest,"  or  in  the  absolute  command  of  foremen 
or  colleagues  that  the  number  of  rivets,  the  tale  of  bricks, 
the  lasting  of  boots,  the  cuts  of  clothes,  or  the  output  of 
articles  of  every  kind  must  be  kept  within  or  below  the 
rule  of  the  shop. 

As  late  as  January  1918  Sir  Lynden  Macassey,  who  did 
arbitration  work  during  the  War,  and  became  head  of  the 
shipyard  Labour  Department,  published  a  few  uncontra- 
dicted  instances  which  will  serve  as  illustrations.  He 
said : 

"  A  discharged  soldier  who  returned  to  work  for  a  motor- 
car firm  at  Birmingham  found  that  in  turning  cylinders  he 
could  do  a  job  in  forty-three  minutes,  and  he  maintained 
this  speed  for  three  weeks.  The  man  was  warned  that  the 
official  time  was  seventy  minutes.  The  warning  being 
ignored,  on  November  4  last  the  union  stopped  the  shop 
until  the  man  was  moved  to  other  work.  The  same  kind 
of  intervention  seems  to  take  place  on  most  engineering 
work  on  which  piece-rates  are  paid. 

"  In  the  collieries  the  restriction  is  exercised  indirectly. 
If  a  miner  exceeds  a  certain  output  per  day,  varying  from 
four  to  seven  tons,  he  finds  himself  delayed  by  the  '  shunt ' 
men,  who  cut  down  his  supply  of  tubs  and  props.  In 
South  Wales  and  Lanarkshire  the  output  laid  down  is  a 
fixed  number  of  tubs  per  day,  called  a  '  stint,'  and  if  this 
were  regularly  exceeded  the  pit  would  be  stopped  to  enforce 
it.  The  same  applies  to  the  docks.  Recently  a  ship  dis- 
charging grain  in  bulk  in  Birkenhead  was  stopped  because 
the  union  considered  that  150  tons  a  day  was  an  excessive 
rate,  though  the  rate  was  laid  down  both  in  the  ship's 
charter-party  and  the  sale  contract ;  the  result  is  that 
the  elevators  are  now  running  at  23  per  cent,  below 
full  speed.  In  Cardiff  and  elsewhere  carters  are  not  now 
allowed  to  load  more  than  one  tier  on  team  wagons.  On 
November  10  last  a  team-lorry  was  stopped  in  Bute  Street, 
Cardiff,  by  the  union  delegate,  and  the  carter  made  to  unload 
eight  bags  which  were  in  a  second  tier.  At  Immingham  a 
motor-lorry  was  stopped  because  it  had  a  full  six-ton  load. 


EXAMPLES   OF   THE  DISEASE  303 

The  driver  asked  the  delegate  what  the  limit  was,  and  he 
said  :  '  I  don't  know,  but  you  have  got  too  much  on  there, 
anyhow.' 

"  Sometimes  the  restriction  appears  to  be  applied  by  the 
men  more  than  by  the  unions.  At  the  Cardiff  coal-tips 
the  men  are  turning  over  one  truck  every  seven  minutes, 
compared  with  two  minutes  before  the  War  ;  they  will  not 
keep  their  machines  running  at  full  speed.  The  ships' 
painters  in  Liverpool  and  Birkenhead  are  working  16 
per  cent,  per  hour  below  the  pre-war  rate.  In  leather- 
stamping  at  Leicester  the  men  refuse  to  cut  more  than  a 
certain  number  of  pieces  at  a  time,  and  this  amounts  to 
a  loss  of  effort  by  the  machine  of  4  per  cent.  In  bushel- 
ling wheat  at  Barrow,  the  men  will  not  allow  any  more  than 
two  bushels  to  be  made  up  every  three  minutes,  and  the 
unions  have  adopted  this  agreement  among  the  men  as  a 
definite  rule.  In  shipbuilding  on  the  Clyde  an  attempt 
was  made  to  limit  the  output  of  riveters  by  keeping  the  boy 
rivet-heaters  to  a  set  number. 

"  The  restriction  is  of  special  moment  when  we  find  it 
applied  to  house-building.  At  Huddersfield,  during  the 
building  of  an  extension,  four  men  were  stopped  by  their 
union  for  three  days  because  they  laid  480  bricks  in  a  day 
of  eight  hours.  A  slater  was  warned  at  the  same  place 
because  he  fixed  a  gutter — a  plumber's  job — in  order  that 
he  might  get  on  with  his  own  work.  Instances  might  be 
multiplied  indefinitely." 

The  few  instances  alone  serve  to  show  an  amazing 
restriction  on  personal  liberty,  but  no  Acts  of  Parliament 
can  cope  with  it. 

Even  in  the  War  the  express  provisions  of  the  Munitions 
of  War  Acts  enacting  that  "  any  rule,  practice,  or  custom 
not  having  the  force  of  law  which  tends  to  restrict  production 
or  employment  shall  be  suspended,  and  if  any  person  induces 
or  attempts  to  induce  any  other  person  (whether  any 
particular  person  or  generally)  to  comply  or  continue  to 
comply  with  such  a  rule,  practice,  or  custom,  that  person 
shall  be  guilty  of  an  offence  under  this  Act  "  were  flouted 
or  set  at  naught.  Arbitrators  tried  to  enforce  the  enact- 
ment, but  with  little  effect.  The  doctrine  that  it  was  not 
to  be  done  for  the  employers'  benefit  fell  in  with  the  view 
that  old  custom  or  so-called  privileges  should  continue, 


304  PROPAGANDA    AND    CA'    CANNY 

and   counteracted  the   principle  that  a  fair  day's  work 
should  be  given  for  a  fair  day's  wage. 

Now,  with  the  rise  of  wages  and  the  reduction  of  hours, 
there  is  far  less  pith  in  the  contentions  which  have  been 
advanced  in  favour  of  ca'  canny,  but  the  preaching  of 
slackness  still  continues,  its  practice  is  grievously  general, 
and  once  again,  unless  a  common  purpose  and  better  feeling 
can  be  and  is  obtained,  with  direct  interest  of  a  man  in  the 
result  of  his  work,  the  blows  which  ca'  canny  has  received 
will  have  no  more  effect  upon  its  strength  than  the  flip 
of  a  boxer's  glove. 


CHAPTER  XXX 

UNEMPLOYMENT 

IT  has  been  said  that  one  defence  of  "  ca'  canny  "  is  that  it 
is  a  preventive  of  unemployment,  by  prolongation  of  the 
time  taken  on  the  work  and  delay  in  permitting  supply  to 
overtake  demand.  The  general  result  must  be  that  the  cost 
of  production  is  largely  increased,  and  if  the  article  is  a 
necessary  of  life,  or  one  of  the  articles  known  as  an  amenity 
of  life,  the  increased  cost  affects  the  workpeople  concerned 
as  well  as  the  majority  of  the  community. 

Besides  this  drawback,  no  account  is  taken  that,  if 
production  is  increased,  goods  can  be  sold  at  a  cheaper  rate, 
demand  is  stimulated,  articles  become  more  and  more 
required  for  the  maintenance  of  a  better  standard,  and  far 
greater  employment  is  apt  to  result  than  if  goods  are 
maintained  as  expensive  luxuries  for  the  few.  The  cycle, 
motor,  sewing-machines,  gas-stoves  and  fires,  and  soap 
trades  might  be  cited  as  instances.  If  "  ca'  canny  "  could 
have  held  its  own  against  new  inventions  or  foreign  com- 
petition, the  hand-loom  would  be  attempting  to  supply 
garments  to  the  nation.  Unemployment  for  a  time  might 
not  have  existed  among  hand-loom  weavers,  but  the  greater 
employment,  if  "  ca'  canny  "  could  have  won,  would  have 
been  absent.  There  would  have  been  no  huge  textile 
industries  employing  hundreds  of  thousands  of  people ; 
clothing  millions  at  a  reasonable  price  ;  increasing  the 
demand  almost  always  in  advance  of  an  increased  supply ; 
and  leading  to  the  introduction  or  vast  development  of 
innumerable  other  industries — machine-making,  building, 
agriculture,  and  all  the  industries  concerned  with  the 
provision  of  wool,  cotton,  and  every  kind  of  textile. 

It  seems  sometimes  to  be  assumed  that  unemployment 
can  be  stopped  by  Act  of  Parliament.  Strikes  and  lockouts 
cannot  be  stopped  by  Act  of  Parliament.  The  most  that  an 

305 


306  UNEMPLOYMENT 

Act  of  Parliament  could  do  would  be  to  give  privileges  to 
persons  who  voluntarily  agreed  to  defer  the  rights  of  freedom 
connoted  by  the  power  to  lockout  or  strike,  in  return  for 
delay  in  the  exercise  of  the  rights.  So,  too,  unemployment 
cannot  be  stopped  by  Act  of  Parliament.  The  right  of  a 
person  to  live  may  be  doubted,  though  in  a  civilised  com- 
munity it  is  not  desirable  in  the  interests  of  the  community 
that  a  person  should  starve.  The  right  of  a  person  to  work 
may  also  be  open  to  question.  What  work  ?  The  special 
work  which  alone  the  individual  can  do.  Is  Parliament 
to  keep  on  providing  hand-looms  and  insisting  that  hand- 
loom  weavers  must  be  provided  with  hand-loom  work  ? 
In  the  United  States,  if  a  man  cannot  earn  enough  at  one 
trade,  his  wife  will  tell  him  to  seek  elsewhere,  that  there 
is  plenty  of  work  to  be  found  if  he  will  use  his  brains  or  his 
hands.  He  can  come  back  to  his  own  trade  when  there 
is  work  available  there.  In  this  country  the  tendency  is 
for  a  man  to  say  he  can  do  nothing  else  and  will 
know  nothing  else  than  the  particular  trade  he  has 
chosen  and  of  which  he  knows  a  little ;  say,  for  example, 
joinery.  Unless  there  is  joinery  to  be  got,  he  will  remain 
idle,  and  suppose  that  somebody  must  provide  joinery  for 
him  to  do.  Joinery  may  not  be  wanted  by  anyone. 
Scientific  arrangement  might  have  spread  the  joinery 
required  in  a  district  over  a  longer  period,  but  it  might  have 
been  extremely  difficult  for  any  person  to  judge  the  exact 
time  or  the  exact  amount  of  work  required  before  the 
joinery  demand  of  that  district  was  entirely  satisfied.  He 
may  seek  joinery  work  elsewhere,  possibly  breaking  up 
his  home  for  that  purpose  ;  he  may  rely  on  unemploy- 
ment insurance,  which  at  least  will  tide  over  a  period ; 
but  he  cannot  gain  much  by  sitting  still  and  ex- 
pecting that  somebody  will  invent  joinery  work  for  him 
to  do. 

Is  it  not  the  fact  that  in  every  trade,  from  time  to  time, 
there  is  slackness,  not  enough  work  for  all  who  desire  to  do 
it  ?  or  not  enough  to  supply  all  the  skilled  or  all  the  un- 
skilled workpeople  who  in  times  of  great  demand  might  be 
engaged  in  that  trade  ?  Even  the  best  and  most  scientific 
schemes  could  not  accurately  settle  the  exact  amount  of 
goods  required,  or  the  hour  when  supply  begins  to  exceed 
the  existing  demand.  Foresight  in  obtaining  new  markets, 
division  of  work  by  temporary  short  time,  unemployment 


IMPORTANCE  OF  DECASUALISATION       307 

insurance,  emigration  to  new  fields  of  work,  may  all  assist 
to  meet  the  difficulty,  but  the  difficulty  must  remain 
unless  the  individual  himself  has  brains  to  meet  the  emer- 
gency, education  to  turn  his  powers  to  another  and,  for  the 
time  being,  more  suitable  method  of  earning  a  livelihood. 
The  barrister  without  briefs  and  no  resources  will  turn  to 
writing  or  journalism,  the  clerk  adds  typewriting  or 
stenography  to  his  qualifications,  the  shopkeeper  tries  an- 
other line  of  business.  The  unskilled  men  have  not  the 
brain  or  the  initiative.  In  earlier  chapters  I  have  pointed  \ 
out  the  urgency  of  training  youths,  so  that  brains  may  be  , 
brought  out,  and  that  if  possible  they  should  learn  as  much 
as  practicable  of  several  lines  or  divisions  of  business  at 
which  they  would  be  capable  of  working,  even  if  at  times 
they  had  to  take  a  lower  place  than  that  to  which  they  had  ; 
advanced.  The  fact  remains  that  in  any  event  and  from  / 
time  to  time  there  will  be  seasons  or  periods  when  unemploy- 
ment looms  up,  unemployment  which,  if  continued, 
demoralises  men  and  tends  rapidly  to  make  them  as 
unemployable  as  those  whom  physical  disability  or  mental 
tendency  have  brought  to  the  same  position. 

The  number  has  been  diminished,  and  should  be  dimin- 
ished by  effort.  Even  in  the  London  docks  it  was  calcu- 
lated that  in  1889  there  were  only  16  per  cent,  permanently 
employed,  but  that  in  1911  the  number  had  risen  to 
72  per  cent.  In  times  of  bad  trade  and  in  seasonal  trades, 
such  as  building,  the  unskilled  and  casuals  are  the  first  to  be 
unemployed,  and  have  nothing  else,  through  lack  of  brains, 
to  which  they  can  turn  their  hands.  When,  in  1908,  the 
unemployed  were  registered  for  relief,  53  per  cent,  were 
casuals  and  19  per  cent,  in  the  building  trade,  that  trade 
which  now,  for  years  and  years,  does  not  seem  likely  to 
cope  with  even  the  ordinary  demands  of  the  population 
for  better  housing.  Labour  colonies  were  tried,  and 
found  to  be  disastrous  failures.  The  unemployed  and 
unemployable  could  not  work  together.  The  colonies 
destroyed  the  self-respect  of  the  honest  worker,  they  were 
laughed  at  by  the  tramp  who  did  not  wish  to  work.  As 
Mr.  Burns  truly  said,  in  February  1911,  relief  works  are 
like  opiates,  and  the  more  you  take  the  more  you  want.  He 
added,  "I  know  no  more  serious  danger,  morally,  physically, 
and  economically,"  Mr.  Burns  being  a  man  who  knew 
what  he  was  saying  and  had  headed  the  London  dock  strike 


308  UNEMPLOYMENT 

on  the  principle  of  reducing  casual  labour.  "  You  have 
no  right  to  break  the  proud  spirit  of  the  poor.  You  have 
no  right  to  undermine  the  sense  of  industry  ...  a  disaster 
to  the  nation." 

The  Reports  of  the  Central  Unemployed  Body  showed 
very  clearly  (1)  that  the  vast  majority  of  those  applying 
had  been  casual  labourers,  and  certainly  not  those  for  whom 
the  Unemployed  Workmen  Act  was  intended ;  (2)  that  the 
work  provided  had  done  nothing  to  permanently  improve 
the  position  of  those  who  had  received  it ;  (3)  that  it  had 
been  impossible  to  provide  work  for  more  than  a  small 
proportion  of  those  who  applied.  Surely  this  is  a  very  apt 
description  of  the  work  and  tendency  of  labour  exchanges, 
to  which  I  have  already  alluded. 

The  Poor  Law  Commission  of  1832  denounced  the  abuse 
of  outdoor  relief  to  the  able-bodied,  a  system  which  Sidney 
Smith  said  was  "  eating  out  the  vitals  of  the  nation." 
The  Commissioners  may  have  been  stringent  in  their 
recommendations,  which  resulted  in  the  Poor  Law  Act 
of  1834,  but  they  exposed  clearly  diversion  of  funds  : 
"  it  is  our  painful  duty  to  report  that  the  fund  which  was 
directed  to  be  employed  in  the  necessary  relief  of  the  im- 
potent is  applied  to  purposes  destructive  of  the  morals  of 
the  most  numerous  class  and  to  the  welfare  of  all." 

Nearly  a  hundred  years  have  passed,  and  the  country 
has  but  recently  TC  verted  to  a  system  of  "  doles,"  and  is  still 
faced  with  the  unemployment  problem  ;  arising  sometimes 
from  lack  of  demand  in  the  world  at  large,  over  which  there 
is  no  practicable  control,  sometimes  from  local  causes  owing 
to  the  surplus  of  labour  required  in  a  particular  locality 
for  a  particular  trade.  Are  we  again  to  revert  to  the 
pernicious  and  demoralising  system  of  "  doles,"  or  *'  some- 
thing for  nothing  "  ?  or  are  we  going  to  try  to  face  the 
problem  with  energy  ?  There  may  be  always  required 
old-age  pensions  for  aged  persons  who  cannot  work,  though 
the  question  whether  they  should  come  from  the  State, 
the  industry,  the  firm,  the  family,  or  thrift  may  be  debated 
by  persons  according  to  their  views.  There  may  always 
be  necessity  for  aid  to  the  destitute,  to  whom  in  theory 
the  Poor  Laws  applied  and  should  apply,  bringing  in  under 
certain  circumstances  the  mother,  the  infant,  the  school- 
child,  the  sick,  the  mentally  deficient,  the  aged  and  infirm, 
though  with  many  of  these,  apart  from  Acts  of  Parliament 


IMPORTANCE   OF   PRODUCTION  309 

intended  to  be  ameliorative,  better  economic  status  would 
permit  better  aid  from  the  family.  There  may  always  be 
the  tramp  and  vagrant,  and  those  who  love  "  the  freedom 
of  the  road,"  as  well  as  the  habitual  criminals,  though 
every  effort  should  be  made  to  prevent  children  falling 
into  these  classes  and  adding  to  their  numbers. 

Whatever  may  be  the  sources  of  the  recruits  to  the  un- 
employed and  the  ranks  of  the  poor,  it  may  be  noted  that  in 
October  1919  there  were,  exclusive  of  vagrants,  lunatics, 
and  cases  of  outdoor  medical  relief,  130  paupers  in  every 
10,000  of  the  population,  or  238,563  paupers  (109,816  in- 
door and  128,747  outdoor  cases)  in  the  United  Kingdom, 
with  London  responsible  for  nearly  68,000  of  them,  at  a 
time  when  the  unemployment  dole  was  still  running. 

What  would  a  business  man  do  if  his  business  was  running 
down  through  lack  of  demand,  and  he  saw  before  him 
diminished  returns  or  the  necessity  of  piling  up  stock  ?  He 
would  try  for  fresh  openings,  new  trade,  increased  activity 
from  advertisement,  agents,  and  customers,  with  a  view  to 
the  maintenance  of  his  business  and  increased  prosperity. 
The  more  cheaply  he  could  produce  by  elimination  of  waste, 
by  consideration  whether  quantity  would  ensure  less  cost 
and  more  clients,  by  improved  appliances,  by  better  work, 
the  more  confident  he  would  feel  that  he  might  keep  or 
enlarge  his  market.  At  the  present  time,  when  the  whole 
world  is  crying  out  for  goods  and  the  home  market  in  many 
classes  of  goods  is  not  nearly  met ;  when  for  years  to  come 
the  demand  seems  bound  to  continue,  production  is  the  best 
panacea  for  unemployment,  but  with  production  continuous 
care  to  foresee  the  developments  of  the  future  and  so  widen 
the  area  of  trade  on  every  side.  The  last  thing  which  the 
business  man  should  think  of  doing  is  the  creation  of 
unemployment  by  the  lack  of  assiduity  on  his  part.  In 
the  long-run  it  will  be  harmful  to  him  and  the  country. 
If  development  and  continuous  work  is  in  sight,  the  work- 
man is  less  likely  to  have  the  fear  of  unemployment  before 
his  eyes.  Such  business  care  may,  and  would,  largely  tend 
to  diminish  any  lack  of  demand  from  the  world  at  large. 
It  is  our  interest  to  stimulate  demand  ;  to  keep  and  enlarge 
our  markets,  to  maintain  our  reputation  as  a  nation  of 
shopkeepers.  There  is  a  glorious  opportunity  as  a  nation 
of  shopkeepers.  There  is  a  glorious  opportunity  for  this 
country,  if  it  chooses  to  take  it,  but  without  production, 


310  UNEMPLOYMENT 

without  work,  opportunity  may  pass  away  and  not  again 
recur. 

However  much  the  world-demand  may  be  the  principal 
factor  for  a  great  exporting  country,  only  to  be  met  by 
keen  brains  and  good  work,  there  remains  the  difficulty 
of  unemployment  at  home,  through  trades  chiefly  concerned 
with  the  home  market,  or  with  seasonal  trades,  like  the 
building  trade,  which  now  appears  so  seriously  to  hinder 
the  welfare  of  the  community.  In  some  of  these  trades 
— though,  as  far  as  can  be  judged,  not  for  a  long 
time  in  the  building  trade — there  is  bound  to  be 
fluctuating  and  sporadic  unemployment,  or  at  least  such 
lack  of  demand  as  might  lead  to  unemployment.  Each 
instance  of  it  is  liable,  like  a  sore  hurtful  to  the  whole  body, 
to  increase  suspicion,  distrust,  continuance  of  "  ca'  canny," 
and  demands  for  new  social  organisations  which  might  in 
their  attempted  development  lead  to  disturbance,  certain 
to  end  either  in  a  compromise  or  in  bitter  and  unwanted 
strife,  and  equally  certain  to  be  harmful  to  our  trading 
prosperity. 

How  is  this  issue  to  be  met  ?  It  is  not  an  issue  that  the 
State  can  meet  suddenly,  except  by  such  an  evil  policy  as 
doles.  It  is  unfair  to  the  State,  already  overburdened,  and 
to  the  general  taxpayers,  who  have  to  subscribe  to  the  State, 
that  the  burden  of  lack  of  vision  or  business  qualities  by 
employers,  or  "  ca'  canny"  on  the  part  of  workpeople,  in 
sections  of  industry,  should  be  foisted  upon  them.  It  is  a 
common  interest  of  wage-payers  and  the  majority  of  wage- 
earners,  that  the  difficulty  should  be  avoided,  the  hardship 
minimised.  A  solution  cannot  be  effected  in  a  day.  Every 
person  who  has  dealt  with  the  Poor  Law,  or  any  other 
administrative  law  or  scheme  which  affects  large  numbers 
of  individuals,  knows  that  personal  elements,  individual 
examination,  sympathetic  feeling,  the  elimination  of  the 
unfit,  and  occasionally  a  hard  rule,  are  necessary  for  the 
achievement  of  any  success.  Time  and  patience,  often 
rendered  nugatory  by  cross-currents  of  conflicting  interests 
or  different  theories,  are  found  to  be  essential  for  real  results. 
It  can  only  be  by  hard  effort  that  the  evil  can  be  minimised. 
Even  so,  it  is  desirable  that  the  right  paths  should  be 
followed.  With  all  diffidence  I  say,  on  this  extremely 
difficult  problem,  that  the  right  lines  are  (1)  education,  so 
that  youth  may  have  opportunity  to  obtain  a  fair  chance  of 


PALLIATIVES   FOR  UNEMPLOYMENT          311 

advancement,  and  if  obliged  to  take  the  position,  through 
lack  of  opportunity,  brain,  or  initiative,  of  a  "  hewer  of 
wood  and  drawer  of  water,"  a  fair  chance  of  turning 
his  physical  strength  fron  one  business  to  another ; 
(2)  insurance  against  unemployment,  so  that  during  tem- 
porary slackness  of  trade  there  may  be  opportunity, 
without  loss  of  all  current  income,  for  change  of  work  or 
employer,  or  time  to  await  renewed  possibility  ;  (3)  unity 
of  purpose  and  co-operation  between  employer  and  employed 
in  each  trade,  so  that  in  time  of  prosperity  mutual  arrange- 
ments may  be  made  to  deal  with  persons  engaged  in  the 
industry  in  times  of  adversity,  each  trade  arriving  at  its 
own  scheme.  If  any  national  insurance  continues  to  exist, 
it  ought  to  be  treated  as  a  minimum  which  has  to  be 
bettered  or  excluded. 

The  Industrial  Council  of  the  building  trade  has  set  an  ex- 
ample in  this  direction,  though  it  is  not  very  clear  how  the 
payment  of  contributions  is  brought  home  to  individuals. 
They  have  recommended  that,  in>  cases  of  unavoidable 
unemployment,  the  maintenance  of  its  unemployed  mem- 
bers shall  be  undertaken  by  the  industry  through  its 
employment  committees,  and  that  the  necessary  revenue 
shall  be  raised  by  means  of  a  fixed  percentage  on  the  wages 
bills,  and  paid  weekly  to  the  employment  committee  by 
each  employer  on  the  joint  certificate  of  himself  and  a  shop 
steward  or  other  accredited  trade  union  representative. 

Any  other  system  than  a  system  of  the  responsibility 
of  each  trade  must  lead  to  doles  or  subsidies  to  a  particular 
industry.  Doles  have  been  condemned  over  and  over 
again,  by  generation  after  generation.  Wherever  they  have 
been  tried  they  have  ultimately  failed  and  been  denounced. 
Subsidies  are  generally  unfair,  taxing  other  industries  ; 
can  only  be  excused  for  national  reasons  ;  are  subject  to 
political  influence,  passing  phases  of  sentiment,  or  the  bias 
of  personal  judgment.  It  is  the  duty  of  an  industry  to  mam- 
tain  its  own  reserves  of  labour.  If  reserves  are  required,  it 
should  pay  for  the  reserve.  If  it  is  argued  that  the  co-  \ 
operation  of  employers  and  employed  in  an  industry  or  in 
a  firm  (and  wise  is  the  firm  which  follows  the  principle) 
to  provide  for  unemployment,  sickness,  or  old  age  will  lead 
to  trusts  and  combines  against  the  interest  of  the  consumer, 
I  can  only  give  an  opinion.  That  opinion  is  that  the  argu- 
ment is  sheer  nonsense.  In  these  small  islands,  highly 
21 


312  UNEMPLOYMENT 

developed  as  they  are  even  at  the  present  time,  with  a 
watchful  Press,  a  democratic  franchise,  and  keen  competi- 
tors, detrimental  trusts  can  be  defeated  almost  before  they 
begin  to  exist.  The  scare  of  trusts  is  a  hypothetical  scare 
of  the  possible  future.  The  problem  of  unemployment  is 
a  vital,  immediate,  and  urgent  question  which  cannot  be 
ignored. 


CHAPTER  XXXI 

SOCIALISM 

PRIOR  to  the  War  much  was  said  and  written  from  time  to 
time  on  the  value  of  co-partnership.  The  type  of  co- 
partnership proposed  seems  to  have  been  an  alliance 
between  Capital  and  Labour  in  the  sense  of  giving  Labour 
an  opportunity  to  take  a  share  in  the  business.  It  was  not 
the  same  principle  as  co-operative  production.  Co- 
operative production  had  led  to  small  undertakings  and 
numerous  failures,  as  in  the  case  of  the  quarries  started 
after  the  Penrhyn  disputes.  They  lacked  capital  and 
skilled  management,  and  failed  to  expand  into  large 
undertakings.  It  was  also  not  the  same  principle  on  which 
business  was  practised  by  those  large  co-operative  distri- 
butive societies  which  have  grown  from  small  beginnings 
into  immense  industrial  undertakings. 

Lord  Robert  Cecil  was  specially  prominent  in  advocacy  of 
co-partnership,  saying  that  he  was  "  convinced  that  the  co- 
partnership system  held  the  secret  of  the  solution  of  our 
industrial  problems,  if  any  solution  was  to  be  found.  Co- 
partnership was  not  merely  profit-sharing ;  it  also  repre- 
sented a  sharing  of  the  capital  and  a  sharing  of  the  respon- 
sibilities. It  was  by  the  adoption  of  that  principle  in  the 
industrial  life  of  this  country  that  we  might  seek  and  hope  to 
secure  a  peaceful  issue  of  the  present  threatening  condition 
of  affairs."  The  co-partnership  undertaking  which  is  con- 
tinually cited  as  an  example  for  others  is  the  South  Metro- 
politan Gas  Company  and  the  scheme  of  its  chairman,  the 
late  Sir  George  Livesey.  Lord  Robert  praised  co-partner- 
ship at  the  unveiling  of  the  Livesey  statue.  The  scheme  was 
unfortunate  in  its  origin,  being  the  outcome  of  a  big  strike 
in  1889,  which  has  not  endeared  it  to  trade  unions.  The  com- 
pany's principles  are  the  payment  of  a  percentage  bonus,  half 

313 


314  SOCIALISM 

in  cash  and  half  in  shares,  on  all  salaries  and  wages,  varying 
in  amount  according  to  the  price  at  which  the  gas  is  sold 
to  the  consumer.  The  principle  has  extended  in  the  gas 
industry,  thirty-four  gas  companies  working  on  analogous 
co-partnership  plans  by  1912.  It  may  be  remarked  that 
this  industry,  working  under  statutory  obligations  and 
possessing  monopolies,  would  generally  have  no  loss, 
and  consequently  a  bonus  is  practically  certain. 

Another  salient  example  is  that  of  Messrs.  Lever  Bros., 
at  Port  Sunlight,  where  partnership  certificates  are  issued 
equal  in  amount  annually  to  10  per  cent,  of  the  salary  or 
wages  of  those  employees  qualified  to  share  under  the 
scheme,  the  certificates  participating  pari  passu  with  the 
ordinary  share  scrip,  after  5  per  cent,  has  been  paid  upon 
ordinary  shares. 

But,  however  useful  such  schemes  may  be  in  special  and 
profitable  businesses,  many  of  which  might  possibly  under- 
take them  with  advantage,  it  cannot  be  said  that  they  have 
had  much  influence  on  the  general  industrial  conditions 
of  the  country.  Only  298  schemes  are  reported  to  have  been 
started  between  1865  and  1912,  and  of  these  only  133 
continued  to  exist  in  1912,  though  they  were  spread  over 
about  sixty  different  trades  and  industries.  The  majority 
of  them  do  not  give  the  workpeople,  particularly  the  un- 
skilled workpeople,  whose  share  must  be  small,  a  sufficient 
interest  in  the  business  to  ensure  thrift  or  keen  interest  in 
the  success  of  the  business.  The  call  of  the  trade  unions 
and  their  rules  are  too  strong  a  force  on  the  opposite  side, 
and  the  trade  unions  are  generally  hostile  to  any  support 
of  them.  The  schemes  may  coincide  with  other  advantages 
which  firms  may  start  with  a  view  to  co-operation  in  inter- 
ests, but  can  seldom  be  the  "  end-all  "or  "  be-all  "  which 
would  allay  unrest.  It  is  certain  that  any  conditions 
annexed  to  such  schemes  restricting  freedom  to  join  a  union 
or  to  strike,  or  which  lead  to  the  belief  that  the  schemes 
may  reduce  the  ordinary  rates  of  wages,  will  be  bound  to 
lead  to  failure.  It  should  also  be  noted  that  co-partnership 
schemes  must  insist  on  a  portion  of  the  bonus  payment 
being  reserved  for  investment  in  the  business,  otherwise 
the  recipient  may  be  profit-sharing,  but  does  not  tend, 
however  slowly,  to  become  a  co-partner.  There  may  be 
future  developments  of  co-partnership,  but  I  should  be  loth 
to  say  that  schemes  as  at  present  devised  provide  an  example 


SCHEMES  OF  CO-PARTNERSHIP  815 

which,  if  followed,  would  satisfy  the  relations  of  Capital  and 
Labour.  Some  of  the  schemes  by  different  firms  do  improve 
the  chances  of  suitable  men  getting  through  by  merit  or 
initiative,  on  which  I  have  laid  stress,  and  in  that  sense  and 
as  some  inducement  to  thrift  cannot  be  ignored.  They 
are  examples  of  the  various  ideas  which  may  be  said  to  be 
fructifying  in  the  silent  ranks  of  employers  with  a  view  to 
meeting  the  theories  and  claims  which  are  so  prevalent 
in  the  ranks  of  employees,  or  at  least  in  their  speeches  and 
writings.  Although  employers  are  now  more  and  more 
alive  to  the  value  of  co-operation,  and  as  a  whole  i  desire 
better  feeling,  they  have  been  slow  hi  taking  steps  to 
answer  by  argument,  and  to  defend  the  cause  of  reward 
to  individual  exertion,  and  the  value  of  initiative,  and  the 
greater  causes  of  individual  liberty  and  of  ideals  higher 
than  the  pursuit  of  mere  material  gain. 

As  compared  with  these  minor  efforts,  the  exertions  of 
many  theorists  and  leaders  of  labour  are  in  startling  con- 
trast. The  War  seems  to  have  acted  as  a  forcing-house, 
and  brought  forward  old  and  new  plants  with  rapid  growth, 
far  more  varied  in  number  than  any  produced  by  the 
employers.  Although  the  chief  development  has  come 
since  the  War,  they  all  claim  to  be  the  historical  or  natural 
result  of  causes  or  aims  existing  before  the  War.  All  have 
certain  connecting-links,  or  may  even  be  denned  as 
varieties  of  a  stock  plant  generally  termed  *'  Socialism,"  but 
in  view  of  their  variety  it  is  difficult  to  prophesy  which  of 
them,  if  any,  will  have  a  governing  influence  on  the 
industrial  future  of  the  country. 

If  my  account  of  the  big  disputes  for  the  ten  years 
previous  to  the  War  is  correct,  the  reader  may  be  able  to 
exercise  his  judgement  as  to  how  far  these  strikes  or  lock- 
outs were  commenced  or  carried  forward  with  any  idea 
or  set  purpose  of  gaining  the  acceptance  of  any  particular 
ideal  or  theory  by  the  country.  That  some  of  the  persons 
engaged  in  them  held  one  or  other  ideal  or  theory  is 
certain.  Such  persons  appeared  in  every  strike,  particu- 
larly in  the  Irish  disputes,  which  most  nearly  approached, 
or  were  worked  upon,  demands  for  a  complete  change  of 
social  organisation.  Mr.  Larkin,  backed  by  the  clever 
brain  of  the  late  Mr.  Conolly,  did  profess  to  have  ideas, 
though  he  could  not  give  them  such  clear  expression  as  his 
tutor  might  have  achieved.  But  Mr.  Larkin  only  supported 


316  SOCIALISM 

one  theory,  a  theory  which  found  little  support  in  Great 
Britain.  The  trade  unions  of  Great  Britain  did  not  aid 
Larkin  or  Larkinism,  but  assisted  with  food  the  hungry 
in  Dublin,  and  sent  their  deputations  to  advise  that 
trade  union  principles  should  be  as  far  as  possible  asserted 
and  not  injured. 

There  are  many  other  forms  of  socialism  which  have 
been,  and  are  still  being,  put  forward,  difficulty  arising 
from  their  variety  to  such  an  extent  that  union  on  any 
common  platform  seems  almost  impossible.  Some  would 
leave  each  state  as  it  is  ;  some  would  have  one  uniform 
type  of  state,  e.g.  a  "  democratic  state  "  ;  some  advocate 
no  separate  states.  Socialistic  theories  differ,  again, 
in  the  extent  to  which  they  would  bring  corporate  action 
to  bear  on  the  interests  of  individuals  :  some  would  leave 
a  place  for  individual  enterprise  ;  some  would  "  socialise  " 
all  individual  effort;  some  would  "  nationalise  "  all  industry, 
others  only  some  industries.  Certain  socialistic  theories 
would  confine  corporate  action  to  municipalities,  others 
to  political  states.  Others  would  concentrate  attention  on 
or  even  interpret  the  entire  life  of  a  community  in  terms 
of  the  economic  conditions  of  a  society;  others  would 
socialise  everything  in  a  community,  including  all  the 
traditionally  accepted  "  institutions."  Certain  socialists 
would  secure  their  ends  at  once,  or  as  soon  as  the  power  is 
in  their  hands  ;  other  groups  are  prepared  to  wait  and  work 
gradually  for  a  socialistic  community  of  the  future  ;  or,  in 
other  words,  immediate  revolution  is  the  aim  of  one  section  ; 
progressive  evolution  of  actual  society  to  the  ends  of 
socialism  appeals  to  another.  In  certain  details,  as  in  the 
acceptance  of  free  education,  everybody  may  have 
acquiesced  in  some  socialistic  views,  but  the  ordinary 
individual  is  very  perplexed  with  the  many  theories 
continuously  advanced.  It  has  been  described  as  a 
"  seething  welter,"  from  which,  as  may  be  noted  in  any 
railway  train,  the  young  man  takes  refuge  in  Tit-bits  or 
other  amusing  papers,  or  in  the  latest  news  of  sport. 
This  fact  does  not,  however,  preclude  the  existence  of  the 
position  that  on  matters  of  business  his  faith  has  been  made 
up  for  him  or  he  has  made  up  his  faith,  and  does  not  want 
to  worry  himself  any  more  upon  the  subject. 

If  the   results    are  variable  in    character,  the    sources 
from  which  the  movements  originate  may  also  be  said  to 


INTENTION  OF  SOCIALISM  317 

be  very  variable.  Sometimes  a  theory  can  be  traced  to  the 
philanthropic  enthusiasm  of  its  author;  or,  again,  to  an 
active  personal  hostility  to  existing  governments ;  in  an- 
other case  to  a  deep  sense  of  the  misery  endured  by  many 
under  the  prevailing  industrial  regime;  sometimes  to 
reaction  against  a  previous  theory ;  or  even  to  a  vivid 
imagination  of  what  society  might  be.  But,  though  the 
"  seething  welter"  be  admitted,  certain  broad  divisions  are 
at  least  to  be  discerned;  and  if  a  general  definition  is 
possible,  it  may  perhaps  be  said  that  the  characteristic 
feature  of  socialism,  whether  as  a  theory  or  a  practical 
attitude  towards  the  problems  of  society,  is  the  exclusive 
and  unrestricted  application  of  the  power  of  the  corporate 
action  of  the  community  as  a  whole  to  the  solution  of  some 
or  all  of  the  questions  which  arise  out  of  the  conflicting 
interests,  more  especially  the  conflicting  economic  interests, 
of  the  individuals  comprising  a  community. 

There  is  practical  intention  in  socialism.  It  may  be  said 
that,  with  hardly  any  exception,  all  such  theories  are  put 
forward,  not  in  the  interests  of  mere  scientific  knowledge 
of  society,  but  with  a  view  to  the  practical  transformation 
of  social  and  political  life  as  it  is.  Even  those  theories  which 
rest  on  a  materialistic  or  mechanical  conception  of  social 
evolution,  and  which  maintain  that  the  course  of  history 
is  necessarily  determined  in  the  direction  of  socialism, 
assume  that  a  theoretical  statement  of  the  inevitable  trend 
of  events  will  be  of  practical  assistance  in  hastening  or  in 
guiding  towards  the  desired  end.  There  is  doubtless 
an  inconsistency  in  holding  on  the  one  hand  that  the  course 
of  history  is  necessitated,  and  on  the  other  that  human  beings 
can  hasten  or  retard,  direct  or  misdirect,  its  course.  But 
no  socialist  is  restrained  by  theoretical  inconsistency  from 
giving  practical  indications  how  to  reach  the  ends  he  has 
in  mind,  and  urging  their  speedy  realisation.  It  is  the 
practical  value  of  socialistic  and  communistic  theories  as 
guides  to  social  and  political  action  which  is  their  main 
interest  both  for  those  who  expound  them  and  for  those 
to  whom  they  appeal. 

No  one  will  understand  the  influence  which  socialistic 
theories  have  exerted  in  recent  days  who  ignores  this 
underlying  conviction  of  the  practical  efficiency  of  socialism 
as  a  remedy  for  social  and  political  ills.  Without  this 
assumption,  socialism  would  have  no  hold  on  the  practical 


318  SOCIALISM 

conduct  of  the  disaffected,  the  depressed,  or  the  disinherited 
members  of  an  industrial  community.  Its  main  interest 
is  directed  towards  the  transformation  of  the  economic 
conditions  of  social  life  ;  and  its  interest  in  political  issues 
is  entirely  subordinate  to  the  problem  presented  by  the 
present  economic  status  of  the  worker,  more  especially  the 
wage-earner.  Indeed,  every  institution  is  regarded  from 
the  economic  point  of  view.  The  whole  present  framework 
of  society  is  looked  upon  as  supporting  the  economic 
system  which  socialism  seeks  to  alter.  Thus  certain  social- 
ists manifest  as  much  hostility  to  present  political, 
educational,  legal,  and  even  ecclesiastical  institutions  as 
towards  the  prevailing  industrial  system,  and  would  have 
these  modified  and  if  necessary  abolished,  if  this  is  the 
only  way  to  securing  the  economic  ends  they  have  in  view. 
Their  aim  is  material  comfort  or  economic  amelioration — 
everything  else  is  secondary.  Hence  the  so-called 
"  materialistic "  character  of  most  socialistic  theories, 
some  of  which,  like  those  of  Marx,  explicitly  rest  on  a 
materialistic  conception  of  human  society. 

In  order  to  achieve  this  economic  amelioration,  it  will, 
I  think,  be  found  that,  whatever  may  be  the  particular 
origin  of  any  given  theory,  socialism  and  communism  have 
been  based  on  three  main  considerations.  The  first  is 
the  glaring  contrast  between  the  lot  of  innumerable 
individuals  under  present  social  conditions  and  the  claims  of 
those  individuals  to  their  full  measure  of  human  happiness. 
The  second  is  the  proved  capacity  of  human  beings  for 
joint  action  for  social  and  political  purposes,  and  the  im- 
mense power  both  for  good  as  well  as  evil  which  can  be 
exerted  by  combined  action  for  specified  ends.  The  third 
is  the  conviction,  resting  partly  on  experience  and  partly 
on  mere  belief,  that  human  society  is  essentially  and  almost 
indefinitely  plastic,  and  can  be  moulded  into  any  form  to 
suit  human  needs. 

If  these  considerations  are  examined,  it  may  be  said 
that  the  first  hardly  requires  comment  and  explanation. 
The  history  of  industrial  life  during  the  last  hundred  years 
supplies  sufficient  evidence  in  support  of  the  position, 
and  provides  abundant  argument  to  the  socialist  for 
proposing  some  transformation  of  society.  It  may  be  said, 
in  spite  of  the  apparent  paradox,  that  socialism  is  as  a  rule 
more  concerned  for  individual  happiness  than  for  a  social 


CORPORATE  ACTION  819 

order.  The  transformation  of  society  is  primarily  a  means  ; 
individual  human  welfare,  as  understood  by  the  socialist, 
is  the  real  end  in  view.  Whether  or  not  it  can  be  attained 
by  socialism  has  not  yet  been  proved  by  mankind. 

Without  the  second  consideration  it  is  safe  to  say 
socialism  could  never  have  been  suggested  as  a  cure  for 
social  and  political  evils.  Corporate  action  for  purposes 
deliberately  adopted  is  a  prominent  and  most  distinctive 
feature  of  the  life  of  a  community.  The  pressure  such 
action  can  bring  to  bear  on  individuals  is  irresistible  when 
it  is  practically  unanimous,  and  a  powerful  check  to 
individual  caprice  even  where  it  is  not  unanimous.  It 
is  argued,  therefore,  that  all  that  is  necessary  to  secure 
reforms  or  social  changes  of  any  sort  is  that  the  power 
latent  in  corporate  life  should  be  in  the  hands  of  those  who 
have  most  to  gain  by  social  change  ;  and  that  since  under 
present  conditions  the  majority  of  individuals  making  up  the 
community  are  workpeople  who  have  everything  to  gain 
by  the  use  of  this  power,  the  workpeople  have  but  to 
stand  and  act  together  and  their  ends  will  be  attained. 
The  fact  that  power  is  not  proportionate  to  numbers  in 
the  community  is  argued  to  be  the  precise  cause  of  present 
evils,  a  grievance  to  those  who  suffer  from  it,  a  privilege 
to  those  who  benefit  by  it,  and  an  injustice  in  the  con- 
stitution of  society.  Power,  it  is  held,  should  be  adequate 
to  happiness,  or  at  any  rate  to  that  form  of  happiness 
which  consists  in  material  comfort.  A  social  situation 
in  which  those  who  are  comfortable  are  numerically  weak 
and  those  who  are  numerically  strong  have  much  less,  a 
situation  in  which  the  few  control  the  power  of  corporate 
action  for  their  advantage  and  the  many  who  create  the 
resources  of  the  community  have  no  power  to  control  its 
actions — such  a  situation,  where  it  exists,  is  one  which  has 
only  to  be  realised  in  order  to  be  condemned  or  to  demand 
alteration.  The  clear  and  conscious  appreciation  of  this 
position  is  the  driving  force  of  the  socialistic  movement. 

The  third  consideration  above  mentioned  is  also  most 
important.  It  is  assumed,  rightly  or  wrongly,  that  the 
individuals  comprising  a  community  can  make  of  a  com- 
munity what  they  please.  This  assumption  is  partly  due  to 
the  fact  that,  historically,  society,  or  at  any  rate  political 
society,  has  appeared  in  many  forms,  and  that  types  of  or- 
ganisation have  originated,  developed,  and  passed  away.  In 


320  SOCIALISM 

short,  history  shows  that,  while  a  human  society  may  be 
relatively  stable,  its  structure  and  composition  may  change 
indefinitely  and  are  not  rigidly  fixed.  The  assumption  is 
partly  due  to  the  everyday  fact  that  men,  by  individual 
action,  can  and  do  change  the  life  of  a  community  for  the 
better  or  for  the  worse.  Human  nature  and  human  society 
are,  in  a  word,  plastic.  Hence  it  is  supposed  there  is  no 
reason  whatever  for  accepting  any  social  condition  as 
fatally  unchangeable.  With  effort,  more  especially  with 
combined  effort,  a  society  may  be  changed  gradually 
or  catastrophically,  in  a  generation  or  in  a  single  day. 
.  In  that  fact  or  in  that  conviction  lies  the  hope  and  the 
inspiration  of  socialism.  The  critic  of  theoretical  social- 
ism may  see,  in  such  a  contention,  paradox,  inconsistency, 
or  even  absurdity;  and  in  the  practical  development  of 
socialistic  movements  he  may  find  the  refutation  of  the 
assumption  on  which  socialistic  proposals  rest.  Experience 
constantly  reveals  that  human  nature  is  not  indefinitely 
plastic;  that  its  fundamental  elements  and  instincts  are 
apparently  as  unalterable  as  the  stars  in  their  courses, 
and  are  found  alike  in  the  socialists  who  condemn,  and 
in  those  who  uphold,  the  established  order  of  society ; 
that  human  society  cannot  adopt  any  form  we  please, 
but  must,  if  it  is  to  subsist,  follow  certain  rules,  accept 
certain  principles,  and  find  room  and  place  for  all  sorts 
and  conditions  of  men.  In  following  a  theory  the  socialist 
may  forget  human  nature.  Experience  tells  me  that 
the  socialist  often  does  forget  human  nature. 

I  have  said  that  socialism  is,  as  a  rule,  really  concerned 
with  individual  happiness.  It  might  appear  that  certain 
socialists,  more  particularly  State  socialists,  seem  to 
regard  the  community  in  its  corporate  capacity  as  a  kind 
of  earthly  providence,  and  to  inculcate  unquestioning 
service  for  the  community  as  a  supreme  end  of  individual 
action.  On  the  other  hand,  the  majority  of  socialists 
seem  to  treat  the  community  as  a  machine  for  obtaining 
the  equalised  well-being  of  individuals,  for  relieving  them 
from  the  inequalities  which  are  due  to  nature  or  circum- 
stance or  chance,  and  for  the  prevention  of  the  evils  of 
individual  self-seeking  and  individual  competition.  When 
certain  socialists  advocate  the  abolition  of  fixed  boundaries 
between  communities,  the  suppression  of  patriotic  in- 
stincts and  feelings,  and  the  internationalisation  of  the 


EQUALITY   OF  INDIVIDUALS  821 

interests  of  the  workers,  it  is  transparent  that  for  them, 
at  any  rate,  any  community  in  its  corporate  action  is  a 
means  to  the  ends  of  the  individuals  comprising  man- 
kind. Socialism  thus  seems  to  speak  with  two  voices. 
In  the  former  case  it  advocates  the  subordination  of  the 
individual  to  the  community ;  in  the  latter  case  it  desires 
the  subordination  of  the  community  to  its  individual 
components. 

In  either  case  it  seeks  to  secure  one  result  which  is 
characteristic  of  most,  if  not  of  all,  types  of  socialism — the 
equality  of  individuals  relatively  to  one  another.  This 
is  a  necessary  consequence,  as  it  is  the  persistent  claim  of 
socialism  that  all  individuals  should  be  equal,  not  merely 
*'  before  the  law,"  but  economically.  By  making  the 
corporate  will  of  the  community  alone  supreme  in  power 
and  authority  over  individuals,  it  abolishes  at  a  stroke  the 
superiority  of  one  individual  over  another,  which  unfettered 
competition  between  individuals  not  only  permits  but 
encourages.  The  hostility  of  socialism  to  the  capitalist 
system,  and  the  economic  equality  of  all  individuals,  are 
merely  two  sides  of  the  same  general  policy.  The  settle- 
ment of  the  conflict  with  capitalism  or  "bet  ween  individual 
interests  in  society  is  not  left  to  the  competitive  struggle 
of  individuals,  either  singly  or  in  groups,  but  would  be 
undertaken  by  and  directed  from  the  corporate  will  of  the 
whole  community  as  such,  purporting  to  act  impartially 
for  the  uniform  interests  of  all  individuals.  It  is  this 
corporate  will  of  the  whole  community  as  the  governing 
force  which  distinguishes  socialistic  action  from  trade 
union  action,  and  from  co-operative  action,  as  also  from 
State  action  in  the  ordinary  traditional  sense. 

A  trade  union  may  or  may  not  be  socialistic  in  its  policy : 
but  neither  in  principle  nor  in  facts  can  socialism  be 
identified  with  trade  unionism.  A  trade  union  is  a  form 
of  combination  of  individuals  within  a  community  for  the 
special  interest  of  the  workmen  in  a  particular  trade  or 
group  of  trades  :  it  does  not  cover  all  the  individuals  even 
in  the  trade  (for  it  excludes  the  employers) ;  it  does  not 
embrace  all  the  interests  of  all  individuals  in  the  com- 
munity ;  and  it  exercises  its  functions  by  the  sanction 
of  and  within  the  larger  life  of  the  community.  It  has 
been  recognised  that,  while  trade  unions  might  prepare 
the  way  for  and  could  promote  socialistic  action,  they  are 


322  SOCIALISM 

not  in  a  position  to  carry  through  a  programme  which 
covers  the  whole  life  of  society. 

Similarly  the  operation  of  co-operative  societies  is  distinct 
from  socialism.  They  concern  particular  individuals 
within  a  community  associated  voluntarily  for  mutual 
benefit ;  they  have  due  regard  to  the  varying  interests  and 
claims  of  each  individual ;  are  subject  to  dissolution  at  the 
desire  of  an  effective  majority ;  and  require  the  sanction 
of  the  community  for  then*  operations.  The  only  point  of 
resemblance  between  socialism  and  co-operative  associations 
is  that  both  seek  to  secure  a  common  simultaneous  advan- 
tage for  all  individuals  within  the  organisation  by  the 
distribution  of  the  entire  product  of  this  joint  effort  among 
the  producers.  In  other  respects  there  is  hardly  any 
resemblance  ;  for  example,  a  community  is  not  a  voluntary 
association,  it  requires  no  superior  sanction  for  its  action, 
and  most  socialistic  theories  would  not  allow  "  proportion- 
ate "  participation,  but  would  require  "  equal  "  participa- 
tion in  the  product. 

Socialism,  again,  is  clearly  distinguishable  from  State 
action  in  the  ordinary  sense.  Every  State  takes  some  care 
of  its  component  individuals,  and  decides  between  the 
conflicting  interests  of  individuals  in  certain  defined  cases, 
and  must  do  so  for  the  sake  of  the  order  and  unity  of  the 
community.  But  socialism  holds  that  the  community  in 
its  corporate  capacity  must  directly  impress  its  will  upon 
individual  interests,  so  as  to  secure  that  no  individual  shall 
pursue  his  advantage  at  the  expense  of  that  of  others,  that 
communal  action  shall  take  the  place  of  competitive  action 
between  individuals,  and  that  the  economic  resources  of  the 
community  shall  be  managed  on  behalf  of  the  common 
interest  of  all,  be  jointly  produced  by  all,  and  be  distributed 
on  the  principle  of  equality  to  all.  It  may  be  safely  said 
that  no  historical  State  has  acted  on  such  a  principle,  and 
the  action  of  the  State  on  behalf  of  individuals,  however 
closely  allied  in  effect  to  certain  aims  of  socialism,  as  in  the 
cases  of  State  education,  State  insurance,  State  inspection, 
etc.,  cannot,  therefore,  be  compared  with,  and  has  never 
been  accepted  by  socialists  as  equivalent  to,  the  position 
of  socialism. 

The  above  remarks  tend  to  indicate  the  difference  be- 
tween socialism  on  the  one  hand  and  the  actions  of  trade 
unions,  co-operative  societies,  and  the  ordinary  State. 


COMMUNISM  823 

The  difference  of  socialism  from  communism  and  anarchism 
is  much  less  ;  in  fact,  all  three  are  closely  connected.  The 
connection  between  socialism  and  communism  is,  indeed, 
so  close  that  the  terms  are  often  used  interchangeably 
both  in  ordinary  speech  and  by  writers  on  socialism.  But 
there  is  an  important  difference.  Socialism  is  concerned 
mainly  with  the  economic,  and  secondarily  with  social  and 
political  inequalities  between  individuals — inequalities  of 
opportunity,  inequalities  of  station  inherited  or  acquired, 
inequalities  of  natural  endowments,  inequalities  of  political 
power,  inequalities  of  economic  reward  for  labour.  It 
seeks  through  the  corporate  action  of  the  community  to 
control  all  the  powers  and  resources  of  society  in  such  man- 
ner as  to  diminish  or  abolish  all  these  inequalities,  and  in 
particular  so  to  communise  or  nationalise  all  the  industrial 
enterprises  of  the  community  as  to  produce  in  effect  an 
equality  of  income  or  economic  reward  for  all  individuals. 
In  a  word,  socialism  seeks,  by  the  agency  of  the  community 
as  a  whole,  to  substitute  unqualified  individual  equality 
for  unqualified  individual  liberty,  and  to  establish  this 
principle  of  equality  by  a  thoroughgoing  system  of 
communal  control.  It  therefore  shows  no  hostility  to 
private  property,  provided  this  property,  both  in  amount 
and  kind,  is  regulated  by  the  corporate  will  of  the  community. 
Strictly  speaking,  no  doubt,  it  insists  that  there  is  only  one 
proprietor — the  community  in  its  corporate  capacity ;  but 
by  demanding  that  the  entire  wealth  of  the  community  shall 
be  distributed  equally  amongst  or  shared  equally  by  its 
component  members,  it  tries  to  do  justice  to  the  fact  and 
the  need  of  private  property. 

Communism,  on  the  other  hand,  is  actively  hostile  to 
private  property,  and  is  less  interested  in  the  distribution 
of  public  property  to  individuals  for  their  private  use  than 
in  the  abolition  of  private  property  altogether.  Doubtless 
the  abolition  of  private  property  cannot  be  carried  out 
without  the  abolition  of  other  elements  of  the  present 
economic  regime  :  for  example,  property  is  bound  up  with 
contract.  But  the  disappearance  of  other  elements  would 
be  consequential  on  the  abolition  of  private  property. 
It  is  held  that  private  property  is  the  root  evil,  and  the 
source  of  all  or  most  of  the  inequalities  with  which  socialism 
is  concerned.  Moreover,  if  it  were  abolished,  there  would 
be  less  need  for  the  exercise  of  those  powers  vested  by 


324  SOCIALISM 

socialism  in  the  corporate  will  of  the  community.  Com- 
munism, therefore,  presents  two  possible  attitudes  to  the 
corporate  action  of  the  community :  when  private  property 
is  abolished,  either  all  property  would  be  held  and  used  by 
all  in  common,  the  community  deciding  and  distributing 
according  to  need,  immediate  or  remote ;  or  there  is  no 
property  in  any  sense  at  all,  and  each  takes  as  he  wants 
and  what  he  wants  without  supervision  :  in  other  words, 
there  is  no  corporate  action  on  the  part  of  the  community 
required.  The  first  comes  very  close  to  socialism  in  certain 
forms  ;  hence  it  is  true  to  say  that,  while  a  socialist  may 
be  a  communist,  a  communist  is  not  necessarily  a 
socialist.  On  the  other  hand,  the  second  attitude  comes 
very  near  to  anarchism. 

The  difference  between  socialism  and  communism  re- 
garding the  right  to  private  property  is  thus  one  of  principle. 
They  doubtless  may  be  said  to  agree  that  the  individual 
shall  be  deprived  of  the  unrestricted  right  to  private 
property.  But  communism  denies  the  individual's  right 
to  private  property  absolutely.  Socialism  admits  a 
limited  right  to  private  property,  subject  to  the  collective 
will  of  the  community. 

While  socialism  and  communism,  again,  agree  that  the 
final  authority  in  determining  the  individual's  sphere  of 
action  and  his  share  in  the  common  good  lies  with  the 
corporate  will  of  the  community,  they  differ  in  their  con- 
ception of  the  kind  of  community  which  shall  exercise  this 
supreme  authority.  Socialism  invariably  understands  by 
the  community  the  whole  body  of  a  nation  or  a  state,  the 
community  in  its  widest  sense.  Hence  Socialism  has 
been  and  is  generally  identified  with  social  democracy  in 
the  political  meaning  of  that  term.  Communism  is  not 
thus  restricted.  A  communistic  body  may  be  large  or 
small :  it  may  be  a  state  or  a  village  commune,  or  even  an 
artificially  created  combination  of  individuals  acting 
c6mmunistically.  Its  attitude  towards  any  large  type 
of  community  like  the  State  is  suspicious  and  distrustful, 
or  openly  hostile,  mainly  because  the  larger  the  community, 
the  more  is  the  individual's  interest  beyond  direct  control. 

The  last  remark  leads  up  to  the  anarchist  conception  of 
society.  This  seems  at  first  glance  quite  alien  in  principle 
to  either  socialism  or  communism,  for  both  the  latter  accept 
as  final  the  authority  of  a  common  will,  whereas  anarchism 


ANARCHISM  325 

appears  to  deny  all  such  authority,  or  indeed  authority  of 
any  kind.  But  such  a  view  is  merely  a  surface  view  of 
anarchism,  a  view  which  possibly  gains  much  support 
from  the  methods  of  openly  violent  hostility  to  any  govern- 
ment which  have  from  time  to  time  been  adopted  by  par- 
ticular individuals  claiming  to  be  anarchists.  There  is  no 
necessary  connection  between  open  violence  and  anarchism. 
Anarchism,  as  the  term  implies,  means  the  rejection  in 
principle  of  all  right  to  rule  or  control  over  the  individual  by 
an  agency  alien  to  himself  or  not  having  his  free  assent  to 
the  exercise  of  such  control.  Just  as  socialism  and  com- 
munism lay  emphasis  solely  or  mainly  on  the  principle  of 
individual  equality  in  the  abstract  sense  of  sameness  of 
rights  or  privileges  in  a  community,  so  anarchy  lays 
exclusive  emphasis  on  the  principle  of  individual  liberty. 
But  as  in  the  former  case  the  maintenance  of  individual 
equality  is  held  to  be  not  at  all  inconsistent  with  the  existence 
of  a  community,  so  in  the  case  of  anarchism  the  insistence 
on  individual  liberty  is  held  to  be  quite  consistent  with  a 
common  social  life.  There  is  indeed  a  still  closer  connection 
between  these  three  views.  In  the  case  of  both  socialism 
and  communism,  the  corporate  will  of  the  community  is 
brought  into  action  primarily  in  the  interest  of  the  indi- 
vidual, to  redress  the  present  inequalities  as  between 
individuals  and  to  give  equality  of  status  to  all.  Anarchism 
carries  this  concern  for  the  individual  to  its  utmost  limit : 
it  takes  the  individual's  interest  to  be  paramount  even  over 
any  authority  exerted  by  the  community.  Anarchism  will 
allow  no  interference  with  individual  liberty  of  any  sort, 
and  maintains  that  where  the  individual's  welfare  is 
concerned,  the  individual  is  the  best  and  the  final  judge. 

The  negative  aspect  of  anarchism,  which  denies  the  right 
of  interference  with  the  individual  by  any  alien  authority, 
is  only  one  side  of  the  doctrine.  The  positive  side  rests 
on  what  may  be  called  an  optimistic  assumption  of  the  in- 
herent goodness  of  human  nature.  Anarchism  maintains 
that  individuals,  left  to  themselves,  will  form  communities 
based  on  mutual  interests,  mutual  co-operation,  or  mutual 
affection.  In  other  words,  such  communities  would  exist 
or  be  permitted  under  anarchism  as  the  individuals  freely 
establish  for  their  specific  individual  benefit,  and  no 
others  would  be  required.  All  the  ills  of  society  are  held  to 
arise  from  the  force  brought  to  bear  on  individuals  by  the 


326  SOCIALISM 

organised  agencies  of  government.  Such  organised  agencies 
of  force  are  as  artificial  as  they  are  harmful.  They  create 
evils  in  their  endeavour  to  prevent  evil.  A  community 
is  but  a  means  to  an  end  more  important  than  the  com- 
munity. The  real  end  of  government,  it  is  maintained, 
is  self-government,  and  the  true  form  of  self-government  is 
one  where  the  individual  feels  no  constraint  on  his  action 
for  his  own  good  other  than  his  own  will.  Self-government 
at  its  best  reduces  to  a  minimum  the  pressure  of  govern- 
mental action  on  the  individual ;  the  extreme  limit  is 
reached  where  there  is  no  pressure  exerted  by  government. 
Such  a  limit  is  found  where  no  government  exists  ;  and  this 
is  the  ideal  form  of  community  which  anarchism  defends 
and  inculcates.  In  short,  anarchism  carefully  distinguishes, 
whereas  historically  existing  communities  always  combine 
or  even  identify,  authoritative  government  and  the 
community.  The  latter  anarchism  accepts  as  natural ;  the 
former  anarchism  rejects  as  artificial  and  unnecessary. 

The  compulsion  which  anarchism  resents  and  resists  in 
the  case  of  government  is  only  one  type  of  force — the  most 
prominent,  and  therefore  the  most  to  be  opposed.  But 
any  type  of  organised  constraint  of  the  individual's  liberty 
is  rejected.  Thus  individuals  shall  not  be  constrained  to 
work  except  at  what  they  like  or  when  they  like,  or,  indeed, 
shall  not  be  constrained  to  work  at  all ;  all  imposed  systems 
of  ideas  or  institutions  are  to  be  set  aside  as  illegitimate. 
Since  educational  and  ecclesiastical  institutions  exist 
for  the  purpose  of  inculcating  or  impressing  certain  ideas 
on  the  minds  of  individuals,  they  are  considered  hostile 
to  the  individual's  liberty.  The  resentment  against 
authority  even  passes  the  bounds  of  the  present  world, 
and  the  anarchist  frankly  announces  that  God  has  no  more 
authority  over  the  individual  than  the  State,  and  openly 
proclaims  that  anarchism  must  mean  atheism. 

The  three  most  influential  forms  of  socialistic  doctrines 
at  the  present  time  in  this  country  are  those  advocated 
by  the  Marxian  Socialists,  by  Syndicalism,  and  by  Guild 
Socialism.  A  brief  account  of  these  may  not  be  out  of 
place.  They  are  important  subjects  for  the  consideration 
of  men  and  women,  owing  to  the  notoriety  which  various 
phases  of  them  are  wont  from  time  to  time  to  achieve. 


CHAPTER  XXXII 

MARXISM — SYNDICALISM — GUILD   SOCIALISM 

THE  theories  covered  by  the  terms  of  Marxism,  Syndi- 
calism, and  Guild  Socialism  have  much  in  common,  in  spite 
of  their  differences.  They  make  or  have  made  a  strong 
appeal  to  the  labour  world  on  the  same  general  grounds ; 
for  their  purpose  in  each  case  is  first  to  act  as  a  solvent 
of  the  present  industrial  system,  and,  secondly,  to  guide 
society  towards  a  new  industrial  order.  All  three  make 
an  attack  on  capitalism  as  currently  in  operation.  All  are 
hostile  to  the  political  and  social  conditions  which  tolerate 
and  support  the  traditional  economic  regime  of  free 
industrial  competition,  the  subordination  of  labour  in 
industry,  and  the  accepted  "wages  system."  All  are  in 
favour  of  the  transformation,  if  necessary  the  exploitation, 
of  industry  in  the  interests  of  the  workers.  They  are  all 
hostile  to  bourgeois  supremacy. 

Apart  from  details,  they  differ  in  three  essential  respects  : 

(1)  in  their  view  of  the  State  and  its  relation  to  Labour  ; 

(2)  in  their  methods  of  securing  their  ends  ;    (3)  in  their 
specific  interest  in  the  economic  situation. 

(1)  Marxism  is  a  thoroughgoing  State  socialism.  It 
accepts  the  State  as  the  necessary  instrument  for  securing 
social  and  economic  justice.  Its  function  is  so  to  control 
the  instruments  of  production  as  at  once  to  destroy 
capitalism  and  the  capitalistic  control  of  industry,  and  to 
give  the  worker  unrestricted  enjoyment  of  the  whole 
product  of  his  labour  as  his  rightful  reward. 

Syndicalism  is  hostile  to  the  State,  distrusts  and  resists 
the  interference  of  all  political  government  in  industry, 
and  will  have  nothing  to  do  with  socialism  in  any  accepted 
sense,  least  of  all  with  State  socialism,  which  it  regards  as 
bourgeois  control  in  another  form. 

Guild  socialism  would  separate  off  completely  the 
22  327 


328    MARXISM— SYNDICALISM— GUILD    SOCIALISM 

functions  and  operations  of  the  State  from  all  that  speci- 
fically belongs  to  industry.  It  would  make  industrial  or- 
ganisation in  its  comprehensive  sense  a  self-contained  whole, 
governing  itself  by  its  own  regulations  and  assemblies, 
and  uncontrolled  by  any  interference  or,  apparently,  any 
assistance  from  the  State.  The  State  is  to  form  a  distinct 
organisation  by  itself,  equally  self-governing,  and  equally 
independent  in  its  action  and  procedure  from  the  organis- 
ation of  industry.  These  two  organisations  are  to  exist 
side  by  side  within  the  community,  each  having  sovereignty 
in  its  own  domain,  while  the  unity  of  the  community's  life 
as  a  whole  is  to  be  represented  by  and  expressed  through 
a  congress  or  council  whose  business  it  will  be  to  deal  with 
matters  affecting  equally  the  above  two  primary  and 
fundamental  organisations  into  which  the  effective  life 
of  the  community  actually  falls. 

(2)  The  method  adopted  by  Marxism  for  securing  the 
transformation  of  the  present  industrial  regime  is  twofold. 
By  a  thoroughly  critical  analysis  of  the  nature  of  Capital  and 
its  relation  to  Labour,  Marx  seeks  to  expose  the  injustice 
of  the  capitalist  system,  and  to  prove  that  in  principle  and 
in  experience  the  real  source  of  wealth  is  derived  from  the 
labour  of  the  "  working  class."  From  this  to  the  practical 
conclusion  that  the  reward  of  labour  should  fall  to  the 
worker  and  not  to  the  capitalist,  the  step  is  easy.  The 
claim  of  socialism  he  thus  maintains  is  scientifically  de- 
monstrable. The  second  aspect  of  his  method  consists  in 
the  inculcation  of  the  gradual  and  complete  organisation 
of  the  proletariat,  so  that  they  shall  be  able  to  take  supreme 
control  over  the  instruments  of  production  by  the  cen- 
tralised forces  of  the  State.  The  process  of  assuming 
control  is  not  that  of  sudden  revolution,  but  gradual 
development  of  the  principles  inherent  in  the  economic 
order,  which,  in  his  view,  point  to  the  socialistic  industrial 
State  as  the  final  goal  of  human  society. 

Syndicalism,  on  the  other  hand,  seeks  to  realise  its  end 
catastrophically,  without  any  appeal  to  or  reliance  on 
history  and  scientific  economics,  and  without  any  State 
assistance.  Their  instruments  of  transformation  are 
"direct  action"  and  the  "general  strike,"  or,  where  the 
general  strike  is  impracticable,  sporadic  and  incessant 
strikes.  Syndicalism  relies  on  violence,  using  this  term  in 
a  broad  sense  to  cover  any  attack  on  the  capitalist  class, 


COMPARISON  OF  THREE   THEORIES          829 

from  petty  passive  obstruction  to  widespread  destruction. 
For  this  purpose  it  makes  the  utmost  use  of  local  and 
national  trade  unionism. 

Guild  Socialism  looks  to  propaganda  and  the  gradual  de- 
velopment of  complete  organisation  of  the  whole  industrial 
world  to  bring  about  peacefully  but  triumphantly  the 
overthrow  of  the  present  industrial  system.  Organisation 
is  to  be  by  industry  and  not  by  craft  or  specialised  trade, 
and  the  natural  interlocking  of  industries  is  to  be  the 
effective  means  of  securing  and  retaining  possession  and 
control  of  the  sources,  the  resources,  and  the  rewards  of 
industry.  The  past  and  present  development  of  trade 
unionism  points  the  way  to  the  final  self-government  in 
industry  which  is  the  aim  of  Guild  Socialism.  This  will 
automatically  separate  the  sphere  of  State  control  on  the 
part  of  the  territorial  association  from  the  control  of  all 
industry  by  those  directly  engaged  in  industry  within  the 
community. 

(3)  Marxism  as  a  form  of  collective  or  State  socialism 
concentrates  the  problem  of  industrial  transformation 
round  the  interests  of  the  consumer.  Its  main  concern  is 
with  the  question  of  consumption,  the  ultimate  issue  of  the 
industrial  process.  Society  is  to  be  changed  and  re- 
organised for  the  benefit  of  the  consumer  of  the  produce  of 
industry.  Hence  trade  unions  must  be  superseded  and 
State  socialism  installed. 

Syndicalism  is  primarily,  indeed  solely,  concerned  with 
the  producer,  the  worker  as  the  agent  for  producing 
wealth.  Hence  trade  unionism  is  to  be  supreme  and  the 
State  set  aside. 

Guild  Socialism  lays  exclusive  stress  neither  on  the 
consumer  nor  on  the  producer,  but  seeks  to  do  justice  to 
both.  It  is,  therefore,  opposed  neither  to  the  State  as  such 
nor  to  the  trade  unions  as  such.  The  consumer's  interests 
are  relegated  to  the  care  of  the  State  as  the  supreme 
territorial  association.  The  producer's  interests  as  such 
are  to  be  under  the  sole  charge  of  the  National  Guild,  the 
natural  development  of  national  trade  unionism.  By  the 
two  together,  the  State  and  the  National  Guild  acting 
in  complete  and  sovereign  independence  within  their  re- 
spective domains,  the  entire  interests  of  the  community — 
consumers  and  producers  alike — will  be  conserved  and 
secured. 


330    MARXISM— SYNDICALISM— GUILD    SOCIALISM 

While  these  three  forms  of  social  and  political  theory  have 
exerted,  and  still  exert,  great  influence  on  the  labour  world, 
the  influence  is  not  of  the  same  kind.  The  significance  of 
Marxism  lies  mainly  in  the  region  of  political  and  economic 
theory  ;  its  practical  influence  was  possibly  greater  in  the 
past  generation  than  it  is  at  present.  Syndicalism  directly 
controls  large  industrial  movements  at  the  present  time. 
The  era  of  Guild  Socialism  has  still  to  come  ;  its  hopes  are 
fixed  in  the  future.  The  first  professes  to  have  its  roots 
in  the  past  history  of  civilisation  ;  the  second  finds  its 
inspiration  in  the  present  stage  of  industrial  life  ;  the  third 
in  the  community  that  is  to  be. 


MARXISM 

The  most  vital  and,  for  the  labour  world,  the  most 
effective  doctrines  of  Marx  are  to  be  found  in  the  vigorous 
and  trenchant  statement  of  the  socialistic  programme 
contained  in  his  Communist  Manifesto,  first  promulgated 
in  1848 ;  and  in  the  severely  abstract  quasi-scientific 
analysis  of  the  relations  of  Labour  and  Capital  elaborated 
in  his  work  on  Capital,  the  first  volume  of  which  appeared 
in  1867,  the  second  in  1885,  the  third  in  1894. J 

The  Communist  Manifesto  is  a  pronunciamento  addressed 
to  the  proletariat.  Holding  as  he  does  that  the  course  of 
human  history  is  necessitated  and  that  civilisation  must 
be  interpreted  materialistically,  he  maintains  that  the 
inevitable  trend  of  modern  social  movements  has  been  and 
is  towards  a  revolutionary  reconstruction  of  society.  The 
first  revolution  was  that  of  the  bourgeoisie  against  mediaeval 
feudalism  ;  the  second,  still  to  come,  is  to  be  that  of  the 
wage-earning  proletariat  against  the  capitalist  bourgeoisie.  t 
Liberation  from  the  bondage  of  feudalism  was  brought  about 
by  an  inevitable  struggle  between  two  divergent  classes 
within  the  community ;  another  class  war  will  be  necessary, 
and  will  continue  till  the  liberation  or  supremacy  of  the 
wage-earners  is  assured.  This  second  war  has  been  brought 
about  by  the  bourgeoisie  as  a  class.  The  modern  factory 
system  has  at  once  created  the  power  of  Capital  over  Labour, 
and  divided  the  employing  class  from  the  workers  by 

1  Marx  died  in  1883.     The  second  and  third  volumes  were  edited  and 
brought  out  by  his  friend,  Engels. 


THE  ONE  SOCIETY  331 

the  gulf  which  separates  those  who  for  their  own  ends  can 
buy  labour  at  a  market  price,  and  those  whose  sole  function 
in  industry  is  to  be  a  means  to  the  ends  of  others  for  a  price 
which  is  a  bare  subsistence  wage.      The  interests,  aims, 
and  persons  of  the  two  classes  are  thus  in  their  natures 
antagonistic ;      the    employer    despotically    controls    the 
whole  machinery  of  industry  primarily  for  his  own  benefit, 
the  worker  is  but  a  living  part  of  the  machinery,  and,  in  all 
except  name,  a  slave  to  a  system  which  he  abhors  in  his 
heart.     The  antagonism  is  bound  in  time  to  take  shape,  and 
it  begins  as  soon  as  the  wage-earners  can  unite  as  a  class 
sufficiently  large  and  cohesive  to  make  a  stand  against  the 
capitalists.     The  sole  power  which  the  workers  can  exercise 
is  by  combination  in  their  own  interests,  first  for  purely 
economic  reasons,  and  secondly  to  secure  by  political  means 
their  proper  economic  status.     The  proletariat  are  without 
property  ;    they  can  only  be  supreme  if  they  assail  the 
foundations  of  all  existing  forms  and  conditions  of  appro- 
priation.    "  They  have  nothing  of  their  own  to  secure  and 
fortify  :    their  mission  is  to  destroy  all  previous  securities 
for  and  insurances  of  individual  property."     "  The  theory 
of  the  communists  may  be  summed  up  in  the  single  sentence 
— abolition  of  private  property."     For  this  purpose  they 
must   obtain   supreme  political   power.      The   battle   for 
democracy,  if  won,  means  the  supremacy  of  the  proleta- 
riat ;    for  this  will  mean  that  all  the  instruments  of  pro- 
duction will  be  in  the  hands  of  the  State  as  the  organised 
body  of  the  workers.     Such  a  State  will  not  be  the  State 
as  it  has  hitherto  existed,  but  it  will  be  a  State  in  the  sense 
of  a  sovereign  power  in  the  community,  exercising  its  will 
over  all  its  members  without  division  or  distinction  of 
class. 

The  movement  is  not  to  be  and  cannot  be  confined  to  a 
particular  State.  The  interests  of  all  proletarians  in 
every  community  are  identical.  The  supremacy  of  economic 
democracy  must  mean  the  disappearance  of  present  state 
boundaries  and  interstate  conflicts.  Socialistic  democracy 
is  thus  international,  not  only  in  the  sense  that  it  is  the  same 
for  all  nations,  but  also  in  the  sense  that  in  the  long-run 
there  is  but  one  society — the  great  society  of  the  pro- 
letarian workers.  With  the  establishment  of  such  a 
society  all  the  institutions  which  at  present  make  up 
national  States — their  peculiar  laws,  ecclesiastical  and 


332    MARXISM— SYNDICALISM— GUILD    SOCIALISM 

educational  institutions,  etc., — will  forthwith  disappear  as 
being  buttresses  of  the  old  regime  and  essentially  alien 
to  the  progress  of  social  democracy.  Marx  concludes  his 
manifesto  with  the  words,  "  Let  the  ruling  classes  tremble 
at  a  communistic  revolution";  and  to  the  proletarians 
he  says,  "  They  have  nothing  to  lose  but  their  chains. 
They  have  a  world  to  win.  Workers  of  all  countries, 
unite  !  " 

The  work  entitled  Capital  may  be  regarded  as  an 
attempt  to  justify,  in  the  sphere  of  scientific  theory,  the 
revolutionary  social  democracy  which  he  considers  to  be  at 
once  historically  inevitable  and  the  deliberate  aim  of  the 
wage-earners  as  a  class.  It  is  doubtless  paradoxical  to 
maintain,  on  the  one  hand,  that  a  social  movement  is  in  fact 
a  necessity  which,  being  mechanically  determined,  will  come 
about  whether  it  is  desired  or  not,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  to 
advance  scientific  reasons  why  the  end  should  be  sought. 
Men  cannot  help  themselves  if  they  are  borne  on  the  tide 
of  destiny,  and  therefore  need  no  assistance  from  scientific 
arguments  ;  if  the  change  does  require,  for  its  initiation  or 
for  its  success,  scientific  arguments,  it  cannot  be  inevitable. 
A  movement  which  is  necessary  may  be  explained  by 
science,  but  it  cannot  be  promoted  by  scientific  reasons 
or  retarded  for  the  lack  of  them.  In  estimating  the  con- 
sistency of  Marx's  position,  this  point  is  important.  His 
doctrine  throughout  is  a  blend  of  revolutionary  propaganda, 
enthusiasm  for  downtrodden  humanity,  a  materialistic 
conception  of  human  history,  and  abstract  economic  theory. 
It  is  needless  to  say  that  the  assumptions  and  principles 
governing  these  various  aspects  of  his  position  are  radically 
inconsistent. 

It  is  not  easy  to  state  precisely  what  is  the  real  aim  of 
Marx's  book  on  Capital,  and  quite  impossible  to  condense 
his  whole  argument,  which  covers  an  immense  field  and  is, 
at  least  in  expression,  highly  abstract  and  formal.  Not 
only  his  critics,  but  his  sympathetic  exponents,  are  at 
variance  regarding  the  object  of  his  analysis.  But  there 
can  be  no  doubt  that  one  essential  purpose  of  the  treatise 
is  to  provide  a  defence  of  revolutionary  socialism  by  a 
scientific,  or  quasi-scientific,  proof  that,  in  the  production 
of  wealth  in  the  economic  sense,  Labour  is  primary  and 
Capital  secondary,  Labour  is  the  essence  and  Capital  a  super- 
fluity, Labour  is  the  only  necessary  and  enduring  substance, 


MARX'S  BOOK  833 

and  Capital  a  transitory  historical  accident.1  It  is  this  part 
of  his  doctrine  which  has  attracted  the  labour  world  and 
given  his  theory  so  much  influence  on  labour  politics.  No 
statement  has  become  more  familiar  in  labour  circles  in 
recent  years  than  the  proposition  that  "  labour  is  the  basis 
of  all  wealth."  However  understood  or  misunderstood  as  a 
Marxist  doctrine,  it  is  to  Marx  that  it  is  primarily  to  be 
traced. 

If  we  ignore  the  highly  technical  language  in  which  Marx 
pursues  his  arguments,  his  main  contentions  may  be  em- 
bodied in  the  following  propositions.  From  the  point  of 
view  of  economics,  the  only  value  which  commodities 
possess  is  that  which  they  obtain  by  the  exchange  of 
one  commodity  for  another.  In  the  last  resort  this 
"  exchange- value  "  of  commodities  depends  not  on  the 
quality  of  the  commodities  themselves,  but  on  what  is 
common  to  the  commodities  exchanged,  viz.  the  labour 
involved  in  their  production.  Since  in  the  process  of  ex- 
change we  take  no  account  of  the  nature  of  the  workman 
or  the  kind  of  work  he  does,  the  labour  which  is  the  basis  of 
exchange  is  simply  labour  as  such,  labour  in  the  abstract. 
Abstract  labour  cannot  be  estimated  qualitatively,  for  it  is 
the  same  throughout ;  it  can  therefore  only  be  estimated 
quantitatively,  in  terms  of  its  amount.  This  amount  is 
cajculated  by  reference  to  the  time  taken  to  produce  the 
commodity,  and  by  the  "time"  is  meant  the  "socially 
necessary  "  time  or  average  time  required  to  produce  a 
commodity  under  average  conditions  by  a  labourer  of 
average  ability.  Since  the  sole  value  of  commodities, 
economically  speaking,  thus  lies  in  the  labour  "congealed" 
within  the  commodities  exchanged,  it  is  transparent  that 
the  source  of  the  worth  of  commodities,  i.e.  the  source  of 
all  "  wealth,"  lies  in  labour.  How,  then,  does  a  person  who  is 
not  a  labourer,  i.e.  a  capitalist,  become  possessed  of  wealth  ? 

1  His  argument  is  thus  rather  a  thesis  which  he  set  out  to  establish 
than  a  conclusion  arrived  at  as  the  result  of  an  impartial  examination  of 
all  relevant  historical  facts.  The  Manifesto  above  referred  to  preceded  his 
work  on  Capital,  and  may  fairly  be  said  to  govern  the  direction  of  his  thought 
in  that  work.  What  was  a  practical  demand  in  the  Manifesto  was  taken 
for  granted  as  a  fundamental  assumption  in  his  theory,  viz.  that  Capitalism 
mus:.  be  dethroned  and  Labour  placed  in  its  rightful  position  as  the  supreme 
power  in  industry.  This  assumption  he  tries  in  his  theory  to  transform 
into  the  language  of  scientific  principle.  This  can  only  be  done  either 
by  ft  petitio  principii  or  by  ignoring  certain  important  elements  in  the 
economic  situation.  Hence  the  later  contradiction  of  his  theory  which  ha 
himself  admits  and  which  has  n*v«r  been  removed. 


334    MARXISM— SYNDICALISM— GUILD    SOCIALISM 

This  can  only  be  by  intercepting  a  part  of  the  total  exchange 
value  of  the  commodities  and  appropriating  it  to  his  own 
use.  But  how  is  this  done  ?  The  answer  is  that  under  the 
present  wages  system  the  labourer  is  paid  for  his  work 
a  wage  determined  solely  by  reference  to  his  needs  of 
subsistence,  and  not  by  reference  to  what  the  commodity 
he  produces  will  bring  when  exchanged  for  other  commo- 
dities. The  difference  between  the  price  paid  for  the  amount 
of  labour  put  into  the  production  of  a  commodity  (including 
in  this  amount,  of  course,  the  labour  "  congealed"  in  the 
machinery  or  plant  and  in  the  "raw"  material,  etc.)  and 
the  amount  of  labour  represented  by  the  commodity  for 
which  the  former  commodity  *  is  exchanged  goes  to  the 
capitalist  as  his  share  of  the  undertaking.  It  is  part  of  the 
"  value,"  but  a  part  not  acquired  by  the  actual  labour  of 
production.  It  is  "  surplus  value,"  and  it  is  obtained  at 
the  expense  of,  or  in  other  words  by  deduction  from,  the 
true  or  total  exchange  value  of  the  commodity  produced 
by  the  labourer.  "  All  surplus  value  is  in  substance  the 
embodiment  of  unpaid  working-time."  It  is,  therefore,  a 
form  of  legalised  or  customarily  permitted  spoliation. 

Marx  elaborates  his  main  thesis  in  great  detail  and  with 
the  utmost  use  of  dialectical  subtlety.  He  supports  it  by 
a  skilful  if  arbitrary  selection  of  historical  illustrations  ; 
and  by  abundant  denunciation  of  the  abuses  under  which 
the  labourers  suffer  from  the  present  industrial  regime  and 
the  present  wages  system.  But  the  main  doctrine  is  the 
point  which  is  now  being  considered.  It  may  be  remarked 
that  the  term  "  surplus  value  "  is  not  fortunate.  The  term 
would  imply  value  not  derived  from  the  actual  exchange, 
but  in  excess  of  the  exchange,  whereas  there  can  be  no  value 
except  through  exchange.  What  it  means  is  "  surplus  " 
with  reference  to  what  the  labourer  actually  receives  by 
the  exchange,  i.e.  a  value  not  strictly  expressed  in  terms 
of  mere  labour.  The  purpose  of  using  such  a  term  is 
obviously  to  convey  that  the  capitalist's  share  is  illegiti- 
mate and  unnecessary,  and  this  is  undoubtedly  the  sense 
in  which  the  term  has  been  adopted  by  those  who  applied 
the  Marxian  theory  to  practical  labour  problems. 

The  purely  theoretical  and  highly  abstract  character 
of  his  argument  are  apparent  even  from  the  above  outline, 

1  The  exchange  takes  place  generally  through  the  medium  of  money — 
but  this  is  irrelevant  to  the  issue. 


ELEMENTS   OF  EXCHANGE  VALUES  835 

and  have  often  been  exposed  by  his  critics.  It  is  plain, 
for  example,  that  there  is  really  no  such  thing  as  "  abstract 
human  labour";  the  only  labour  that  has  any 
significance  is  that  of  individual  workers.  Even  if  there 
were  such  a  fact,  it  could  not  be  calculated  ;  and  even  if  it 
could  be  calculated,  it  coulcj  not  form  the  basis  for  exchange. 
He  states  that  it  is  the  identity  of  the  quantity  of  labour 
in  two  commodities  which  explains  and  makes  possible 
the  exchange,  but  if  this  were  really  the  case  there  would  be 
no  exchange.  People  do  not  exchange  on  a  basis  of 
identity,  but  because  of  the  difference  of  the  commodities 
exchanged.  If  each  already  has  what  the  other  possesses, 
there  is  no  need  for  exchanging  at  all.  It  is  because  each 
lacks  and  wants  what  the  other  possesses  that  exchange  is 
possible.  In  a  word,  Marx  confuses  exchange  with 
equivalence,  and  hence  ignores  the  many  other  factors 
which  bring  about  the  transaction  of  an  exchange. 

How,  again,  are  we  to  estimate  "socially  necessary  time"  ? 
And  what  is  the  time  taken  by  "an  average  worker " 
engaged  in  the  production  of  a  commodity  ?  Even  if  the 
quantity  of  time  in  this  sense  could  be  discovered,  it  is 
bound  to  vary  from  country  to  country,  from  locality  to 
locality,  and  from  decade  to  decade.  Yet  such  variation 
may  not  in  the  least  affect  the  actual  quantity  of  com- 
modities exchanged. 

It  is  equally  clear  that  exchange  value  is  not  in  actual 
experience  effected  on  the  basis  which  Marx  states.  Other 
factors  are  involved  and  are  of  essential  importance.  Marx 
himself  was  constrained  to  admit  this  point  when  considering 
the  relation  of  his  theory  of  value  to  actual  rate  of  profit 
on  capital.  On  his  theory,  commodities  always  sold 
according  to  their  values  (i.e.  exchange  values),  and  profits 
vary  not  only  with  the  capital  (constant  and  variable),  but 
with  the  special  composition  of  the  capital  in  each  case. 
In  actual  fact,  equal  amounts  of  capital  tend,  through 
competition,  to  yield  the  same  average  rate  of  profit, 
regardless  of  the  special  "  composition "  of  the  capital 
(i.e.  the  proportion  of  constant  to  variable).  His  theory  of 
value  is  thus  admittedly  "  irreconcilable  with  the  actual 
movement  of  things,  irreconcilable  with  the  actual  pheno- 
mena of  production."  And  no  solution  of  this  contradiction 
was  supplied  by  Marx  or  by  his  followers.1  Hence,  either 

1  See  Bohm-Bawerk  :  Karl  Marx  and  the  Close  of  his  System. 


336    MARXISM— SYNDICALISM— GUILD    SOCIALISM 

his  theory  of  exchange  value  is  unsound  or,  if  it  be  true, 
it  has  not  yet  been  proved.  In  the  face  of  such  an  alter- 
native, it  is  certainly  not  possible  to  attach  importance  to 
his  conception  of  "  surplus  value,"  or  to  suppose  that  the 
fortress  of  capitalism  has  been  undermined  by  his  analysis. 
It  is  remarkable  that  the  significance  of  the  operation  of 
the  elementary  and  universal  economic  factor  of  competi- 
tion should  have  been  overlooked  by  Marx  in  determining 
his  fundamental  economic  conception. 

In  spite  of  this,  his  theory  has  exerted,  and  will  doubtless 
continue  to  exert,  much  influence  in  labour  circles,  where 
consistency  of  reasoning  is  of  less  importance  than  practical 
tendencies  and  practical  issues. 

Marx  has  much  to  say  regarding  the  ways  in  which 
capital  has  been  accumulated  historically,  the  wages  system, 
the  effect  of  machinery  on  wages,  and  of  the  factory  system 
on  the  workers.  But  with  these  it  is  not  practicable  to 
deal  in  this  space. 

SYNDICALISM 

Syndicalism  l  is  in  important  respects  a  reaction  against 
Marxism  and  the  social  democratic  State  which  Marx 
sought  to  defend  and  establish.  The  reaction  may  perhaps 
best  be  expressed  by  saying  that,  whereas  Marx  sought  to 
utilise  the  trade  union  movement  to  bring  in  the  social 
democratic  State,  to  sacrifice  the  independence  of  trade 
unions  and  the  forces  of  trade  unionism  to  the  collectivist 
community,  Syndicalism  seeks  at  all  cost  to  maintain  not 
only  unimpaired  but  in  increasing  strength  the  economic 
forces  of  trade  unionism,  and  if  possible  to  overthrow  the 
State  (whether  the  traditional  or  the  collectivist  State), 
in  order  to  secure  this  supremacy  of  trade  unionism  in  the 
community. 

Syndicalism  claims  to  be  revolutionary  in  its  aims,  and 
indeed,  if  we  regard  historical  society  as  a  relatively 
continuous  constitutional  order  of  mankind,  there  can  be 
no  doubt  that  the  overthrow  of  society  in  this  sense,  which 
is  the  object  of  Syndicalism,  must  mean  revolution. 
Syndicalism  will  have  no  superior  force  exerted  over  the 
individual  worker  by  a  central  authority,  whether  that 

ffi l  The  exposition  and  main  defence  of  Syndicalism  will  be  found  in  the 
volume  by  George  Sorel,  Biftexiona  aur  la  Violence. 


THE  USES   OF  VIOLENCE  837 

authority  be  exercised  by  an  oligarchy  of  the  bourgeoisie, 
by  Parliament,  or  even  by  the  collective  proletariat. 
Hence  Syndicalism  is  opposed  to  the  mere  "  change  of 
masters  "  which  collectivistic  socialism  of  the  proletariat 
would  establish.  "  It  cannot  conceive  why  a  revolution, 
even  as  far-reaching  as  that  involved  in  the  suppression 
of  capitalism,  should  be  attempted  for  a  trifling  and 
doubtful  result,  for  the  change  of  masters,  to  satisfy 
'  ideologues,'  politicians,  and  speculators,  who  all  of  them 
adore  and  exploit  the  State."  l  This  is  merely  substituting 
the  power  of  the  proletariat  for  the  bourgeoisie  which  it 
overthrows.  Syndicalism  does  not,  in  fact,  believe  in  the 
exercise  of  force  in  the  proper  sense  at  all.  By  force  it 
understands  the  imposition,  by  a  governing  minority,  of 
the  organisation  of  a  certain  social  order.  Instead  of 
force  Syndicalism  advocates  "  violence,"  and  violence  con- 
sists in  " acts  of  revolt "  (not  in  "  acts  of  authority"),  and 
the  object  of  violence  is  to  destroy  any  such  order  and  any 
such  "  acts  of  authority  "  imposed  by  the  governing  body. 
Syndicalism  claims  that  the  course  of  history  justifies 
the  exercise  of  violence,  and  that,  in  fact,  it  is  the  proper 
outcome  of  the  socialistic  movement  properly  understood. 
Violence  is  the  form  assumed  by  the  class  war,  the  war  of 
workers  and  employers  who  have  nothing  in  common  but 
then*  mutual  hostility.  The  various  forms  of  violence  "  can 
have  value  historically  only  as  the  brutal  and  frank  ex- 
pression of  the  class  war."  It  is  not  a  struggle  within  any 
particular  community  :  it  transcends  the  boundaries  of 
states  and  nations,  for  the  division  of  classes  is  universal 
and  common  to  all  States  as  at  present  constituted.  The 
employer  is  an  adversary  wherever  found,  and  with  such  an 
adversary  it  is  only  possible  to  have  dealings  after  a  war. 
"  There  is  no  more  a  social  duty  than  there  is  an  inter- 
national duty."8 

How,  then,  are  the  workers  to  be  in  a  position  to  carry  on 
the  class  war  ?  and  by  what  method  is  it  to  be  maintained  ? 
The  rallying  centre  for  the  worker  is  his  trade  union 
(syndicat),*  and  the  complete  co-ordination  of  trade  unions 
is  the  sole  condition  of  maintaining  effectively  the  battle 
with  the  employer.  With  State  assistance  or  Parliamen- 
tary "  constitutional "  procedure  the  syndicalist  will  have 

1  Sorel,  Sur  la  Violence,  p.  266.         a  Ibid.,  p.  89. 
*  Syndicat  means  primarily  a  local  union. 


338     MARXISM— SYNDICALISM— GUILD    SOCIALISM 

nothing  to  do.  These  are  mere  subterfuges  or  bourgeoisie 
ways  of  allaying  the  strife  of  conciliation.  The  business  of 
the  syndicalist  is  not  to  allay  but  to  keep  up  the  struggle, 
until  he  is  completely  victorious  against  all  opposition. 
Violence  has  its  own  justification,  and  requires  no  assistance 
or  support  from  morality  or  any  established  institution. 
It  is  almost  an  end  in  itself,  so  far  at  least  as  trade  unionism 
is  concerned.  At  any  rate,  it  can  only  terminate  when  the 
employing  class  have  capitulated  and  the  "  wages  system  " 
has  disappeared. 

Trade  unions  must  be  federated  or  organised  to  the  utmost 
extent  possible  in  order  to  carry  on  the  struggle  success- 
fully. This  organisation  is  brought  about  in  different  ways 
in  different  countries.  In  France  the  unit  and  the  vital 
centre  of  the  syndicalist  is  the  local  (and  mainly  craft) 
union;  the  "general  confederation  of  labour"  (the  C.G.T., 
as  it  is  commonly  called)  is  now  the  national  organisation 
of  all  unions,  but  its  operations  are  limited  by  the  relative 
but  effective  autonomy  maintained  by  the  local  union. l  In 
America,  Syndicalism  is  the  policy  of  the  Industrial  Workers 
of  the  World  (the  I.W.W.),  whose  organisation  rests  on 
industrial  unionism,  not  craft  unionism  (which  is  the  basis 
of  the  American  Federation  of  Labour).  It  is  in  those  two 
countries  that  Syndicalism  has  its  strongest  hold,  and  of 
the  two  the  methods  of  violence  have  been  more  terrible 
and  more  thoroughgoing  in  America  than  in  France. 

For  the  attainment  of  its  goal  Syndicalism  has  no  belief 
in  theory  or  argument,  arbitration  or  conciliation.  These 
are  palliatives  or  anodynes,  not  radical  cures  for  an 
evil  situation  which  has  to  be  rooted  out.  Its  method  is 
action,  immediate  and  "  direct,"  going  straight  at  the 
destruction  of  the  citadel  of  the  enemy.  That  enemy  is 
the  capitalist  regime  which  is  buttressed  by  the  present 
organisation  of  the  State.  Direct  action  is,  therefore, 
necessarily  political  action,  i.e.  not  action  by  political 
methods,  but  action  which  seeks  to  overthrow  political 
authority  in  matters  affecting  industry  and  the  producers 
of  wealth.  Strictly  speaking,  it  would  be  better  to  describe 
direct  action  as  anti-political  action ;  it  is  action  by  the 
industrial  workers  for  their  own  ends,  which  are  not  political 
but- purely  economic.  It  is  not  reformist,  but  revolutionary; 

1  The  history  of  this  movement  will  be  found  in  Cole,  World  of  Labour, 
chap.  iii. 


THE  COUNTRY   OF  THE   WORKERS  339 

not  evolutionary,  but  catastrophic.  The  methods  of 
political  socialism  retard  and  endanger  the  ultimate  triumph 
of  the  workers.  Even  anarchist  politics  are  rather  a  hind- 
rance than  a  help,  just  because,  being  "  politics,"  anarchism 
is  occupied  with  political  issues  and  Parliamentary  action 
of  a  kind,  and  to  that  extent  neglects  the  main  object  of 
Syndicalism,  which  is  the  organisation  of  the  class  war  to 
be  carried  on  solely  by  and  in  the  interests  of  the  trade 
union  (syndicat}.  Syndicalism  seeks  simply  to  subordinate 
all  unproductive  social  functions  to  the  productive 
(i.e.  industrial  workers).  It  is,  therefore,  not  in  the  least 
concerned  with  any  existing  party  in  the  State,  and  is  not 
concerned  to  form  another  party  within  the  State ;  in  a 
word,  it  will  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  State  at  all.1 
"  Syndicalism  recognises  neither  the  elector  of  any  party 
nor  the  believer  in  any  religious  or  philosophical  faith." 
It  is  for  the  same  reason  anti-militarist  and  anti-patriotic. 
It  has  no  country,  for  "  country  "  and  "  property  "  are 
inseparable.  "  The  country  of  the  workers  is  their  own  and 
their  family's  stomach.  The  country  of  the  workers  is 
then*  own  class."  Action,  direct  action,  anti-political 
action,  is  the  only  sure  method  of  the  workers  for  securing 
their  end.  The  end  is  twofold — to  give  due  or  complete 
power  to  the  workers  as  a  class,  and  to  improve  the  lot  of  the 
workers  as  a  class.  It  aims,  therefore,  at  something  more 
than  reform  and  more  than  mere  revolution.  Reform  alone 
would  leave  us  with  a  mere  democracy,  revolution  alone 
would  be  of  no  ultimate  advantage  to  the  workers. 

Direct  action,  then,  is  the  method.  It  educates  the 
workers  in  class-consciousness,  and  it  brings  about  the 
destruction  of  capitalism.  Its  supreme  expression  is  the 
general  strike,  a  simultaneous  strike  of  all  workers,  nation- 
ally and  internationally.  It  is  true  the  general  strike 
cannot  be  at  once  effected ;  it  is  a  step  to  be  taken  "  some 
day."  But  it  is  the  supreme  type  and  form  of  all  strikes. 
Each  particular  or  sectional  strike  is  a  step  or  instance 
of  what  can  be  done  by  the  general  strike ;  it  helps  to 
teach  the  workers  the  power  of  their  class  ;  for  each  strike 
is  in  a  measure  "  general,"  and  it  trains  them  to  effectuate 
the  "  social  general  strike  "  when  this  can  be  carried  out. 
In  every  strike  the  great  social  revolution  is  foreshadowed 
and  anticipated. 

1  In  that  sense  it  has  a  certain  affinity  with  anarchism. 


340     MARXISM— SYNDICALISM— GUILD    SOCIALISM 

In  practice  direct  action  and  the  theory  of  the  general 
strike  take  various  forms,  from  mere  passive  desistance 
("  the  strike  with  folded  arms  ")  to  open  and  widespread 
violence.  Many  syndicalists  advocate  sabotage,  a  general 
expression  which  covers  the  use  of  any  and  every  weapon 
to  combat  and  overthrow  capitalists.  Any  agreements  may 
be  broken,  and  moral  considerations  are  of  no  importance  : 
they  are  bourgeois  rules  of  procedure,  and  do  not  concern 
the  workers  who  are  seeking  to  introduce  a  new  moral  code. 
Sabotage  appears  in  the  policy  of  "  ca'  canny,"  making  an 
art  of  a  craft  without  regard  to  the  time  and  money  of  the 
master  ;  carrying  out  regulations  so  literally  as  to  produce 
a  stoppage  ;  petty  irritations  ;  the  boycott ;  and  at  its 
worst  wholesale  wrecking  of  machinery.  Sabotage  is, 
however,  not  encouraged  by  all  syndicalists  ;  for  Syndi- 
calism seeks  to  make  the  worker  fit  to  control  industry, 
and  that  means  the  exercise  of  self-control. 

Syndicalists  have  not  yet  developed  either  a  complete  or 
an  unanimously  accepted  conception  of  what  is  to  be  done, 
and  what  form  society  is  to  take  after  violence  has  success- 
fully destroyed  the  master-class.  They  even  differ  amongst 
themselves  regarding  the  need  for  such  a  scheme  for  the 
future. 

On  certain  points,  however,  the  French  syndicalists  seem 
agreed.  Property  is  not  to  belong  to  the  particular  union, 
but  to  the  collective  body  of  all  unions  ;  the  local  union 
is  to  be  the  unit,  not  the  industrial  federation  ;  decentrali- 
sation is  to  be  preferred  to  centralisation.  But  these  are 
French  developments,  and  do  not  necessarily  appeal  to 
syndicalists  in  other  countries.  Nor  is  it  clear  what  is  to 
happen  to  the  State  and  the  non-labouring  part  of  the 
community  when  Syndicalism  has  done  its  work. 

GUILD  SOCIALISM 

Guild  Socialism,  like  Marxism  and  Syndicalism,  equally 
considers  that  its  doctrine  is  the  true  expression  of  the 
general  evolution  of  the  previous  movement  of  history. 
With  the  establishment  of  guilds  on  a  national  basis,  the 
struggle  between  classes  will  disappear,  and  with  that 
"  social  classes." 

Guild  Socialism  may  be  regarded  either  as  a  compromise 
between  the  rival  extremes  of  Collectivism  and  Syndicalism, 


TWO  INDEPENDENT  BODIES  841 

or  as  a  combination  of  the  principles  on  which  each  of  them 
lays  stress.  Collectivism  stands  for  the  sovereignty  of  the 
State  as  the  whole  body  of  consumers  ;  Syndicalism  stands 
for  the  sovereignty  of  the  whole  body  of  producers, 
regardless  of  the  State  ;  Guild  Socialism  stands  for  the 
indissoluble  unity  of  the  community  as  consisting  of  both 
consumers  and  producers.  Consumers  and  producers  form 
together  the  whole  community,  but  each  group  has  its 
separate  interests  in  the  community ;  and  these  interests 
can  be,  and  in  principle  should  be,  separately  organised 
and  managed.  These  separate  organisations  can  and 
should  have  separate  functions  assigned  to  them.  Between 
them  they  exhaust  the  whole  life  and  operations  of  the 
community.  The  organisation  of  the  community  in  the 
interests  of  the  consumers  constitutes  the  purpose  and 
nature  of  the  State  :  that  of  the  producers  in  their  own 
interests,  the  purpose  and  function  of  national  industrial 
guilds.  This  is,  in  brief,  the  main  contention  of  Guild 
Socialists. 

The  State  is  essentially  a  territorial  association ;  and  all 
forms  of  State  management  and  control — the  devolution 
of  its  authority,  etc.,  through  county  and  municipality,  etc. 
— rest  ultimately  on  a  territorial  basis.  The  Guild  is  an 
industrial  association  or  association  of  industrials  which  is 
not  limited  to  or  by  territorial  conditions,  but  is  determined 
by  reference  to  the  economic  fact  of  production  alone. 
Each  is  intended  to  be  independent  and  supreme  in  its  own 
domain,  with  separate  legislative  and  executive  powers, 
the  one  exercised  through  political  and  Parliamentary 
procedure,  the  other  through  the  Guild  Congress  or  Feder- 
ation of  Guilds.  When  the  true  democratic  State  arrives 
(and  without  this  Guild  Socialism  cannot  exist)  the  two  will 
be  on  a  level  of  complete  equality  of  powers  and  functions 
relatively  to  one  another  :  for  then  production  will  be 
organised  by  "  democratic  associations  of  all  workers  in  each 
industry  linked  up  in  a  body  representing  all  industries," 
and  the  consumers  will  be  organised  into  a  democratic  State 
operating  through  national  and  local  governments.  In 
such  an  ideal  situation  the  State  would  own  the  means  of 
production,  and  the  Guild  could  control  the  work  of  pro- 
duction. The  two  would  be  in  equal  partnership  for  the 
well-being  of  the  whole  community. 

The  Guild,  then,  is  an  industrial  organisation  whose  func- 


342     MARXISM— SYNDICALISM— GUILD    SOCIALISM 

tion  is  to  control  production  and  "  the  producer's  side  of 
exchange  "  in  the  interests  of  the  producers,  and  has  to 
manage  all  matters  concerned  in  the  life  and  work  of  the 
producers  as  such.  It  has  nothing  to  do  with  political 
questions  as  political.  On  the  other  hand,  the  State  is  to 
concern  itself  with  the  needs  and  desires  common  to 
individuals  as  "consumers  or  users"  of  the  product  of 
industry.  It  must  not  interfere  with  or  control  production 
or  producers. 

Guild  and  State  must  recognise  each  other  and  each 
other's  functions.  It  is  not  enough  that  trade  unions  should 
be  accepted  as  the  channel  for  the  expression  of  the  views 
and  demands  of  the  workers.  They  must  as  an  organised 
body  have  complete  control  over  their  work  and  lives  as 
producers,  and  must  be  in  a  position  to  recognise  the  State 
on  the  same  terms  and  in  the  same  sense  as  the  State 
recognises  the  Guild.  Trade  Unionism  as  it  is  to-day  must 
advance  to  the  higher  stage  of  the  greater  unionism  which 
the  Guild  stands  for.  Craft  must  no  longer  be  separated 
from  craft  nor  industry  from  industry.  Industrial  Union- 
ism in  the  form  of  the  Guild  means  the  linking-up  of  all 
industries  in  one  association  of  labour,  and  must  exercise 
self-government  in  its  own  sphere  as  complete  as  the  self- 
government  exercised  by  the  State,  in  its  sphere.  In  such 
a  situation  alone  can  the  two  bargain  on  equal  terms. 

But  it  is  clear  that  there  cannot  be  two  self-governing 
authorities  in  the  community  absolutely  sundered  and 
never  co-operating.  Mutual  recognition  implies  that  they 
may  differ  :  and  the  unity  of  the  community's  life  implies 
that  they  have  interests  in  common  and  require  an  instru- 
ment of  mediation.  The  Guild  must  favour  the  right  to 
withdraw  labour  and  lower  production ;  the  State  will 
have  to  check  unjust  demands  and  profiteering  producers. 
The  mediating  agency  between  the  two  is  supplied  by  the 
joint  Congress  of  Guilds  and  the  State.  It  will  be  called 
in  where  matters  affecting  both  are  concerned,  and  where 
the  whole  interests  of  the  community  are  involved.  No 
doubt  in  the  last  resort  the  fact  that  the  two  organisations 
are  absolutely  equal  may  give  rise  to  a  deadlock  at  the  Joint 
Congress.  But  "it  is  almost  impossible  to  imagine  such 
a  deadlock  arising  in  an  equalitarian  society."  The  normal 
situation  will  be  a  balance  of  power  between  the  industrial 
organisation  and  the  political  organisation,  each  possessing 


LINK  BETWEEN  GUILD  AND   STATE          343 

in  its  one  domain  complete  legislative  and  executive 
authority,  and  both  being  in  that  sense  equal. 

But  there  is  to  be  another  link  between  the  Guild  and  the 
State  besides  the  Joint  Congress.  The  individual,  the  unit 
of  the  community,  would  have  vested  rights  in  both  the  indus- 
trial and  the  political  organisation,  and  in  his  fundamental 
capacity  of  a  member  of  the  community  would  have  duties 
in  both  spheres.  No  individual  is  wholly  and  solely  in  the 
producer  Guild  or  in  the  consumer  State  :  everyone  is  in 
both.  Every  individual  need  not  be  a  member  of  a  Guild, 
"  but  he  will  be  a  member  of  some  form  of  a  productive 
association  in  the  widest  sense  of  the  word,"  i.e.  an  associ- 
ation based  on  some  form  of  "  social  service."  1  Thus  the 
individual  is  a  connecting-bond  between  the  two  equal 
complementary  organisations,  and  the  division  of  social 
authority  between  these  organisations  "  preserves  the 
integrity  of  the  individual."  One  would  rather  say  "  the 
division  of  social  authority "  demands  the  integrity  of 
the  individual  in  order  to  make  such  a  division  workable. 
Moreover,  the  only  security  for  the  freedom  of  the  individual 
is  the  balance  of  power  between  those  two  equal  authorities, 
which  with  extreme  optimism  are  supposed  not  to  arrive 
at  a  deadlock. 

The  Guild,  as  the  organisation  of  an  industry  in  such  a 
way  as  to  give  to  the  producers  complete  control  of  all  that 
concerns  their  life  and  work  as  producers,  is  held  to  be  the 
natural  and  necessary  development  of  the  trade  union 
movement.  Trade  Unionism  cannot  be  a  mere  appanage  of 
industrial  activity,  a  mere  instrument  for  the  carrying  out 
of  certain  temporary  ends,  however  important,  such  as 
increasing  wages  and  improving  working  conditions.  It 
cannot  exist  merely  on  sufferance,  and  have  its  powers 
limited  by  the  State,  whether  the  socialistic  State  or  any 
other.  It  must  advance  to  its  ultimate  goal,  which  is  to 
secure  direct  and  entire  control  of  the  industry  from  top  to 
bottom,  on  a  national  scale  and  in  the  workshop.  It  cannot 
stop  short  of  the  possession  of  legislative  and  executive 
authority  in  the  sphere  of  industry,  free  from  State  inter- 
ference and  equal  in  power  with  the  State.  That  must  be 
the  direction  and  the  aim  of  trade  unionism  in  the  future. 
National  Guildism  is  to  be  the  historical  issue  of  the  trade 

1  See  Cole,  Self-government  in  Industry,  p.  92.  This  distinction  ia  neither 
clear  nor  convincing. 

23 


344    MARXISM— SYNDICALISM— GUILD    SOCIALISM 

union  movement,  and  thus  Guildism  will  supersede  collec- 
tivistic  socialism  and  quasi-anarchic  Syndicalism.  Guildism 
is  the  only  real  democratisation  of  industry  and  the  State. 

It  is  the  modern  representative  of  the  mediaeval  guildism, 
with  this  great  difference,  that,  whereas  mediaeval  guilds 
were  associations,  generally  localised  associations,  of  masters 
and  men  in  a  particular  craft,  Guildism  is  an  organisation 
of  workers  or  producers  alone,  the  power  of  the  master  or 
capitalist  being  eliminated  as  an  industrial  superfluity.  In 
modern  guildism,  therefore,  the  "  slavery  "  of  the  present 
"wages  system"  will  disappear,  and,  with  that,  poverty, 
which  is  but  the  symptom,  not  the  cause,  of  the  present 
slavery  of  the  wage-earning  producer  class. 

Guilds  will  be  many  in  number,  but  they  will  be  unified 
in  the  National  Congress  of  Guilds,  with  which  supreme 
legislative  and  executive  authority  in  industry  will  lie. 
Its  authority  will  be  exercised  through  decentralisation, 
not  overcentralisation. 

At  present  the  Guild  theory  is  a  hope  and  an  aspiration. 
It  has  not  yet  secured  the  assent  and  approval  of  trade 
unionists,  but  trade  unionism  is  to  be  educated  into  gradual 
acceptance  of  the  Guild  principle. 

Methods  have  been  sketched  by  which  the  members  of 
the  Guild  are  to  be  elected  so  as  to  secure  at  once  the  free- 
dom of  each  Guild  from  the  workshops  upwards,  and  the 
complete  democratic  government  of  the  industry  through 
the  Guild  Congress. 

There  is  at  first  sight  an  appearance  of  artificiality  in 
the  division  of  organisation  between  the  Guild  and  the 
State.  It  seems,  indeed,  prima  facie  impracticable  to  have 
two  such  equal  authorities  within  the  one  life  of  the 
community.  But  such  a  separation  of  powers  is  by  no 
means  without  historical  parallel.  We  may  not  inaptly 
compare  the  Guild  proposal  with  the  view  which  has  been 
often  advanced  in  Western  Europe  regarding  the  relations 
which  should  subsist  between  Church  and  State.  It  has 
been  maintained  that  the  community  in  its  religious  aspect 
can  and  should  form  the  single  autonomous  organisation 
of  the  Church,  and  the  community  in  its  secular  aspect 
should  form  the  single  and  equally  autonomous  organisation 
of  the  State,  the  connecting-link  between  the  two  being 
the  individuals  who  are  members  of  both  organisations. 
These  two  organisations  are  considered  to  have  equally 


INCHOATE   SOURCES   OF  CONFLICT  345 

legislative  and  executive  authority  within  their  separate 
and  independent  spheres  ;  and  both  are  held  to  subserve 
fundamental  and  necessary  interests  of  the  community. 
Guildism  is  an  application  of  this  principle  within  the 
domain  of  the  secular  life  of  the  community.  The  State  and 
the  Guild  stand  to  one  another  in  the  secular  life  of  society 
as  the  Church  and  State  do  when  they  divide  between 
them  the  religious  and  secular  interests  of  the  community. 
This  parallel,  however,  does  not  remove  the  objection  to  the 
Guild  theory,  but  tends  to  bring  out  the  difficulties  which  lie 
in  the  principle  of  divided  authority.  The  division  of 
powers  between  Church  and  State  has  been  the  cause  of 
endless  conflict  in  Western  Europe,  and  that  conflict  is 
not  yet  allayed.  If  it  has  not  made  for  peace  where  the 
interests  are  so  divergent  as  those  of  religion  and  secular 
life,  there  is  still  less  chance  of  peace  in  a  community  when 
we  try  to  make  a  sharp  division  within  a  community  in  a 
sphere  where  the  interests  concerned  are  inseparably 
connected.  If  the  division  between  Church  and  State 
seems  natural,  that  between  producers  and  consumers  is 
wholly  arbitrary.  Production  is  but  a  stage  in  a  single 
process  which  is  continuous  with  that  of  consumption, 
and  cannot  be  cut  off  from  it.  Moreover,  production  in 
one  industry  is  consumption  in  another,  as  in  the  relation 
of  iron  ore  to  the  steel  industry.  Consumption  cannot  be 
limited  to  the  case  of  food-supplies. 

Again,  if  producers  are  to  form  a  separate  self-governing 
body,  why  should  not  other  classes  in  the  community 
equally  do  so?  In  a  democratically  constituted  com- 
munity individuals  may  be  distinguished  as  at  once 
making  laws  and  obeying  laws.  Are  these  aspects  to 
form  the  basis  of  separate  self-governing  organisations  ? 
Where  are  we  to  stop  in  the  process  of  separating  funda- 
mental interests  in  the  community  ?  Moreover,  it  is 
impossible  to  separate  the  State  and  industry  into  self- 
governing  organisations  without  creating  endless  sources  of 
conflict.  The  authority  of  the  State  in  a  community  is 
comprehensive,  and  concerns  itself  with  the  formulation 
and  maintenance  of  all  the  rights  of  all  the  individuals.  It 
is  the  supreme  arbiter  as  between  persons,  single  and 
corporate.  The  individual  will  come  to  regard  the  final 
authority  in  his  life  to  be  either  the  State  or  the  indus- 
trial organisation.  One  will  be  subordinated  to  the  other. 


346    MARXISM— SYNDICALISM— GUILD    SOCIALISM 

They  cannot  be  equal  when  the  liberty  of  the  individual  life 
is  at  stake.  So  far  from  the  balance  of  power  between  Guild 
and  State  securing  the  liberty  of  the  individual,  it  will  tend 
to  imperil  his  liberty  at  every  step.  And  who  will  deter- 
mine the  individual's  liberty  in  Guild  or  State  ?  Not  the 
individual  himself,  but  the  organisation.  In  a  word,  the 
only  guarantee  that  the  Guild  and  the  State  under  such 
a  scheme  would  promote  liberty  would  be  if  the  individual's 
liberty  were  secured  independently  of  both.  Between  the 
two  both  liberty  and  individuality  could  be  crushed  beyond 
recognition. 

There  is,  again,  no  final  authority  or  power  vested  in  the 
Joint  Congress  to  have  its  decisions  either  ratified  or 
carried  out.  A  Joint  Congress  has  by  hypothesis  no  power 
of  legislation  and  no  executive  authority.  It  is  a  mere 
addendum  to  the  Guild  scheme,  although  the  exercise  of 
its  functions  might  in  the  last  resort  be  the  sole  guarantee 
for  the  liberty  of  individuals  in  both  organisations. 

These  are  but  a  few  of  the  objections  and  difficulties  in 
the  way  of  this  hypothetical  reconstruction  of  the  life 
of  the  community. 


CHAPTER  XXXIII 

THE    POSITION    BEFORE    THE   WAR,    1913-14 

THE  year  1914  opened  darkly.  The  official  report  of  the 
preceding  year  said  :  "  The  year  1913  was  remarkable  for 
the  number  of  disputes  which  occurred  during  its  course, 
far  exceeding  the  number  recorded  in  any  previous  year. 
Practically  all  the  main  groups  of  trade  were  affected  by  the 
increase  in  the  number  of  the  disputes,  notably  the  building, 
metal,  engineering  and  shipbuilding,  and  textile  trades  "  ; 
and  yet  no  single  dispute  involving  more  than  50,000  work- 
people occurred  in  1913.  A  leading  journal  stated  : 

"  A  welter  of  movements  is  going  on  within  the  world  of 
labour,  and  the  only  thing  certain  about  them  is  that  they 
will  find  some  outlet.  Perhaps  the  most  salient  feature 
of  this  turmoil  at  the  moment  is  the  general  spirit  of 
revolt,  not  only  against  employers  of  all  kinds,  but  also 
against  leaders  and  majorities,  and  Parliamentary  or  any 
kind  of  constitutional  and  orderly  action.  .  .  .  There  is 
sporadic  action  without  any  regular  organisation  or  parade 
of  principles." 

This  summing  up  was,  I  think,  fairly  accurate.  It  was 
at  least  reflected  in  the  work  of  my  Department,  at  the 
close  of  1913  and  during  the  first  six  months  of  1914. 
Day  after  day  was  taken  up  in  travelling  to  all  parts  of 
Great  Britain  by  my  officers  and  myself  to  answer  the 
numerous  calls  to  preside  at  conferences,  with  a  view  to 
settlement  of  sporadic  disputes.  The  coal-porters  of 
London,  the  furniture-makers  of  High  Wycombe,  the 
London  building  trade,  and  the  lace-makers  of  Ayrshire, 
were  only  instances  of  obstinate  local  disputes,  taking  up 
much  time  and  care. 

In  November  1913,  at  Bristol,  I  had  endeavoured  to 

347 


348  THE    POSITION    BEFORE    THE    WAR 

point  out  to  members  of  the  recently  formed  Cavendish 
Club  some  of  the  points  in  the  position  of  affairs,  which  at 
the  time  occurred  to  me  as  being  correct.  I  remarked  : 

"  There  is  a  spirit  abroad  of  unrest,  of  movement,  a 
spirit  and  a  desire  of  improvement,  of  alteration.  We  are 
in,  perhaps,  as  quick  an  age  of  transition  as  there  has  been 
for  many  generations  past.  The  causes  of  this  are  manifold. 
I  am  only  going  to  indicate  a  few.  One  is  that  the  school- 
master has  been  abroad  in  the  land,  and  that,  as  education 
improves,  the  more  a  man  wishes  to  get  to  a  better  and 
higher  position.  Another  is  that  the  competition  in  life 
increases,  and  must  increase,  year  by  year.  .  .  .  Again, 
every  man,  whatever  the  actual  cost  of  his  livelihood  may 
be,  if  he  has  arrived  at  a  particular  standard  of  life,  not 
only  desires  to  improve  it,  but  also  would  struggle  hard 
before  he  would  give  it  up.  When  you  come  to  certain 
standards  of  wages  and  livelihood,  and  find  that  particular 
things  that  you  particularly  use  rise  greatly  in  price,  it 
affects  the  amenities  of  life  and  the  margin  of  life  to 
such  an  extent  that  there  is  disenchantment  and  a  desire 
to  keep  to  the  standard  which  may  have  been  achieved. 
Then  there  is  the  spirit  of  movement  throughout  the 
world.  We  quicken  day  by  day  means  of  transport.  You 
have  your  tramways,  railways,  motors,  taxis,  and  fast 
ships ;  and  more  and  more  a  movement  from  place  to  place, 
and  a  movement  that  is  taken  advantage  of  by  the  people 
at  large  in  increasing  millions  year  by  year.  In  addition 
to  that  you  have  in  this  country  for  some  years  past  what  I 
may  call  political  equality.  One  man's  vote  is  as  good  as 
another — sometimes  better.  If  a  man  has  got  educated 
up  to  the  view  of  considering  himself  politically  equal  to 
another  man,  he  is  far  more  anxious  to  achieve  a  greater 
amount  of  economic  equality ;  a  desire  to  reach  that 
economic  equality  must  necessarily  exist  in  his  mind. 
Upon  platform  after  platform  there  has  been  preached  the 
doctrine  of  Imperial  possessions  and  their  importance,  and 
men  to  whom  these  Imperial  possessions  have  been  given 
are  not  inclined  to  think  they  are  nobody  in  the  world. 
There  is  also  a  vast  amount  of  going  backwards  and  for- 
wards to  dominions  beyond  the  seas.  Men  come  back  from 
Canada  and  Australia,  and  come  back  imbued  with  ideas 
they  find  there  ;  and  leaven  the  local  feeling  in  particular 


UNDERSTANDING   OR  DIVISION  349 

localities  in  this  country.  That,  shortly,  sums  up  some 
of  the  reasons  why  there  is  unrest,  unrest  that  nobody  can 
be  surprised  at,  and  which  is  bound  to  continue.  Are  men 
to  remain  in  a  backwater  and  do  nothing,  or  to  be  cast  out 
of  the  stream  and  remain  as  flotsam  and  jetsam  on  the 
bank  ?  If  this  unrest  of  every  kind  has  to  be  taken  ad- 
vantage of  and  properly  directed,  every  man  ought  to  put 
his  hand  to  the  helm  and  do  what  he  can  for  the  advantage 
of  his  country,  the  advantage  of  his  fellow-countrymen, 
and  see  that  the  most  economical  force,  the  greatest 
advantage,  should  be  got  out  of  the  movements  which  are 
existing. 

"  The  alternative  of  service  by  men  like  yourselves  is  an 
increased  separation  of  the  so-called  classes,  and  increased 
want  of  understanding  between  man  and  man.  Some  men 
read  newspapers  that  you  never  see,  while  you  read  news- 
papers that  they  never  see.  By  newspapers,  by  magazines, 
by  books,  the  workpeople  are  self-educating  themselves  far 
more  than  they  ever  did  a  score  of  years  ago.  There  is  the 
difference  of  the  influence  of  class  upon  one  side,  and  upon 
the  other  a  feeling  that  education  has  been  different,  that 
there  is  no  sympathy  between  person  and  person,  that  you 
are  a  set  apart  from  them,  and  not  of  the  same  flesh  and 
blood  as  they  are ;  that  you  are  people  whom  they  would 
like  to  overthrow,  and  of  whom  they  are  suspicious,  while 
you  stand  aside  not  knowing  of  them,  and  enter  not  into 
their  feelings.  This  view  is  fostered  by  theories  of  social 
changes  largely  imported  from  the  Continent,  but  with  the 
difference  that  the  Englishman,  while  the  Continent  will 
often  talk  without  translating  the  talk  into  actual  and 
practical  tests,  is  apt  to  prefer  action  to  theory.  At  the 
present  time  there  is  not  only  an  advisability,  but  almost 
a  necessity,  of  campaigning  for  the  better  understanding 
of  class  and  class.  I  have  said  we  are  in  a  period  of 
transition  ;  it  is  a  period  in  which  the  world  is  going  very 
fast.  That  the  present  unrest  will  cease  I  do  not  believe 
for  one  moment ;  it  will  increase,  and  probably  increase 
with  greater  force. 

"  Within  a  comparatively  short  time  there  may  be 
movements  in  this  country  coming  to  a  head  of  which 
recent  events  have  been  a  small  foreshadowing.  There- 
fore it  is  no  time  for  you  to  stand  by  and  do  little  or 
nothing,  and  take  no  interest  in  these  concerns.  I  do  not 


350  THE    POSITION    BEFORE    THE    WAR 

believe  that  any  movements  of  the  kind  I  have  indicated 
can  be  stopped  by  force.  What  I  do  think  is  that  they  can 
be  understood,  and  any  harm  to  the  community  mitigated 
by  a  better  understanding  between  person  and  person  ; 
an  understanding  which  young  men  and  those  who  are 
coming  forward  as  young  men  may  be  able  to  do  much  to 
assist.  I  do  not  wish  to  put  forward  any  gloomy  fore- 
bodings. Far  from  it.  The  world  and  its  improvement  are 
going  on,  and  it  is  desirable  that  every  man  in  the  world 
should  want  to  improve  himself.  The  more  education 
progresses,  the  more  other  factors  progress,  the  more  man 
desires  improvement,  and  he  will  do  his  best  to  get  it. 
But  it  would  be  well  if  he  could  do  his  best  in  the  way  that 
is  of  the  greatest  advantage  to  the  community  at  large  and 
himself  in  particular.  As  long  years  ago  Sir  Philip  Sydney 
said  :  l  A  man  is  on  duty  here,  but  knows  not  how  or 
why  and  does  not  need  to  know.  He  knows  not  for  what 
hire,  and  he  must  not  ask.  Somehow  or  other,  though  he 
does  not  know  what  goodness  is,  he  must  try  to  be  good. 
Somehow  or  other,  though  he  cannot  tell  what  will  do  it, 
he  must  try  to  give  happiness  to  others.'  " 

From  the  description  which  I  have  endeavoured  to  give 
of  actual  strikes  and  lockouts,  their  course,  and  the  issue 
arrived  at,  it  may  be  gathered  that  the  two  principal 
causes  of  the  disputes  for  the  twelve  years  before  the 
beginning  of  the  War  were  either  economic  demands  for 
better  wages  and  conditions,  or  arose  from  the  pressing  for- 
ward of  organisation  too  fast  in  the  idea  that  organisation, 
however  obtained,  was  necessary  to  obtain  economic 
improvements.  The  workpeople  wanted  to  "  addle  more 
brass,"  and  no  amount  of  philosophic  discussion  or  philan- 
thropic sectional  improvement  could  make  up  for  the 
desire  for  more  secure  and  better  pay.  The  cost  of  living 
had  either  rapidly  fluctuated  or  had  gone  up  for  prolonged 
periods  at  a  time  of  increasing  prosperity  without  quick 
resilience  by  the  employing  classes  to  the  movements  and 
the  ensuing  demands.  In  many  cases  there  was  complete 
ignorance  that  any  change  should  advisably  be  made  ;  in 
other  cases  there  was  the  contention  that  time  for  recovery 
from  lean  years  was  necessary  ;  in  some  cases  an  objection 
to  pay  out  money  which  would  otherwise  come  to  the 
employers,  or  to  give  advances  which  other  people  had  not 


CAUSES   OF  DISPUTES  351 

given  or  might  not  be  willing  to  give  ;  while  in  undertakings 
like  the  railways  the  argument  of  statutory  restrictions  and 
the  impracticability  of  raising  rates  against  competing 
lines  and  shipping,  the  merchants  and  manufacturers,  or 
the  public,  was  adduced.  In  addition,  there  was  general 
lassitude  upon  the  subject.  In  answer  to  this  lack  of  quick 
resilience,  the  workpeople  saw  that  organisation  increased 
their  power,  and  that  unorganised  trades  could  not  hope 
to  fight  against  employers  who,  with  smaller  numbers  and 
larger  resources,  could  combine  more  speedily.  In  their 
eagerness  for  organisation  many  trades ,  especially  the  miners , 
struck  on  the  non-union  question,  which  employers  regarded 
as  a  question  outside  their  scope  of  action  and  as  one  to  be 
decided  between  workpeople  ;  or  only  within  their  scope 
of  action  if  it  was  claimed  that  they  were  to  be  compelled  to 
bring  non-unionists  into  a  union  or  not  to  be  allowed  to 
employ  any  suitable  man  offering  himself  for  employment. 
In  their  eagerness,  too,  on  the  same  principle,  union  fought 
union,  while  the  employers  had  to  suffer  passively,  in  some 
instances  at  very  heavy  cost. 

These  were  the  chief  causes  of  strikes  and  lockouts. 
On  the  other  hand,  there  was  immense  work  being  done  by 
joint  organisation  of  employers  and  employed  ;  conciliation 
boards  increased  continuously ;  the  conciliation  work  of 
the  Board  of  Trade  increased,  particularly  under  Presidents 
who,  like  Mr.  Buxton,  aimed,  as  he  himself  said  in  November 
1913,  at  keeping  any  question  of  conciliation  out  of  politics, 
and  as  far  as  possible  putting  it  upon  a  basis  where  there 
should  not  be  Government  interference  from  a  political 
point  of  view,  and  where  no  suspicion  of  politics  should 
attach  to  the  Industrial  Department. 

The  number  of  disputes  avoided  or  composed  by  these 
agencies  was  very  large,  and  in  comparison  with  the 
number  of  mistakes  the  number  of  successes  was  consider- 
able. Trade  after  trade  was  gradually  being  organised  on 
bases  of  good  relationship,  so  far  as  the  leaders  on  both  sides 
were  concerned.  A  network  of  associated  employers  and 
of  federated  trade  unions  was  spreading  over  the  country. 

So  far  as  the  Government  was  concerned,  Ministers 
were  immersed  in  constitutional  struggles.  They  had  little 
or  no  labour  policy.  The  Members  of  the  Government  were 
strangely  outside  and  ignorant  of  the  labour  movements  in 
the  country  ;  or  of  any  personal  knowledge  of  the  principal 


352  THE    POSITION    BEFORE    THE    WAR 

labour  leaders.  The  interference  of  politicians  in  labour 
disputes,  much  as  many  of  them  hankered  to  come  in,  was 
deleterious,  and  could  be  exposed  far  more  strongly  than 
I  have  mildly  indicated.  Their  best  Bill,  the  Trade  Boards 
Act,  was  forced  on  them  by  a  few  enthusiasts  and  by  Sir 
Charles  Dilke.  Their  Labour  Exchange  Act  I  have  already 
mentioned.  The  Trade  Disputes  Act  was  carried  on 
grounds  of  political  expediency  and  contrary  to  the  express 
statements  on  certain  clauses  which  the  Attorney-General 
had  made  in  the  House  of  Commons.  The  Coal  Mines 
Regulation  (Eight  Hours  Act)  of  1908  would  never  have 
got  through  if  the  Parliamentary  representatives  of  labour 
in  the  House  of  Commons  had  been  a  negligible  quantity. 
The  Old  Age  Pensions  Act  and  the  Children's  Act  were  long 
overdue.  The  National  Insurance  Act  of  1911  was 
almost  entirely  due  to  the  work  of  Sir  Hubert  Llewellyn 
Smith.  The  Labour  Party  in  the  House  of  Commons,  from 
1906  onwards,  was  a  force  to  be  reckoned  with,  but  they 
were  not  constructive.  Their  chief  influence  consisted 
in  the  desire  which  the  Government  had  to  bring  in  Bills 
which  they  would  not  oppose,  or  to  carry  on  administration 
without  being  subjected  to  too  many  unpleasant  questions. 

It  might  have  been  supposed  that  even  under  these 
conditions  the  proofs  of  gradual  evolution  would  have 
appealed  to  the  country  at  large  and  prevented  useless 
disputes.  There  was  a  strong  yearning  for  peace.  The  very 
praise  given  by  the  newspapers,  in  reflection  of  general 
opinion,  to  those  striving  to  make  peace  and  establish 
bases  of  future  peace,  indicated  support  of  the  principle 
of  peace.  The  country  was  sick  of  strikes,  but  though  in 
some  senses  it  was  tired,  there  were  beneath  the  surface 
bubbles  of  excitement  continuously  forming  and  breaking 
out. 

The  labour  leaders  who  had  got  into  Parliament  lost 
touch  with  the  rank  and  file  in  their  own  unions.  Some  of 
them  were  surprised  at  the  outbreaks  in  the  ports  of  the 
country.  The  fervour  of  organisation  led  to  a  desire  to 
make  use  of  the  organisation.  The  collection  of  funds 
seemed  to  produce  a  purse  whose  contents  should  be  dis- 
tributed. The  more  leisure  an  Eight-hour  Act  gave,  the 
more  education  continuously  poured  out  young  men  eager 
for  advancement,  so  much  the  more  time  there  was  for 
meetings  and  for  thought,  the  more  recognition  there  was  for 


GROWING  EFFERVESCENCE  858 

the  conscious  or  subconscious  knowledge  that  the  paths  of 
advancement  were  narrow,  devious,  and  blocked.  Sporadic 
disputes  and  "  irritation  "  strikes  were  the  order  of  the 
day.  There  was  effervescence,  and  behind  the  effervescence 
there  were  movements  growing,  with  demands  for  shorter 
working-hours,  more  pay  and  more  power,  both  over  in- 
dustry and  in  the  government  of  the  country.  The  young 
men  were  ready  to  move,  and  did  move  sporadically.  They 
were  also  ready  to  move  in  support  of  any  large  movement, 
which,  if  they  had  realised  it,  their  sporadic  movements 
often  endangered  and  hurt.  They  did  not  realise  what 
their  leaders  knew  or  by  experience  slowly  learned,  that 
labour  marches  on  its  stomach,  that  large  masses  of  men, 
particularly  in  unskilled  trades,  cannot  support  long  stop- 
pages without  privation,  unless  preparations  have  been 
made  long  before  and  with  adequate  foresight. 

Although  the  numerous  small  strikes  seemed  to  be  evi- 
dence that  men  were  ready  to  cease  work,  workpeople  in  the 
more  general  sense  seemed  to  have  a  growing  feeling  of 
that  terrible  danger  to  all  workpeople,  unemployment  and 
its  results.  Memory  recalled  the  slumps  in  the  building 
trades,  slackness  of  work  at  the  docks,  stagnation  in 
shipbuilding  and  engineering.  There  may  have  been 
increase  in  savings,  but  the  margin  for  saving  in  many 
trades  was  not  sufficient  to  induce  thrift.  The  atmosphere 
of  thrift  was  not  sufficiently  widespread.  The  amounts, 
where  saving  had  been  effected,  were  not  sufficient  to  imply 
security.  There  was  apparent  a  great  growth  of  the  policy 
of  "  ca'  canny,"  and  in  some  trades  a  dead  set  against 
piecework,  fostered  by  the  belief  that  the  less  work  done 
the  more  employment  there  would  be  to  go  round,  or  by 
remembrance  of  piecework  rates  being  cut  if  a  man  earned 
by  his  energy  much  more  than  his  fellows.  The  margin 
of  piecework  rates  over  time  rates  was  in  many  cases  too 
small.  Where  the  minimum  rate  was  high  and  the  margin 
too  small,  the  tendency  was  to  be  satisfied  with  the  mini- 
mum rate  rather  than  to  work  much  harder,  possibly  at  the 
cost  of  some  physical  efficiency,  at  the  current  piecework 
rates.  In  shops  where  the  machinery  or  part  of  the  machin- 
ery was  out  of  date,  men  grumbled  at  rates  which  did  not 
give  them  as  much  as  other  men  with  better  machinery  could 
speedily  earn.  Although  there  were  many  employers  with 
vision,  who  consistently  examined  then*  stocks  of  machinery 


354  THE    POSITION    BEFORE    THE    WAR 

and  were  continuously  out  for  improvements  and  who 
thought  of  the  welfare  of  their  men  in  and  out  of  the  shops, 
and  strove  for  good  ventilation,  cleanliness,  amenities,  and 
recreation,  it  cannot  be  said  that  the  majority  did  more  than 
comply  with  the  bare  necessities  required  by  Factory  Acts, 
or  interested  themselves  much  in  extra  amenities,  the 
housing  of  their  workpeople,  or  their  social  aims  of  all 
kinds.  There  were  few  who  thought  of  business  training  of 
their  foremen  on  lines  that  would  interest  them  in  the  busi- 
ness, and  make  them  in  their  turn  better  leaders  or  teachers 
of  the  men  under  them.  The  tendency  to  widen  the  gulf 
of  classes  was  rapidly  making  headway  on  both  sides. 
There  was  not  enough  human  relationship  between  leaders 
of  industry  and  the  rank  and  file,  particularly  the  young 
men. 

Coupled  with  zest  for  sport  and  amusement,  and  objection 
to  any  interference  with  time  available  for  it,  there  was  a 
strong  and  by  no  means  unhealthy  objection  to  overtime, 
though  the  objection  was  sometimes  carried  to  extreme 
lengths.  Where  this  occurred,  there  was  irritation  for  the 
employer  who,  hampered  by  "  ca'  canny,"  could  not  get 
his  proper  or  estimated  production,  could  not  fulfil  his 
contracts,  and  found  that  his  men  were  more  and  more 
unwilling,  particularly  if  they  belonged  to  unions  with 
rigid  rules,  to  give  him  assistance  by  overtime,  even  in 
instances  of  great  stress. 

The  difficulties  were  not  due  to  one  side  only.  Many 
employers  were  too  fond  of  hand-to-mouth  expedients, 
without  careful  thought  of  planning  or  of  preparation, 
so  that  workers  might  have  suitable  conditions  under  which 
the  best  that  was  in  them  might  have  a  chance  of  being 
brought  out.  If  the  heads  of  the  firm  followed  such  lines, 
the  example  surely  spread  through  the  whole  firm,  through 
the  managers  and  the  foremen,  down  to  the  workpeople. 
Friction,  delay,  muddle,  only  lead  to  waste,  bad  feeling, 
and  slackness. 

I  have  already  noticed  the  progress  of  self-education,  by 
books,  magazines,  and  newspapers.  Some  of  them  would 
speak  of  the  power  of  the  Labour  Party  in  Parliament,  and 
by  the  Trade  Union  Act  of  1913,  following  upon  the  Osborne 
judgment,  opportunity  was  given  for  subscriptions  to  be 
collected  to  finance  elections  and  support  Labour  Members 
of  Parliament,  in  addition  to  the  assistance  which  payment 


355 

of  Members  by  the  State  might  afford.  The  sense  of 
greater  strength  came,  too,  by  the  vast  increase  of  member- 
ship in  the  unions  specially  dealing  with  the  semi-skilled 
and  unskilled  workpeople,  a  result  due  partly  to  systematic 
organisation,  partly  to  the  requirement  of  the  National 
Insurance  Act  that  wage-earners  should  belong  to  an 
approved  society.  The  Workers'  Union  alone  had  111 
branches  in  1910,  567  in  1913,  750  in  1916,  and  2,000  in 
1920.  At  the  same  time  small  unions  tended  to  unite,  or 
to  be  affiliated  to  larger  associations.  Those  larger  associ- 
ations became  more  and  more  strict  in  insisting  that  all 
persons  working  in  their  industry  should  be  members  of 
trade  unions.  In  the  most  powerful  mining  centres  the 
federations  aimed  at  the  inclusion  of  all  workpeople  in  the 
Miners'  Federation,  and  the  Miners'  Federation  only.  The 
growing  strength  of  the  miners  was  proved  by  their  power 
of  enforcement  of  the  Eight  Hours  Act  in  1908,  the 
improvements  of  the  Mines  Regulation  Act  in  1911,  and  the 
passing  of  the  Coal  Mines  (Minimum  Wage)  Act  in  1912. 
Their  intention  of  considering  a  triple  alliance,  miners, 
railwaymen,  and  transport  workers,  was  strongly  expressed 
by  Mr.  Smillie  in  December  1913.  The  young  men  were 
forcing  the  hands  of  the  older  leaders  all  over  the  country, 
especially  in  South  Wales.  They  found  leaders  to  their 
taste  in  the  stern  autocracy  of  Mr.  Smillie  and  the  advanced 
views  of  some  of  his  chief  lieutenants.  Their  strength 
was  to  be  exhibited  still  further  at  a  later  date.  The  claims 
of  Guild  Socialism,  Syndicalism,  and  Nationalisation  were 
murmured  from  time  to  time,  but  did  not  seem  within 
practical  possibility  so  much  as  since  the  War,  though 
nationalisation  had  for  some  years  been  regularly  passed  as 
a  "  hardy  annual  "  at  Trade  Union  Congresses.  Neverthe- 
less the  feeling  and  the  preaching  against  capitalism  grew 
daily,  watered  by  plenty  of  literature  and  speeches  to 
which  no  adequate  answer  was  given.  Capital  offered  in 
some  disputes  a  passive  resistance,  but  it  made  little  sign 
of  defence  by  argument  or  proof.  It  was  not  explained 
how  the  vast  wealth  of  Great  Britain  had  been  built  up 
by  individual  effort  and  energy ;  nor  why  the  system  seemed 
to  be  failing  in  power  to  satisfy  the  needs  of  the  time  or  to 
obtain  better  distribution  of  wealth.  It  seems  to  me  that 
there  was  very  great  materialism,  with  few  ideals  of  service 
or  of  anything  else  beyond  materialism. 


CHAPTER  XXXIV 

THE    BEGINNING    OF    THE    WAR 

THE  comparative  placidity  of  the  summer  of  1914  seemed 
in  a  measure  to  be  deceptive.  It  was  known  that  the  three 
years'  agreement  made  in  1912  between  the  Engineering 
Employers'  Association  and  the  Amalgamated  Society  of 
Engineers  was  drawing  to  a  close,  and  that  claims  were 
going  to  be  advanced  for  shorter  hours,  increased  wages, 
and  improved  conditions  which  might  lead  to  great 
differences.  Even  if  federated  firms  were  prepared  to 
make  concessions,  particularly  with  regard  to  hours,  non- 
federated  firms  would  certainly  not  take  the  same  view 
with  any  unanimity.  The  mining  industry  was  also 
preparing  claims  for  the  autumn.  The  transport  industry 
had  been  steadily  organising.  Those  unions,  which  were 
principally  recruited  from  semi-skilled  and  unskilled 
workpeople,  were  adding  daily  to  the  numbers  of  their 
members.  The  cost  of  living  appeared  to  be  on  the  upward 
trend.  There  was  a  spirit  of  unrest  which  vaguely  ex- 
pressed itself  in  an  oft-heard  phrase,  "Wait  till  the  autumn." 
I  had  decided  to  try  for  a  long  holiday,  so  as  to  get  some 
rest  before  the  strenuous  time  which  promised  to  be  forth- 
coming in  the  near  future.  At  this  juncture  a  curious 
dispute  occurred. 

It  must  have  been  a  cynical  pleasure  to  those  who  took 
part  in  that  meeting  at  Berlin  on  July  4,  where  it  is  said 
the  decision  was  taken  to  give  Austria  a  free  hand  in  Serbia 
and  to  support  her  at  all  costs,  when  they  heard  that  on 
that  same  day  a  deputation  to  the  Chief  Superintendent  of 
the  Ordnance  Factories  for  the  reinstatement  of  a  dismissed 
workman  at  Woolwich  Arsenal  had  failed,  that  tools  had 
been  thrown  down,  and  that  the  whole  Arsenal,  two  days 
later,  was  practically  at  a  standstill.  Prince  Metternich 
had  several  times  expressed  a  desire  to  hear  opinions  of 
labour  difficulties  at  the  house  of  a  mutual  friend,  saying 

356 


WOOLWICH  ARSENAL  857 

that  he  had  reported  to  his  Government  my  views  that  the 
disputes  so  rife  in  1911  and  1912  were  economic  in  char- 
acter, were  npt  anti-dynastic  or  anti-Governmental,  and 
that  the  nation  at  heart  was  as  sound  as  any  nation  had 
ever  been.  Baron  Marschall  von  Bieberstein,  the  succeed- 
ing Ambassador,  during  his  short  term  had  tried  to  meet 
me  twice  without  success,  but  one  of  his  staff  was  deeply 
interested  in  the  dockers'  disputes.  The  next  Ambassador, 
Prince  Lichnowsky,  did  not  mention  the  subject.  This 
sudden  outburst  in  Woolwich  Arsenal  itself,  a  Government 
Department,  must  have  pleased  those  in  Germany  who  may 
not  have  liked  Ambassadors'  reports  contrary  to  their 
wishes,  and  to  the  theory  that  unity  between  Capital  and 
Labour  was  impracticable  in  Great  Britain. 

The  Prime  Minister  sent  for  me  about  the  dispute,  and 
asked  my  view,  agreeing  to  the  suggestion  of  a  court  of 
inquiry  of  two  employers,  two  leading  labour  representa- 
tives (Mr.  Barnes  and  Mr.  Clynes),  with  myself  as  chairman. 
A  few  days  later,  upon  the  appointment  of  the  court, 
the  men  returned  to  work,  which  they  had  left  without 
notice,  and  without  representing  their  grievances  through 
the  proper  channels.  The  strike  was  an  attempt  at  direct 
action  which  had  no  sanction  from  the  authorities  of  the 
trade  union,  but  it  presented  some  difficult  features  which 
it  is  unnecessary  to  give  in  detail.  Suffice  it  to  say  a 
unanimous  report,  completed  after  several  days  of  inquiry, 
was  settled  on  Wednesday,  July  29,  but  was  not  then  pub- 
lished. That  night  I  went  to  the  country  for  a  short  rest, 
but  by  the  last  train  a  messenger  arrived,  with  a  letter 
saying  the  situation  was  grave,  and  I  should  return 
by  the  first  train  in  the  morning.  On  Tuesday,  August  4, 
we  were  at  war,  and  the  situation  had  at  once  changed. 

At  the  beginning  of  August  there  were  100  disputes 
known  to  the  Department  to  be  in  existence.  At  the  end 
of  the  month  there  were  twenty.  The  advantage  of  the 
principle  of  conciliation,  and  in  a  lesser  degree  of  arbitra- 
tion, in  trade  disputes,  the  gradual  work  and  the  example 
of  results  during  so  many  years,  were  in  fact  wonderfully 
vindicated  at  this  time  of  crisis.  Throughout  the  country, 
when  war  began,  all  the  great  organisations  of  employers 
and  workpeople  sank  their  domestic  quarrels,  and  united 
in  a  concerted  effort  for  the  welfare  and  preservation  of 
the  nation. 


358  THE  BEGINNING  OF  THE  WAR 

The  London  building  trade  dispute  and  the  threat  of  a 
national  lockout  closed  by  an  agreement  on  certain  points, 
and  the  reference  of  all  remaining  points  to  the  National 
Conciliation  Board  for  decision,  with  the  suggestion  made 
at  the  joint  conference  that  all  other  disputes  in  the 
building  trade  ought  to  be  settled  as  soon  as  possible  ; 
the  Marine  Engineers'  Union  told  their  men  to  proclaim  a 
truce  by  resuming  work  ;  the  electrical  industry  in  London 
on  both  sides  followed  suit  ;  the  shipbuilding  and  engineer- 
ing trades  dropped  their  demands  for  an  eight-hour  day  ; 
the  ship-repairers  laid  aside  disputes,  and  stated  that  their 
whole  resources  would  be  placed  at  the  country's  disposal ; 
the  engineers  and  boilermakers  withdrew  their  claims  on 
the  Great  Western  Railway  ;  the  dock  labourers  and  the 
General  Labourers'  Union  took  the  same  course  with  their 
employers. 

The  Mersey  Dock  and  Harbour  dispute  in  Liverpool 
was  settled  after  long  conferences  arranged  by  the  Depart- 
ment. In  the  coal  trade  the  trimmers  and  tippers  inti- 
mated that  they  would  work  by  the  day  or  night ;  the 
Scottish  coalowners  withdrew  their  demand  for  a  reduction 
of  wages  ;  in  South  Wales  the  Coal  Conciliation  Board 
had  unanimously  agreed  that  one  hour  extra  work  per  day 
was  to  be  given  in  all  coal-pits  producing  coal  for  the  navy, 
and  a  joint  committee  was  established  for  the  settlement 
of  other  disputes. 

Besides  the  general  conciliation  work  by  the  great  or- 
ganisations of  the  country  and  by  the  Department,  and 
in  addition  to  numerous  arbitrations  I  was  asked  to  take, 
with  rapid  journeys  to  Scotland  and  the  North,  an  interest- 
ing feature  of  the  first  two  months  lay  in  the  number  of 
employers  and  of  union  leaders  who  called  informally. 
Within  a  few  hours  of  each  other,  and  without  each  other's 
knowledge,  representatives  of  both  sides  would  come  to 
request  advice  or  intervention  in  disputes  where  a  dead- 
lock or  a  difficult  tangle  had  arisen. 

Disputes  melted  away  as  fast  as  the  hours  of  the  day, 
and  often  of  the  night,  gave  time  for  the  hearing  of  diffi- 
culties. Efforts  in  all  parts  of  the  country  were  endorsed 
by  the  resolution  of  the  Chief  Committees  of  representatives 
of  Labour  "  that  an  immediate  effort  be  made  to  terminate 
all  existing  trade  disputes,  whether  strikes  or  lockouts, 
and  whenever  new  points  of  difficulty  arise  during  the  War 


DISLOCATIONS  OF  THE  WAR  859 

period,  a  serious  attempt  should  be  made  by  all  concerned 
to  reach  an  amicable  settlement,  before  resorting  to  a  strike 
or  lockout." 

It  seemed  that  the  whole  country  rose  to  the  height  of 
the  King's  message  of  September  9  : 

"  The  calamitous  conflict  is  not  of  my  seeking.  My 
voice  has  been  cast  throughout  on  the  side  of  peace.  My 
Ministers  earnestly  strove  to  allay  the  causes  of  strife  and 
to  appease  differences  with  which  my  Empire  was  not 
concerned.  Had  I  stood  aside  when,  in  defiance  of  pledges 
to  which  my  kingdom  was  a  party,  the  soil  of  Belgium  was 
violated  and  her  cities  laid  desolate,  when  the  very  life 
of  the  French  nation  was  threatened  with  extinction,  I 
should  have  sacrificed  my  honour  and  given  to  destruc- 
tion the  liberties  of  my  Empire  and  of  mankind.  I 
rejoice  that  every  part  of  the  Empire  is  with  me  in  this 
decision." 

Yet,  with  the  month  of  October,  the  results  of  the  first 
half-million  and  then  of  the  second  half-million  men  being 
withdrawn  from  industries,  the  knowledge  slowly  beaten 
into  some  minds  that  the  War  would  not  end  without  a 
long  and  bitter  struggle,  the  hope  in  other  minds  that  it 
would  soon  end  and  business  must  be  preserved,  losses  in 
one  business,  profits  in  another,  competition  for  skilled 
men,  efforts  to  fulfil  contracts  at  any  price,  all  the  many 
dislocations  of  a  sudden  and  great  war,  began  to  have  effect. 
The  cry,  "  Business  as  usual,"  which  might  have  been 
useful  in  earlier  days  in  preventing  panic  or  calming  men, 
was  now  out  of  date.  There  could  not  be  business  as 
usual,  or  the  satisfaction  of  ordinary  demands.  Shortage 
of  labour  began  to  be  acute.  Contractors  were  not  ful- 
filling their  contracts  or  producing  supplies  in  anything 
like  the  quantity  laid  down  in  their  contracts,  or  desired 
by  the  continuously  increasing  clamour  of  the  War  Depart- 
ments for  more  and  yet  more  material.  The  requirements 
of  the  army  and  navy  were  clashing.  In  their  anxiety 
for  labour,  employers  were  bidding  against  each  other  to 
entice  skilled  labour  to  their  works,  or  bribing  men  to 
remain  in  their  employment.  Labour  was  getting  more 
and  more  unsettled,  and  at  the  same  time  was  not  abating 
the  restrictions  which  kept  certain  men  to  certain  work,  and 
24 


360  THE  BEGINNING   OF  THE  WAR 

prevented  change  of  occupation,  the  entry  of  new  workmen, 
or  the  abrogation  of  a  thousand  and  one  rules  developed  by 
hostility  or  in  defence  during  the  years  of  peace. 

Early  in  October  the  leather  trades  were  in  a  state  of 
turmoil.  There  had  been  depression  in  the  trade  after  a 
period  of  prosperity  during  the  Boer  War  ;  new  price- 
lists  had  been  made  in  1907  ;  there  were  differences  in 
systems  and  rates  between  Birmingham  and  Walsall ; 
the  unions  of  these  cities  were  not  united,  nor  were  the 
employers,  and  there  was  alleged  competition  from  London. 
New  designs,  orders,  and  requirements  poured  in  for  every 
class  of  leather  equipment.  The  lines  between  heavy, 
light,  and  fancy  leather  goods  were  not  clearly  denned  ; 
the  conditions  were  becoming  obsolete  ;  the  whole  in- 
dustry required  adjustment.  As  the  majority  of  the  work 
was  piecework,  adjustment  meant  revision  of  an  immense 
list  of  piecework  prices  as  well  as  of  general  conditions, 
time  rates,  rates  for  women  who  were  rapidly  diluting 
men's  work,  and,  above  all,  uniformity  between  competing 
firms.  There  were  long  conferences  with  me  over  the 
difficulties,  one  of  them  lasting  for  twelve  hours  ;  but  it 
says  much  for  the  good  feeling  on  both  sides  that  ulti- 
mately an  adjustment  was  made,  which  with  minor 
changes  lasted  throughout  the  War.  It  may  have  been  a 
blessing  in  disguise  that  this  important  industry  recon- 
stituted itself  so  early  in  the  War,  though  at  the  time  the 
disputes  were  naturally  a  source  of  anxiety. 

If  adjustments  in  the  leather  trade  involved  the  question 
of  smoothing  the  methods  of  supply,  another  problem 
was  presented  by  the  woollen  trade — namely,  shortage  of 
supply  for  the  requirements  of  the  army.  In  the  middle 
of  November  Lord  Kitchener  asked  me  to  see  him,  and  told 
me  he  had  not  enough  khaki  and  other  army  cloth  to 
clothe  the  troops  ;  he  wanted  more,  and  a  great  deal  more. 
Could  the  production  be  increased  by  friendly  arrangement  ? 
Could  cotton  operatives  be  transferred  ?  Would  I  deal 
with  this,  and  then  he  might  want  to  see  me  on  huts. 

Cotton  had  been  hit  by  the  War,  as  were  some  few  other 
trades.  The  question  of  unemployment  had  arisen,  and 
earnest  consideration  had  had  to  be  given  to  the  form  of 
Treasury  grants,  or,  in  other  words,  "  doles,"  to  such 
industries.  An  allowance  had  been  given  to  the  cotton 
industry.  In  spite  of  this  there  was  threatened  trouble 


WOOL  AND   COTTON  861 

there,  owing  to  difficulties  of  employment.  The  previous 
denunciation  of  the  Brooklands  Agreement  had  left  the 
cotton  trade  without  any  authorised  method  of  dealing 
with  disputes  ;  a  point  on  which  I  was  already  conversing 
with  their  leaders. 

I  told  Lord  Kitchener  I  would  inquire  at  once,  and  went 
to  Manchester,  Huddersfield,  Blackburn,  and  Glasgow. 
This  question  of  the  use  of  wool  involved  in  principle 
several  cruxes  of  the  War.  There  was  the  supply  of  cloth 
for  the  army  and  navy  to  which  a  proportion  of  the  work 
was  devoted.  There  was  the  supply  of  recruits  for  the 
army,  denuding  an  important  section  of  labour.  There 
was  also  the  question  of  home  supply  of  cloth,  and  how 
far  it  should  be  diminished  ;  of  export  supply,  by  which 
the  nation  paid  its  commitments  or  obtained  profits  from 
which  taxes  could  be  obtained ;  and  of  maintenance  of 
supply  in  view  of  the  growing  shortage  of  labour.  The 
facts  came  out  in  a  simple  manner.  Manufacturers  had 
no  idea  that  sufficient  khaki  was  not  being  produced,  and 
at  once  agreed  to  turn  their  mills  on  to  increased  war 
production,  but  said  they  could  not  maintain  supplies 
unless  temporarily  recruitment  of  great  and  little  "  piecers," 
the  latter  mostly  young  men,  was  restricted.  Piecers 
required  education.  Cotton  piecers  were  useless  for  wool. 
When  more  piecers  were  educated,  the  young  men  could 
be  released. 

Lord  Kitchener  ordered  the  report  to  be  carried  out 
immediately,  but  by  that  lack  of  co-ordination  which  seems 
to  beset  Government  Departments,  the  order,  never  shown 
to  me,  stopped  recruitment  of  piecers  in  textile  trades 
generally,  not  in  wool  only,  and  hindered  the  cotton  trade 
from  getting  rid  of  their  piecers,  particularly  in  Oldham, 
just  as  young  cotton  piecers  were  being  actively  recruited 
in  Lancashire.  It  took  some  time  to  get  a  change  in  the 
order,  but  its  effect  did  not  do  much  harm,  because  it 
roused  the  cotton  trade  in  South  Lancashire  to  quick 
action  against  the  danger  of  sudden  disturbance.  The 
Manchester  Courier  of  December  13,  although  it  took  no 
account  of  the  hours  of  negotiation  required  to  lead  up 
to  the  result,  summed  up  the  position  correctly  when  it 
stated  : 

"  A  new  agreement,  to  take  the  place  of  the  former 


862  THE  BEGINNING  OF  THE  WAR 

Brooklands  Agreement,  was  entered  into  yesterday  in 
Manchester  by  the  Master  Cotton  Spinners  and  the  Lan- 
cashire Cardroom  Amalgamation. 

"  The  meeting  at  which  the  agreement  was  reached 
only  lasted  twenty-five  minutes.  The  text  of  the  agree- 
ment is  : 

"  NOTICES  TO  CEASE  WORK  SHALL  NOT  BE  POSTED 
UP  IN  A  MILL  UNTIL  THE  MATTER  IN  DISPUTE  HAS  BEEN 
CONSIDERED  BY  THE  JOINT  COMMITTEES  OF  THE  TWO 
ORGANISATIONS,  BOTH  LOCALLY  AND  CENTRALLY. 

"It  is  doubtful  if  ever  before  an  agreement  between 
masters  and  men  in  the  cotton  world  has  been  reached  in 
so  short  a  space  of  time.  Both  sides,  however,  felt  the 
need  for  some  such  arrangement  to  take  the  place  of  the 
old  Brooklands  Agreement,  and  accepted  the  suggestion 
of  Sir  George  Askwith  that  representatives  of  both  sides 
should  meet  in  conference,  and,  if  possible,  come  to  some 
arrangement  that  would  obviate  hasty  strikes,  with  all 
their  concurrent  difficulties  and  hardships.  The  new 
agreement  is  on  exactly  the  same  principle  as  that  on 
which  the  Brooklands  measure  was  drafted,  and  its  sim- 
plicity is  not  its  least  satisfactory  feature." 

As  the  autumn  progressed,  hints  of  difficulty  in  various 
trades  began  to  show  themselves,  particularly  due  to  the 
growing  shortage  of  labour.  Rates  for  seamen  on  ships 
taken  by  the  Admiralty,  shortage  of  dockers  at  Glasgow, 
hutting  disputes  (on  which  I  again  saw  Lord  Kitchener) 
in  the  West  of  England,  packing-case  makers  and  shell- 
box  makers  in  London,  glass-makers  in  the  North,  seamen 
at  Liverpool,  printers,  several  air-craft  disputes ;  all 
claimed  attention,  but  were  more  or  less  solved  by  con- 
ferences and  conciliation.  In  the  great  armament  depart- 
ments, lack  of  labour  and  shortage  of  production  went 
hand  in  hand.  Additions  were  made,  but  in  no  commensu- 
rate proportion  to  the  ever-growing  demands  and  the  new 
contracts  ;  skilled  men  were  required  everywhere,  either 
to  work  or  to  teach.  Many  of  the  best  men  had  gone. 
Works  were  disorganised  by  the  loss  of  "  pivotal  men." 
At  the  same  time  the  competing  claims  of  the  Admiralty 
and  War  Departments  bewildered  employers.  The  country 
had  to  meet  the  requirements  of  the  services  in  regard  to 


SHIPBUILDING   AND   ENGINEERING  868 

recruits ;  the  requirements  of  our  own  country  and  in 
part  of  our  allies  in  regard  to  munitions  of  war  of  every 
kind  ;  and  the  maintenance  of  trade  and  commerce  in 
order  to  pay  for  food,  provide  finances  for  ourselves  and 
other  countries,  keep  in  work  the  vast  mass  of  people, 
and  secure  credit.  It  was  a  heavy  burden,  of  which  the 
adjustment  was  not  assisted  by  the  astounding  lack  of 
co-ordination  between  Departments,  one  of  the  chief  evils, 
even  in  times  of  peace,  of  our  system  of  government.  As 
a  Minister  remarked  to  me  in  the  middle  of  the  War,  "  I 
would  give  a  million  pounds  (if  I  had  it)  to  invent  a  good 
system  of  co-ordination  between  Departments." 

As  early  as  October,  in  the  shipbuilding  and  engineering 
trades  conferences  between  employers  and  unions  on  the 
subject  of  production,  restrictions,  and  shortage  of  men 
had  commenced,  but  they  made  little  progress.  In  Decem- 
ber conferences  between  shipbuilders  and  the  big  unions 
in  the  shipping  trade  for  amended  rules  broke  down. 
There  was  a  complete  deadlock,  and  something  like  despair 
in  the  minds  of  those  who  had  been  most  energetic  in 
attempting  to  effect  an  agreement. 

In  my  opinion,  if  an  opinion  may  be  hazarded,  the  root 
difficulty  was  that  very  few  individuals  either  in  this 
country  or  in  Europe  expected  the  War  to  last ;  and  it 
was  some  time  before  the  result  of  the  first  battle  of  Ypres 
and  its  frustration  of  a  quick  decision,  at  least  on  land, 
came  home  to  the  minds  of  the  people.  As  one  of  my 
greatest  friends,  the  late  Dr.  Page,  the  American  Am- 
bassador, aptly  said,  "  Who  would  have  dreamed  that  all 
Europe  could  be  divided  into  two  camps  and  fix  themselves 
on  each  side  of  a  ditch  from  the  British  Channel  to  the 
Adriatic  and  beyond  ?  " 

It  is  no  part  of  my  purpose  to  enter  into  any  general 
disquisition  on  the  War  or  any  general  essay  upon  the  many 
points  arising  in  the  relations  of  Capital  and  Labour,  and 
the  supply  of  munitions,  goods,  or  workpeople.  Remarks 
must  be  confined  to  the  comparatively  limited  sphere 
coming  within  an  individual's  power  of  observation  and 
special  work — a  minor  scene  in  the  enactment  of  a  great 
drama.  The  line  of  thought  directing  my  mind  was  that, 
whether  the  War  was  long  or  short,  it  was  my  business 
to  compose  differences,  so  far  as  practicable,  between 
employers  and  employed. 


364  THE  BEGINNING  OF  THE  WAR 

It  was  quite  evident  to  any  observer  that  the  armament 
firms  were  hampered  by  shortage  of  labour  and  the  re- 
strictions preventing  them  from  the  best  use  of  the  labour 
still  remaining  to  them  ;    they  desired  to  acquire  skilled 
labour  from  engineering  or  analogous  firms  ;    the  latter 
firms  did  not  wish  to  hazard  their  future  by  parting  with 
skilled  workmen,  and    thought  that  some  of   the    work 
should  be  given  to  them  ;    neither  contractors  nor  sub- 
contractors could  fulfil  contracts  or  sub-contracts  without 
more  skilled  labour  ;   the  army  did  not  like  any  hindrance 
to  recruiting,  and  spoke  of  co-operation  of  employers  and 
trade  unions  "  to  secure  the  employment  of  men  ineligible, 
through  age  or  other  reasons,  to  become  recruits,  and  of 
women  in  place  of  eligible  men  who  may  be  taken  as  re- 
cruits";  the  navy  took  and  kept  skilled  labour,  particularly 
for  such  munitions  as  torpedoes,  and  was  obliged  to  have 
a  mobile  and  large  reserve  ready  to  repair  damaged  ships 
after  any  brush  with  the  enemy,  much  more  after  any 
serious  action  ;    the  trade  unions  at  the  same  time  were 
not  prepared  to  give  up  the  position  obtained  after  years 
of  struggle,  without  being  absolutely  satisfied  that  adequate 
reason  was  shown.     Men  did  not  realise  the  coming  long 
periods  of  difficulty  ;    the  necessity  was  not  explained  to 
them,  or  so  far  as  it  was  explained  to  leaders,  those  leaders 
were  pledged  not  to  divulge  the  position,  lest  it  should 
help  the  enemy.     The  rank  and  file  did  not  and  could  not 
know,    except   by   instinct.     The   whole   fabric   of  effort 
rested  upon  spirit  and  faith,  and  with  the  reaction  from 
first  efforts,  the  winter  months,  the  lack  of  information, 
the  lack  of  imagination  or  understanding  of  the  necessity 
of  a  long  pull  and  a  pull  all  together,  and  many  disinte- 
grating influences,  faith  began  to  fail,  wrangles  began,  and, 
once  beginning,  gained  force. 

The  growing  lack  of  faith  seemed  to  me  to  arise  from  two 
main  causes  :  (1)  The  lack  of  leadership  and  co-ordination 
between  Departments,  and  (2)  the  lack  of  agreement  be- 
tween employers  and  employed  as  to  the  necessity  of 
avoiding  disputes  which  hampered  that  production  without 
which  our  men  and  women  could  not  achieve  success. 
The  point  within  my  province  was  principally  the  second, 
a  very  wide  field  ;  but  while  considering  with  the  parties 
the  question  of  getting  rid  of  the  deadlock  over  amendment 
of  rules  which  had  arisen  in  December  in  the  shipbuilding 


TRADE   RESTRICTIONS  365 

trades,  urgent  request  was  made  by  the  Board  of  Trade 
that  negotiations  should  be  extended  with  a  view  to  improve 
production  of  munitions  of  war  generally,  and  the  release 
of  men  for  skilled  work  by  change  in  the  more  restrictive 
rules  of  trade  unions.  The  Board  of  Trade  were  practically 
at  the  end  of  their  resources  in  the  supply  of  skilled  men, 
and  with  every  effort  could  at  most  maintain  a  stationary 
number  of  men,  although  demands  for  greater  production 
were  increasing  daily. 

"  After  the  failure  of  the  Sheffield  Conference  in  the 
engineering  trade,"  says  an  official  report,  "  Mr.  Allan 
Smith  proposed  that  Lord  Kitchener  should  be  asked  to 
make  a  personal  appeal  to  the  unions  to  suspend  their 
restrictions.  The  suggestion  was  forwarded  by  the  Board 
of  Trade  to  the  War  Office.  Lord  Kitchener  declined  to 
intervene.  He  considered  that  the  Board  of  Trade,  as 
the  Department  to  which  the  War  Office  had  referred  the 
question  of  labour  supply  for  armament  purposes,  should 
communicate  with  the  parties  and  seek  a  settlement. 
It  was  then  decided  (about  January  19)  that  the  whole 
range  of  questions  in  dispute  with  the  engineers  and  with 
the  shipwrights  and  boilermakers  should  be  dealt  with  by 
the  Chief  Industrial  Commissioner,  Sir  George  Askwith." 

Faced  by  this  problem,  I  pointed  out  that  there  was  no 
use  in  one  Ministry  stepping  in  unless  the  army  and  navy 
were  represented,  and  could  have  reported  to  them  what 
steps  were  being  taken,  particularly  as  they  were  pulling 
different  ways  in  the  matter  of  contracts  and  priority. 
This  proposition  was  agreed  to.  The  general  view  was 
that  it  was  absolutely  necessary,  in  the  interests  of  the 
nation,  that  changes  should  be  made  in  the  methods  govern- 
ing the  production  of  articles  of  war  and  the  restrictions 
imposed  by  trade  union  rules  ;  but  in  the  many  inter- 
views held  with  a  view  to  preparing  associations  and 
unions  while  the  Government  were  deliberating,  I  was 
warned  on  all  sides  of  the  difficulties,  and  can  still  recall 
the  face  of  the  secretary  of  one  of  the  chief  Employers' 
Associations  when  I  asked  for  his  assistance,  and  his 
remark  that  the  task  was  impossible.  A  subsequent 
official  report  in  the  History  of  the  Ministry  of  Munitions, 
contains  the  statement  that  "  it  would  be  hard  to  name 


866  THE  BEGINNING  OF  THE  WAR 

a  more  perilous  field  for  even  the  most  delicate  advance  of 
Government  interference."  I  can  only  say  that  it  had  to 
be  attempted  ;  and  at  last,  after  some  delay,  shortened 
by  urgent  pressure  from  Lord  Kitchener,  the  Government 
settled  the  reference,  and  the  First  Lord  of  the  Treasury 
appointed  a  Committee  on  February  4,  1915,  Sir  Francis 
Hopwood  (now  Lord  Southborough),  as  a  Civil  Lord  of  the 
Admiralty,  being  selected  for  the  naval  side,  and  Sir  George 
Gibb,  then  recently  made  a  civil  member  of  the  Army 
Council,  for  the  military  side  of  the  Government  Depart- 
ments, with  myself  as  chairman  and  Mr.  H.  J.  Wilson, 
of  my  Department,  as  secretary. 

The  Committee  became  well  known  under  the  name  of 
the  Committee  on  Production,  and  initially  received  the 
wide  reference 

"  to  inquire  into  and  report  forthwith,  after  consultation 
with  the  representatives  of  employers  and  workmen,  upon 
the  best  steps  to  be  taken  to  ensure  that  the  productive 
powers  of  the  employees  in  the  engineering  and  ship- 
building establishments  working  for  Government  purposes 
shall  be  made  fully  available  so  as  to  meet  the  needs  of  the 
nation  in  the  present  emergency." 

Instructions  were  added  that,  failing  agreement,  the 
Committee  should  report  to  the  Government,  adding,  if 
they  pleased,  statements  of  what  they  thought  would  be 
a  satisfactory  settlement. 


CHAPTER  XXXV 

THE    SPRING     OF    1915 

So  far  as  the  Committee  on  Production  was  concerned, 
the  sphere  of  work  was  sufficiently  clear.  The  Board  of 
Trade  were  already  taking  up  the  question  of  distribution  of 
work  to  engineering  firms  other  than  armament  firms,  and 
the  release  of  skilled  men,  already  recruited,  from  the  army. 
The  corollary  of  these  plans  was  continuity  of  work  and 
increase  of  production  by  removal  of  restrictions  which 
should  enable  (1)  the  best  use  to  be  made  of  skilled  men ; 
(2)  the  utilisation  of  semi-skilled  and  unskilled  men  on 
such  work  as  they  were  capable  of  doing  or  could  be  soon 
instructed  to  do.  Accordingly  the  question  of  restrictions 
was  taken  up  as  it  had  been  left  by  some  of  the  parties 
in  December,  and  by  others  in  January,  after  nearly  three 
months,  as  was  stated,  of  negotiations  without  any  pro- 
gress. 

The  chief  difficulties  of  the  problem  to  be  faced  were : 
(1)  to  effect  arrangements  between  employers  and  the 
trade  union  leaders,  and  (2)  to  ensure  that  those  arrange- 
ments should  be  respected  and  have  results  in  the  shops 
and  yards. 

It  was  not  sufficient  to  overcome  the  first  difficulty, 
because,  however  eager  the  officials  on  both  sides  might 
be  to  help  in  the  national  emergency,  it  was  useless  to  have 
a  paper  agreement  which  was  not  endorsed  and  worked 
up  to  by  the  rank  and  file.  The  union  leaders  were 
hindered  from  accepting  the  removal  of  restrictions  partly 
by  distrust  of  the  employers,  partly  by  the  fear  that  their 
own  members  would  repudiate  them.  There  was  no  time, 
nor  were  there  sufficient  leaders,  to  talk  over  and  canvass 
every  yard  and  every  shop.  The  object  in  my  mind  was 
to  effect  such  an  agreement  as  would  enable  the  leaders 
to  tell  their  men  that  the  trade  union  position  was  secured 

367 


368  THE   SPRING   OF   1915 

and  that  any  departure  was  only  temporary.  If  this  prin- 
cipal point  was  secured,  then  it  would  be  possible  for 
employers  and  workpeople,  according  to  the  requirements 
of  each  shop  and  each  locality,  without  fear  of  disloyalty 
to  their  organisations,  to  make  such  changes  as  were  most 
suitable  to  the  shop  and  the  locality.  "  Departures  from 
present  practice  would  cover  the  attendance  on  machines, 
overtime  restriction,  greater  utilisation  of  semi-skilled, 
unskilled,  or  other  labour,"  any  differences  being,  if  neces- 
sary, referred  to  the  Board  of  Trade  for  settlement. 

If  this  plan  could  be  carried  out,  the  grave  objection 
to  Government  interference  and  the  imposition  of  terms 
from  above  would  be  avoided ;  but  if  the  agreements  could 
not  be  made,  and  after  the  long  and  fruitless  conferences 
the  prospect  seemed  to  be  doubtful,  it  would  be  still  open 
to  the  Government  to  "  put  a  prepared  scheme  before 
both  sides,  hear,  and  if  they  chose  adopt,  any  amendment 
suggested  by  either  side,  and  then  give  a  decision,  inti- 
mating that  the  decision  must  be  taken  as  a  final  settle- 
ment, at  least  until  the  parties  could  come  to  a  satisfactory 
arrangement  among  themselves."  My  memorandum 
contained  a  long  schedule  of  definite  terms  to  be  put 
before  the  parties,  enumerating  in  detail  the  restrictions 
which  it  was  desired  to  suspend  on  Government  work, 
and  a  proposed  undertaking  by  employers  for  restoration 
of  conditions. 

The  proposals  were  accepted  by  the  Government  and 
conferences  at  once  began.  There  was  some  hitch  owing 
to  the  Shipbuilding  Employers'  Federation  objecting  to 
a  meeting  as  a  Federation,  but  they  forwarded  a  statement, 
and  representatives  came  on  behalf  of  the  principal  firms 
as  firms.  All  parties  agreed  that  the  point  was  to  go 
ahead  on  matters  where  agreement  could  be  reached,  with 
the  result  that  on  February  16  a  report  on  "  broken 
squads  "  in  shipbuilding  yards  and  improvement  in 
methods  of  dealing  with  them  in  different  yards  was  reached, 
the  principle  being  that  employers  and  employed  should 
settle  loyally  in  manner  suitable  to  the  varied  local  con- 
ditions. Four  days  later  there  was  issued  a  second  Report 
on  Engineering,  revising  the  proposals  debated  at  Sheffield 
on  January  13,  and  adding  that  they  should  apply  to  the 
industry  as  a  whole  and  not  to  Government  work  only, 
and  to  workpeople  employed  in  the  shops  or  on  board  ships 


THE   COMMITTEE   ON   PRODUCTION  369 

or  elsewhere  away  from  the  factory.  The  employment  of 
female  labour  was  to  be  extended.  Piecework  prices  in 
firms  producing  shells  and  fuses  were  to  give  an  under- 
taking to  the  Committee  on  behalf  of  the  Government  to 
the  effect  that,  "  in  fixing  piecework  prices,  the  earnings 
of  men  during  the  period  of  the  War  shall  not  be  con- 
sidered as  a  factor  in  the  matter,  and  that  no  reduction  in 
piece  rate  will  be  made,  unless  warranted  by  a  change 
in  the  method  of  manufacture,  e.g.  by  the  introduction 
of  a  new  type  of  machine." 

These  proposals  indicated  that  piece  rates  would  not 
need  to  be  protected  by  restriction  of  earnings  and  output, 
but  by  a  definite  engagement  by  the  employers  to  the 
Government  that  any  departure  from  practice  should  only 
be  for  the  period  of  the  War,  and  that  rules  and  customs 
existing  prior  to  the  War  should  not  be  prejudiced  after 
the  War  by  any  change  in  practice. 

The  second  division  of  the  Report  stated  that : 

"  During  the  present  crisis  nothing  could  justify  a  resort 
to  strikes  and  lockouts  which  were  likely  to  impair  the 
productive  power  of  establishments  engaged  on  Govern- 
ment work  and  to  diminish  the  output  of  ships,  muni- 
tions, or  other  commodities  required  by  the  Government 
for  war  purposes.  The  Committee  submitted  for  the 
consideration  of  the  Government  that  the  following 
recommendations  to  Government  contractors  and 
sub-contractors  and  to  trade  unions  should  be  at  once 
published,  and  their  adhesion  requested  : 

"  Avoidance  of  Stoppage  of  Work  for  Government 
Purposes 

"  With  a  view  to  preventing  loss  of  production  caused 
by  disputes  between  employers  and  workpeople,  no 
stoppage  of  work  by  strike  or  lockout  should  take  place 
on  work  for  Government  purposes.  In  the  event  of 
differences  arising  which  fail  to  be  settled  by  the  parties 
directly  concerned,  or  by  their  representatives,  or  under 
any  existing  agreements,  the  matter  shall  be  referred  to 
an  impartial  tribunal  nominated  by  His  Majesty's  Govern- 
ment for  immediate  investigation  and  report  to  the 
Government  with  a  view  to  a  settlement." 


370  THE   SPRING  OF   1915 

I  handed  the  Second  Report  to  the  Prime  Minister  on 
Saturday,  February  20.  On  Sunday,  February  21,  the 
Government  published  it,  expressing  their  concurrence, 
and  extending  the  existing  reference  to  the  Committee 
by  empowering  them  "  to  accept  and  deal  with  any  cases 
arising  under  the  above  recommendation."  Thus  the 
Committee  was  established  as  the  chief  arbitration  tri- 
bunal of  the  country,  and  remained  so  throughout  the 
War.  The  extreme  speed  with  which  it  was  appointed  as 
an  arbitral  tribunal  was  largely  due  to  the  outbreak  on 
the  Clyde  which  was  just  commencing.  On  Monday, 
February  22,  with  this  new  tribunal  available  for  investi- 
gation and  report,  I  had  to  meet  the  executive  of  the 
Amalgamated  Society  of  Engineers  upon  this  very  serious 
matter. 

The  first  division  of  the  Report  had  cleared  up  points  of 
disagreement  between  employers  and  employed.  It  was 
decided  that  the  parties  themselves  should  continue 
technical  negotiations  on  which  they  had  already  embarked, 
and  embody  themselves  the  whole  of  the  different  matters, 
technical  and  otherwise,  in  an  agreement  made  by  the  trade 
itself.  The  result,  delayed  by  the  Clyde  outbreak, 
emerged  on  March  3,  in  the  "  Shells  and  Fuses  Agreement," 
between  the  Engineering  Employers'  Federation  and  the 
A.S.E.  and  allied  organisations.  There  was,  however,  one 
point  which  could  not  be  effected,  and  that  was  adherence 
to  a  settlement  without  a  ballot.  The  A.S.E.  ballot  takes 
about  twenty  days,  and  has  without  doubt  the  advantage 
of  getting  the  approval  or  disapproval  of  the  rank  and  file 
to  any  proposals.  In  view  of  the  extreme  urgency  of  the 
case,  and  a  confidential  return  from  the  War  Office  showing 
the  condition  of  contracts  for  guns  and  shells,  which  was 
perfectly  appalling  in  the  proof  it  gave  of  shortage  in 
amounts  contracted  for  and  the  delays  which  had  oc- 
curred and  must  continue  before  contracts  could  be  com- 
pleted, I  pressed  with  all  the  energy  I  could  command 
that  the  proposals  should  be  accepted  by  the  executive, 
and  then,  if  constitutionally  necessary,  a  confirmatory 
ballot  be  taken.  I  had  desired  that  some  eloquent  Member 
of  the  Government,  or  perhaps  Lord  Kitchener,  should 
take  up  this  task,  but  no  one  wished  to  do  it,  particularly 
under  the  circumstances  that  facts  as  to  the  position 
in  the  war  areas  were  not  permitted  to  be  divulged. 


OUTBREAK  ON  THE  CLYDE  371 

Without  facts,  which  I  was  not  allowed  to  give,  the 
executive  were  not  satisfied  ;  they  could  not  put  before  their 
constituents  reasons  for  the  extreme  urgency  ;  they  were 
impressed  themselves,  but  there  were  the  men  outside  ; 
the  ordinary  course  of  a  ballot  had  to  be  taken. 

There  was  a  third  Report  issued  on  March  8,  after  long 
conferences  with  the  Emergency  Committees  of  the 
Engineering  and  Shipbuilding  Trades,  dealing  with  the 
points  on  which  the  unions  were  specially  concerned. 
This  Report  dealt  at  length  with  proposals  for  demarcation 
of  work  and  the  use  of  semi-skilled  and  unskilled  labour. 
The  decision  how  far  to  agree  with  the  proposals  and  the 
best  methods  of  carrying  them  out  was  deferred  by  the 
parties  until  the  result  of  the  engineers'  ballot  was  known. 
If  that  was  unfavourable,  there  would  be  no  chance  of 
effecting  further  changes  ;  but  if  favourable,  the  principle 
of  every  possible  assistance  would  have  been  decided  by 
the  rank  and  file.  The  leaders  were  favourable,  but  they 
emphasised  over  and  over  again  the  necessity  of  the  cordial 
co-operation  of  the  men.  Real  acceleration  could  only 
take  place  if  that  was  obtained. 

The  ballot  return  was  ultimately  favourable,  but  before 
its  result  wras  out  Mr.  Lloyd  George  had  come  in  with  the 
Treasury  Agreement,  imposed  without  a  ballot,  but  re- 
maining practically  a  dead  letter  until  a  ballot  had  been 
taken  several  months  after  a  conclusion  might  possibly 
have  been  reached.  As  for  suspension  of  restrictions,  the 
Ministry  of  Munitions  were  pressing  for  changes  a  year 
afterwards,  in  a  less  satisfactory  atmosphere,  and  did  not 
appear  to  have  made  any  progress.  The  two  plans  went 
upon  different  principles.  My  views  were  that  the  work- 
people, not  the  leaders  by  themselves,  should  be  enlisted 
on  the  side  of  greater  production,  less  restrictions,  and  im- 
provement of  demarcation  rules,  even  if  a  few  days  were 
necessary  to  let  them  know  what  was  happening  ;  and  that 
in  the  localities,  by  the  people  who  knew  the  conditions, 
the  changes  suitable  to  the  locality  should  be  made.  The 
other  plans  were  directed  to  imposing,  from  above,  rules, 
regulations,  and  orders,  often  with  complete  disregard  of 
the  persons  in  the  locality  and  the  character  of  the  place. 

Although  the  discussion  on  the  ballot  had  not  deferred 
the  holding  of  it,  it  had  the  good  effect  that  the  leaders 
of  the  A.S.E.  were  determined  to  do  all  they  could  to  ensure 


872  THE   SPRING  OF   1915 

avoidance  of  stoppages,  and  hindrance  of  work  from  that 
cause,  a  point  on  which  they  had  at  once  to  suffer  a  severe 
test.  In  the  week  beginning  Monday,  February  22,  the 
Clyde  burst  out  into  strikes,  at  the  very  time  when  the 
whole  effort  of  the  nation  was  required. 

The  cost  of  living  had  been  gradually  rising,  but  general 
increase  of  wages  had  not  been  given  to  meet  it.  Forty- 
seven  new  disputes  broke  out  in  February,  the  largest 
increase  since  the  beginning  of  the  War.  It  seemed,  too, 
that  the  faith  to  which  I  have  alluded  was  beginning  to 
wane,  and  no  greater  cause  of  that  existed  than  the  fact 
that  it  was  seen  that  some  people  were  making  money  out 
of  the  War,  without  any  restraint  upon  their  methods. 

Faith,  or  any  great  ideal,  seems  always  to  be  hampered 
by  the  suspicion  of  mercenary  motives  on  the  part  of 
individuals  engaged  in  a  cause.  Profits  may  come,  as  in 
the  case  of  armament  firms,  from  the  culminating  result 
of  the  very  work  to  which  they  have  devoted  years  of 
preparation  and  low  results.  Profits  may  also  come  from 
the  force  of  circumstances,  where  the  shortage  of  supply, 
as  in  the  case  of  shipping,  obliges  the  shipowner  to  take 
the  highest  bidder  from  a  number  of  consignors  competing 
for  carriage  of  goods  at  almost  any  price.  Profits  may 
necessarily  arise  from  many  other  causes,  including  in- 
dividual greed,  but  whatever  may  be  the  cause,  it  is  not 
unnatural  that  those  who  do  not  get  profits  should  wrangle 
with  those  who  do,  and  should  demand  a  share  in  the  pro- 
fits. Wrangling  is  likely  to  be  enhanced  if  those  who 
make  profits  flaunt  their  profits  or  boast  of  their  profits, 
an  element  not  unknown  in  the  autumn  of  1914,  and  still 
better  known  since  that  period,  when  the  word  "  pro- 
fiteer "  has  become  so  notorious  :  A  shipowner  who  stated 
that  he  had  made  profits,  was  going  to  make  profits, 
and  had  a  right  to  make  profits,  did  more  harm  than  a 
great  naval  defeat  would  have  done.  To  name  "  defeat  " 
would  rouse  the  nation  to  set  their  teeth  and  fight  against 
an  alien  foe.  The  profiteer's  statement  would  rouse  class 
against  class,  and  only  tend  to  disruption  within  the  nation 
itself. 

It  was  this  question  of  profits  which  assumed  a  dangerous 
aspect  in  the  first  months  of  1915.  It  caused  discontent, 
and  that  discontent  grew  with  the  competition  for  skilled 
workmen,  a  competition  bewildering  to  the  men,  and 


PROFITEERING  373 

utterly  beyond  the  efforts  of  labour  exchanges,  themselves 
hampered  by  the  loss  of  their  best  men.  Individual  work- 
men might  be  receiving  very  high  rates  to  keep  them  for 
particular  work,  and  in  that  measure  were  making  profits, 
but  the  rank  and  file  were  not  getting  increase  of  pay  at 
a  time  when  it  was  most  apparent  that  some  employers 
were  beginning  to  make  large  profits.  If  the  Government 
had  made  a  pronouncement  at  the  beginning  of  the  War 
that  nobody  ought,  or  should  be  allowed,  to  make  profits 
out  of  the  War,  or,  as  they  were  urged,  had  so  acted  even  at  a 
later  date,  or  if  one  of  their  chief  spokesmen,  other  than 
by  half-hearted  remarks,  had  boldly  denounced  undue 
profit-making,  or  profiteering,  as  it  came  to  be  dubbed, 
the  trouble  might  have  been  lessened.  When  men  saw 
that  one  class  was  gaining,  and  that  they,  as  a  whole, 
got  no  more  pay  in  spite  of  increasing  prices  and  cost  of 
living,  but  were  told  it  was  unpatriotic  to  strike  with  a  view 
to  more  pay,  they  objected. 

At  a  late  date,  Mr.  I.  H.  Mitchell,  reviewing  this  period, 
wrote  : 

"  I  am  quite  satisfied  that  the  labour  difficulty  has  been 
largely  caused  by  the  men  being  of  opinion  that,  while 
they  were  being  called  upon  to  be  patriotic  and  refrain 
from  using  the  strong  economic  position  they  occupied, 
employers,  merchants,  and  traders  were  being  allowed 
perfect  freedom  to  exploit  to  the  fullest  the  nation's  needs. 
This  view  was  frankly  submitted  to  me  by  the  leaders  of 
the  Clyde  Engineers'  strike  in  February  last.  As  soon  as 
Labour  realised  that  nothing  was  being  done  to  curtail 
and  prevent  this  exploitation  by  employers,  it  let  loose 
the  pent-up  desire  to  make  the  most  it  could  in  the 
general  scramble.  This  has  grown  until  now  many  unions 
are  openly  exploiting  the  needs  of  the  nation.  If  the 
work  is  Government  work,  it  is  the  signal  for  a  demand 
for  more  money.  Trade  union  leaders  who,  from  August 
last  year  until  February  this  year,  loyally  held  their 
members  back  from  making  demands,  are  now  with  them 
in  the  rush  to  make  the  most  of  the  opportunity." 

This  was  the  situation  to  be  faced  in  the  coming  months, 
and  the  prospect  was  not  inviting. 

It  may  have  been  that  on  the  Clyde,  in  addition  to  the 


874  THE  SPRING  OF  1915 

pressure  of  cost  of  living  and  the  example  of  profit-making, 
other  circumstances  assisted,  such  as  influence  by  men  who 
afterwards  became  notorious  as  "  deportees,"  a  breaking 
away  by  the  rank  and  file  from  leaders  who  were  out  of 
touch  with  them,  a  movement  in  the  shops,  or  discontent 
from  crowded  housing.  In  any  event,  the  workmen  came 
out  on  strike  without  authority  from  their  unions. 

At  a  conference  at  York,  the  North-East  Coast  employers 
had  settled  with  the  unions  for  a  larger  increase  than  had 
been  given  at  one  time,  and  to  that  extent  met  the  rising 
feeling,  but  the  executive  union  delegates  from  the  Clyde 
did  not  at  the  same  meeting  agree  to  the  proposal  of  the 
Clyde  employers  for  an  advance  similar  to  that  on  the  Tyne. 
The  Clyde  wages  had  for  years  been  lower  than  the  Tyne, 
and  similar  advances  had  been  always  given.  The  offer 
was  taken  back  to  Glasgow,  and  while  a  ballot  was  still 
pending,  and  without  any  authority  from  their  union,  a 
large  number  of  men,  estimated  at  10,000,  ceased  work 
and  demanded  payment  of  the  full  claim.  If  the  employers 
gave  more,  the  Tyne  would  at  once  have  demanded  the 
extra  amount.  They  adhered  to  their  offer. 

The  situation  was  extremely  difficult.  The  whole 
scheme  of  the  War  might  be  hazarded  unless  the  strikes 
stopped,  and  particularly  if  they  spread.  After  some 
debate,  the  Government  requested  me  to  interview  the 
leaders  of  the  unions  and  tell  them  that  they  must  get 
the  men  back  by  every  effort  which  they  could  make. 
The  leaders  sent  messages,  without  avail.  Further  em- 
phatic instructions  came  from  the  Government  that  they 
must  be  asked  to  go  to  Glasgow  and  put  their  whole  in- 
fluence into  stopping  the  strikes  ;  and,  indeed,  their  own 
authority  in  the  future  depended  upon  their  success  in 
stopping  an  unauthorised  strike,  contrary  to  all  the  union 
rules.  I  was  asked  by  them  whether  I  could  furnish  a 
letter  emphasising  the  insistence  of  the  Government, 
in  order  to  indicate  the  mission  on  which  they  were  desired 
to  go,  and  aid  them  in  a  difficult  task.  The  official 
notice  and  letter  was  in  the  following  terms  : 

"  The  strike  of  engineers  in  the  Clyde  district  has  been 
under  the  consideration  of  His  Majesty's  Government,  and 
by  their  direction  the  following  letter  has  been  sent  to-day 
by  Sir  George  Askwith,  the  Chief  Industrial  Commissioner, 


LETTER  ON   THE  CLYDE  OUTBREAK        375 

to  the  Engineering  Employers'  Federation,  on  behalf  of 
the  employers,  and  to  the  Amalgamated  Society  of  En- 
gineers, the  Steam  Engine  Maker's  Society,  the  United 
Machine  Workers'  Association,  the  Amalgamated  Society 
of  General  Toolmakers,  and  the  Scientific  Instrument 
Makers'  Trade  Society,  on  behalf  of  the  men  : 

"  '  SIR, 

"  *  From  inquiries  which  have  been  made  as  to  the 
position  of  the  disputes  in  the  engineering  trade  in  the  Glas- 
gow district,  it  appears  that  the  parties  concerned  have  been 
unable  to  arrive  at  a  settlement.  In  consequence  of  the 
delay,  the  requirements  of  the  nation  are  being  seriously 
endangered. 

"  4 1  am  instructed  by  the  Government  that  important 
munitions  of  war  urgently  required  by  the  navy  and  the 
army  are  being  held  up  by  the  present  cessation  of  work, 
and  that  they  must  call  for  a  resumption  of  work  on 
Monday  morning,  March  1. 

"  '  Immediately  following  resumption  of  work  arrange- 
ments will  be  made  for  the  representatives  of  the  parties 
to  meet  the  Committee  on  Production  in  Engineering  and 
Shipbuilding  establishments,  for  the  purpose  of  the  matters 
in  dispute  being  referred  for  settlement  to  a  Court  of  Arbitra- 
tion, who  shall  also  have  power  to  affix  the  date  from 
which  the  settlement  shall  take  effect. 

"  *  I  am,  yours  faithfully, 

"  *  G.  R.  ASKWITH, 
"  '  Chief  Industrial  Commissioner.1 

"  On  receipt  of  Sir  George  Askwith's  letter,  several  of 
the  principal  officials  of  the  Amalgamated  Society  of 
Engineers  left  the  London  headquarters  for  Glasgow  last 
night." 

There  could  be  no  doubt  that  the  letter  was  in  stiff 
terms,  but  the  Government  considered  that  they  had  to 
scotch  this  strike,  and  with  the  energetic  help  of  the  union 
leaders  it  was  brought  to  a  close.  Whether  there  was  any 
clear  idea  of  the  course  to  be  pursued  in  the  event  of  de- 
fiance it  is  difficult  to  say,  but  far  stronger  measures  than 
a  letter  indicating  that  national  necessity  required  re- 
sumption of  work,  were  freely  advocated.  The  claims 
25 


376  THE   SPRING   OF   1915 

were  heard  with  speed,  after  a  large  majority  had  by  ballot 
agreed  to  abide  by  the  decision.  The  award  gave  the  same 
amount  as  the  Tyne  had  agreed  to,  but  also  added  sufficient 
to  equalise  the  Tyne  and  Clyde  rates. 

The  award  stated  that  the  advances  were  "  to  be  regarded 
as  war  wages,  and  recognised  as  due  to  and  dependent  on 
the  existence  of  the  abnormal  conditions  now  prevailing 
in  consequence  of  the  War,"  a  phrase  which  the  committee 
adopted  for  all  their  later  awards,  and  which  soon  became 
known.  At  first  it  caused  some  criticism,  and  the  Clyde 
workpeople  applied  later  for  the  advances  to  be  made  a 
permanent  wage  increase ;  but  they  and  others  came  to 
realise  that  no  one  could  tell  when  the  War  would  end, 
and  what  abnormal  circumstances  might  arise,  and  what 
variations  in  cost  of  living  might  occur,  so  that  a  measure 
of  elasticity  was  desirable.  Acceptance  was,  I  think,  also 
helped  by  a  message  sent  by  the  shipbuilding  unions  on 
the  North-East  Coast  after  they  had  received  a  similar 
award.  This  telegraphic  message  to  me  ran  as  follows  : 

"  At  a  conference  of  representatives  of  the  Joint  Ship- 
building and  Iron  and  Steel  Shipbuilding  Societies  the 
report  and  award  of  the  Committee  on  Production  in 
Engineering  and  Shipbuilding  Trades  was  carefully  con- 
sidered. It  was  unanimously  decided  to  accept  the  same 
on  behalf  of  the  respective  societies,  and  to  urge  our 
members  to  continue,  and  improve,  where  possible,  on  the 
timekeeping,  and  the  production  of  ships,  munitions  of 
war,  and  everything  necessary  to  our  national  welfare 
in  this  grave  national  emergency. 

"  (Signed)    JOHN  HILL  (Gen.  Secretary,  Boilermakers' 

Society). 

"  ALEX  WILKIE  (Secretary,  Standing  Com- 
mittee of  the  Shipyard  Trades). 
"  FRANK  SMITH  (Chairman  of  the  Standing 

Committee). 

"  R.    W.    LINDSAY    (Member,    Executive 
Council,  Boilermakers'  Society)." 

While  these  troubles  were  occurring,  the  Government 
were  pressing  through  Parliament  the  Defence  of  the  Realm 
(No.  2)  Act  of  1915,  giving  very  extensive  powers  for  ac- 
quiring various  forms  of  control.  There  was  much  talk 


THE   DANGER  OF  PROFITEERING  377 

about  "  taking  over,"  as  if  the  Government  could  have 
possibly  run  the  works  by  themselves,  without  the  aid 
of  skilled  management  by  persons  conversant  with  each 
business.  Much  time  was  lost  in  talking  about  "  compensa- 
tion "  on  this  assumed  "  taking  over."  It  is  a  curious  fact 
that  the  form  of  industry  in  this  country,  joint-stock  com- 
panies, by  which  immense  capital  has  been  collected  from 
many  small  streams,  and  which  has  allowed  a  strong  river 
to  run  and  fertilise  industry  throughout  the  world,  proved 
a  difficult  problem  in  time  of  war.  The  legal  relations  of 
directors  to  their  shareholders,  the  position  of  trustees, 
prevented  them  from  doing  acts  which  as  individuals  they 
might  have  been  prepared  to  undertake.  They  required 
the  protection  of  being  able  to  say  that  they  had  to  do 
things  to  which  some  shareholders  might  have  objected, 
under  the  provisions  of  the  law.  Neither  "  taking  over," 
nor  "  compensation  "  for  such  interference,  was  a  feasible 
scheme.  At  the  same  time,  and  quite  independently,  it 
was  being  bitten  into  the  minds  of  the  members  of  the 
Committee  on  Production  that  this  question  of  profits 
was  one  of  the  root  difficulties  of  labour  unrest,  a  view 
which  led  up  to  a  Fourth  Report,  which  the  Government 
did  not  publish,  although  its  publication  was  strongly  and 
repeatedly  urged.1 

The  conditions  under  which  this  Report  was  made  and 
its  purport  may  be  quoted  from  the  official  History  of 
the  Ministry  of  Munitions.  It  is  there  stated  : 

"  The  emphasis  is  for  the  first  time  shifted  from  '  com- 
pensation '  to  limitation  of  profits  in  a  memorandum 
entitled  A  Note  on  Labour  Unrest,  which  Sir  George  Askwith 
sent  to  Sir  H.  Llewellyn  Smith  on  February  24.  This 
document  reflected  the  experience  gained  by  the  Committee 
on  Production  in  its  endeavours  to  secure  the  removal 
of  restrictions  on  output.  Sir  George  Askwith  wrote  that, 
throughout  the  country,  labour  men  were  interpreting  the 
Prime  Minister's  speech  of  February  11,  on  the  rise  of  food 

1  The  Report  was  sent  to  the  Prime  Minister  on  March  8  and  printed 
as  a  Cabinet  Memorandum.  A  note  to  the  official  History  states  :  "  It 
was  decided  to  delay  publication  until  after  the  Treasury  Conference  of 
March  17-19.  Mr.  Lloyd  George  then  again  postponed  the  publication. 
On  April  15  the  Committee  on  Production  wrote  to  the  Prime  Minister 
recommending  that  the  Report  should  be  published.  Sir  George  Gibb 
again  recommended  it  in  a  Memorandum  to  Mr.  Lloyd  George  on  June  2. 
The  Report,  however,  has  never  been  published." 


878  THE   SPRING  OF   1915 

prices,  as  an  intimation  that  little  could  be  done  to  curtail 
the  large  profits  which  contractors  were  believed  to  be 
making.  They  were  drawing  the  inference  that  labour 
was  entitled  to  higher  wages,  which  were,  in  fact,  in  many 
cases  being  received.  Unless  something  were  done  to 
correct  the  view  that  contractors  were  entitled  to  un- 
limited profits,  the  workmen  would  claim  corresponding 
freedom  ;  and  they  had  never  been  in  a  stronger  position 
to  enforce  their  demands.  They  might  lower  their  claim, 
if  they  could  be  satisfied  that  some  control  was  being 
exercised  over  contractors  to  minimise  their  profits. 

"  The  same  incidence  of  emphasis  on  the  need  for 
limiting  profits  is  noticeable  in  the  Fourth  Report  (March  5) 
of  the  Committee  on  Production,  which  is  further  remark- 
able in  that  it  adumbrates  the  use  which  might  be  made  of 
a  Government  pledge  to  limit  profits  in  securing  the  con- 
sent of  the  unions  to  a  suspension  of  their  restrictive  rules. 
It  thus  contains  all  the  essentials  of  the  bargain  with  labour 
which  was  to  be  made  a  fortnight  later  at  the  Treasury 
Conference. 

"  The  Committee  proposed  that  the  Government  should 
assume  control  of  the  principal  armament  and  shipbuilding 
firms.  They  pointed  out  that  the  general  labour  unrest 
of  the  previous  few  weeks  was  accompanied  by  a  widespread 
belief  among  workpeople  that  abnormal  profits  were  being 
made,  particularly  on  Government  contracts.  There 
were  consequent  demands  for  higher  wages.  It  seemed 
to  be  thought  that  limitation  of  profits  might  be  decided 
to  be  impracticable,  and  the  men  were  claiming  the  freedom 
to  ask  the  maximum  price  for  their  labour.  The  unrest 
would  prevail  while  these  ideas  were  abroad. 

"  They  recommended  that  the  Government  should  at 
once  issue  a  pronouncement,  stating  clearly  that  they  did 
not  acquiesce  in  the  view  that  employers  and  contractors 
must  be  left  to  secure  maximum  prices  and  profits. 

"  The  control  of  profits  could  be  effected  by  the  following 
means  :  that  under  the  Defence  of  the  Realm  Act,  with 
necessary  amendments,  '  the  Government  should  assume 
control  over  the  principal  firms  whose  main  o  utput  consists 
of  ships,  guns,  equipment,  or  munitions  of  war,  under  such 
equitable  financial  arrangements  as  may  be  necessary  to 
provide  for  the  reasonable  interests  of  proprietors,  manage- 
ment, and  staff.*' 


PROPOSALS   FOR  CONTROL  379 

"  An  Executive  Committee,  on  the  lines  of  the  Railway 
Executive  Committee,  should  be  established  (a)  to  search 
for  new  sources  of  supply,  and  (b)  to  exercise  continuous 
and  responsible  supervision  with  representatives  of  the 
firms  concerned.  The  executive  conduct  of  each  business 
should  be  left  to  the  existing  management. 

"  Besides  the  removal  of  the  suspicion  above  indicated, 
other  advantages  would  accrue  :  (1)  trade  union  re- 
strictions might  be  more  readily  removed  when  it  was 
known  that  the  Government,  not  private  employers, 
would  benefit.  (2)  The  existence  of  a  central  executive 
with  wide  authority  over  the  sources  of  supply  would  make 
possible  the  control  over  the  output  of  the  various  works, 
the  supervision  and  co-ordination  of  sub-contractors'  work 
according  to  relative  urgency,  and  some  general  regard  to 
efficient  and  co-ordinated  utilisation  of  labour  on  private 
and  Government  work.  (3)  Some  private  establishments 
would  spare  labour,  if  assured  that  it  would  be  for  the  direct 
benefit  of  the  nation. 

"  Such  control  would  enable  a  confident  appeal  to  be 
made  to  workpeople,  and  would  restore  national  unanimity. 
It  would  also  impress  on  the  nation  that  the  country  was 
at  war  and  industrial  resources  must  be  mobilised. 

"  The  recommendations  of  this  Report  were  adopted  by 
the  Cabinet,  and  Mr.  Runciman  was  entrusted  with  the 
task  of  opening  negotiations  with  the  chief  contractors." 

In  the  discussionwhich  took  place  about  thesedocuments, 
it  was  verbally  explained  that  it  was  not  intended  that 
the  subjects  dealt  with  should  be  co-ordinated  or  controlled 
by  a  Committee  (or  Committees,  as  Lord  Kitchener  in- 
sisted), but  that  a  Cabinet  Minister  must  be  chairman, 
who,  though  not  always  presiding,  would  be  a  link  with  the 
Cabinet  and  give  or  obtain  Cabinet  decisions  in  the  event 
of  disagreement.  Lord  Kitchener  for  some  time  was 
doubtful,  because  he  thought  the  plan  might  derogate 
from  his  position  as  Secretary  of  State  for  War,  and  his 
control  of  all  War  Departments — a  policy  on  which  he  set 
great  store,  but  which  no  one  man  could  possibly  carry 
out  in  detail.  However,  he  agreed  when  the  words  "  or 
Committees  "  were  inserted,  intending  to  have  Committees 
confined  to  the  War  Office,  where  he  wanted  them  to  be 
so  limited.  Mr.  Lloyd  George  may  or  may  not  have  been 


380  THE   SPRING  OF   1915 

influenced  by  the  plans  for  co-ordination  outlined  in 
these  reports,  but  they  at  least  fell  in  with  his  views  of 
stepping  forward,  and  that  they  were  extremely  useful  to 
him  is  evidenced  by  the  fact  that  their  tenor  and  even  their 
language  were  incorporated,  word  for  word,  in  the  agree- 
ment called  the  Treasury  Agreement,  and  subsequently, 
again,  incorporated  in  the  Munitions  of  War  Act.  A  memo- 
randum embodying  all  their  points  was  handed  to  him 
by  me  on  March  16,  the  day  before  the  Conference  on 
the  Agreement  commenced. 

Although  the  question  of  profits  was  the  essential  point 
which  alone  could  cause  any  adequate  sacrifice  of  restric- 
tion by  the  trade  unions,  and  although  hints  were  given 
in  May  and  June  that  something  was  going  to  be  done, 
nothing  was  done  for  several  months,  except  so  far  as 
limitations  of  profits  in  controlled  establishments  was 
enacted  by  the  Munitions  of  War  Act  in  July.  The  result 
was  distrust  and  suspicion.  It  is  true  that  the  Budget 
introduced  in  May  by  Mr.  Lloyd  George  must  have  been 
prepared  at  an  earlier  date.  It  contained  nothing  on  the 
subject  of  profits.  The  Coalition  Government  was  formed 
at  the  end  of  May,  and  another  Budget  for  the  end  of 
September  was  prepared,  in  which  taxation  of  profits  was 
included,  but  disclosure  of  the  fact  came  very  late.  When 
a  duty  was  imposed,  it  was  in  a  form  which  did  not  appeal 
to  the  working  man,  who  still  saw  instances  of  expenditure, 
evasion,  and  waste  going  on  upon  all  sides  of  him.  The 
tax  became  a  necessity  during  the  War,  and  had  indeed 
to  be  increased.  When  enterprise  was  intended  to  be 
directed  to  the  War,  when  there  was  no  outlet  for  it  in 
other  countries,  and  when  the  tax  served  a  purpose,  in 
showing  that  all  the  profits  did  not  go  to  one  class,  while 
other  classes  were  restricted  by  compulsion,  when  the 
nation  was  absolutely  obliged  to  divert  every  possible 
means  of  wealth  into  the  national  purse,  the  tax  was 
defensible  and  not  unwillingly  received.  It  wears  quite 
a  different  aspect  when  the  channels  of  enterprise  are  open, 
and  reconstruction,  the  opening  of  markets,  and  industrial 
progress  are  the  first  principles  to  be  considered.  In 
peace  its  continuance  throttles  industry,  and  falls  most 
hardly  on  those  persons  by  whom  industrial  progress 
can  be  best  achieved. 

Meanwhile  the  effective  influence  which,  in  spite  of  the 


THE  TREASURY  AGREEMENT  881 

intervening  Clyde  outbreak,  was  arising  from  the  reports 
of  the  Committee  and  the  intention  of  both  employers 
and  the  principal  leaders  of  the  employed  to  work  together 
on  lines  which  continued  to  be  practically  agreed,  and 
which  would  have  improved,  as  soon  as  the  engineeers' 
ballot  was  concluded,  by  means  of  the  constitutional 
support  of  the  rank  and  file,  was  modified  by  a  new 
design.  It  was  intimated  that  Mr.  Lloyd  George,  after 
conversation  with  one  or  two  labour  leaders,  more  promi- 
nent for  their  interest  in  politics  than  in  knowledge  of  the 
feeling  and  mind  of  Labour,  proposed  to  come  forward  and 
deal  with  the  trade  union  leaders.  The  Cabinet  seems  to 
have  adopted  the  proposal  on  March  11,  and  letters  were 
dispatched  summoning  a  Conference  on  March  17 — 

"  to  consult  with  the  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  and  the 
President  of  the  Board  of  Trade  on  certain  matters  of 
importance  to  Labour  arising  out  of  the  recent  decision 
of  the  Government,  embodied  in  the  Defence  of  the  Realm 
(Amendment)  Act,  to  take  further  steps  to  organise  the 
resources  of  the  country  to  meet  naval  and  military  re- 
quirements." 

After  three  days'  debate,  the  agreement  called  the 
Treasury  Agreement  was  effected.  Whether  it  did  in 
fact  hurry  matters  forward  by  anticipating  by  a  few  days 
the  result  of  the  ballot  of  the  engineering  trades  and  by 
obliging  the  leaders  to  dictate  to  the  rank  and  file,  instead 
of  allowing  the  rank  and  file  to  vote  in  favour  of  the 
propositions  put  before  them,  no  one  can  say.  It  laid  the 
foundation  for  an  Act  of  Parliament,  the  Munitions  of 
War  Act,  passed  in  July  ;  and  had  the  result  of  the 
taking  over  of  the  supply  departments  of  the  War  Office 
by  a  new  department. 

It  may  be  noted  that,  contrary  to  the  principles  of  agree- 
ment suggested  by  the  Committee  on  Production,  the 
employers  were  not  invited  or  present,  and  had  no  prior 
knowledge  of  the  proposals  which  were  made.  It  may  also 
be  noted  that  certain  trades  not  engaged  in  the  supply 
of  munitions  of  war  were  not  present  and  were  not  parties 
to  the  agreement,  although,  with  the  interlocking  of  indus- 
tries and  wage  questions,  they  were  or  became  vitally 
important  in  carrying  out  the  successful  working  of  those 


382  THE   SPRING  OF   1915 

industries  which  were  parties.  The  Miners'  Federation 
withdrew  at  the  final  meeting  on  March  19,  and  were 
not  parties.  No  representatives  from  cotton,  jute,  wool, 
tramways  and  other  important  industries  were  brought  in. 
On  the  final  day  the  representative  of  the  Amalgamated 
Society  of  Engineers  intimated  he  was  instructed  not  to 
sign  any  agreement  or  scheme  until  the  Executive  Council 
had  considered  and  endorsed  the  whole  report.  Mr. 
Lloyd  George  had  to  hold  another  meeting  with  the 
Society  on  March  25,  and  was  bluntly  told  that  it  was  for 
the  Government  to  prove  that  any  further  extension  of  the 
recent  Shells  and  Fuses  Memorandum  was  necessary,  and 
that  the  definite  terms  of  any  agreement  reached  with  the 
employers  as  to  limitation  of  profits  should  be  laid  before 
them,  and  the  first  of  four  points  on  which  the  A.S.E. 
made  their  assent  conditional  was  the  point  of  profits. 
The  A.S.E.  were  tired  of  hints,  and  knew  the  feeling  of 
the  workpeople.  They  did  not  trust  any  longer  to  vague 
statements,  and  demanded  a  definite  undertaking  in 
writing.  Even  then  Mr.  Lloyd  George  could  not  avoid  a 
ballot.  The  agreement  was  indeed  confirmed  by  18,000  to 
4,000,  but  confirmation  was  not  obtained  before  June  16. 
The  unions  had  reciprocated  the  delay  in  the  fulfil- 
ment of  the  Government  pledge,  which  was  only  partially 
given  in  the  Munitions  of  War  Act  on  July  2,  by  delay 
on  their  side.  It  was  reported  on  June  9  that  in  the  ship- 
building trade  the  workmen's  organisations  represented  at 
the  Treasury  Conference  "  had  not  approached  their  mem- 
bers in  the  matter  at  all,"  and  that  there  were  numerous 
complaints  from  all  quarters.  In  fact,  the  leaders 
had  purported  to  suspend  restrictions,  but  the  rank  and 
file  were  scarcely  touched  by  the  bargain.  On  paper  the 
agreement  looked  well ;  in  practical  result  it  did  not 
come  up  to  the  claims  made  for  it,  for  the  simple  reason 
that  the  rank  and  file  had  not  been  reached. 


CHAPTER  XXXVI 

THE   MUNITIONS    OF   WAR   ACT,    1915 

THE  Treasury  Agreement  being  only  an  expression  of 
opinion  which  had  designated  the  Committee  of  Production 
and  other  forms  of  arbitration  attached  to  the  Chief  In- 
dustrial Commissioner's  Department  as  suitable  means  for 
settling  disputes,  no  more  power  or  authority,  perhaps  less 
power,  appertained  to  the  Committee  and  the  Department 
than  before  the  Agreement  was  made.  The  Committee  on 
Production  was  named  as  the  chief  arbitral  tribunal.  It 
dropped  naturally,  as  I  intimated  to  the  Prime  Minister 
on  April  1,  further  work  on  withdrawal  of  restrictions 
and  rules  for  organisation  of  production,  which  now  rested 
on  the  terms  of  the  Treasury  Agreement  and  the  approach- 
ing advent  of  the  Ministry  of  Munitions.  It  had  a  new 
and  engrossing  work  assigned  to  it,  developed  from  its 
appointment  as  arbitral  tribunal  on  February  21,  but  it 
had  no  power,  except  moral  influence  and  consent  of  the 
parties,  to  carry  out  its  supposed  functions. 

All  those  persons,  whether  within  or  without  the  Agree- 
ment, who  objected  to  a  semblance  of  compulsory  arbi- 
tration had  to  be  convinced  that  the  tribunals  were  fair, 
at  a  time  when  the  leaders  of  unions  were  finding  the  situ- 
ation more  and  more  difficult  through  the  restlessness  of 
the  rank  and  file.  Many  trades  preferred  conciliation 
meetings,  which  occupied  much  time.  Those  trades 
outside  the  agreement  would  still  come  to  the  Chief  In- 
dustrial Commissioner,  but  did  not  wish  to  range  themselves 
as  having  anything  to  do  with  the  munitions  side  of  pro- 
duction or  disputes.  And  yet  they  might  be  closely 
interlocked  with  those  trades  by  the  effect  which  their 
disputes  might  have  on  the  convenience  of  munition 
workers,  as  in  tramway  disputes,  or  by  example  owing 
to  proximity  in  the  same  town  or  district.  There  were 
also  workpeople  employed  by  Departments,  such  as  the 
Royal  Dockyards,  where  Departments  had  to  be  consulted 

383 


384          THE  MUNITIONS   OF  WAR  ACT,   1915 

before  existing  methods,  far  too  slow  for  rapidly  changing 
circumstances,  could  be  altered.  Other  trades,  such  as 
the  ship-repairing  industry  of  South  Wales,  had  been 
accustomed  to  deal  port  by  port,  and  section  by  section, 
with  the  engineering  and  allied  trades.  The  trade  had 
now  become,  by  the  course  of  war,  an  active  and  quickly 
developing  industry.  The  old  sectional  method  became 
hopelessly  obsolete.  Agreements  had  to  be  effected  to 
consolidate  claims  and  unify  representatives  on  both  sides 
for  the  purpose  of  dealing  with  them.  Each  trade,  district, 
town,  firm,  and  often  each  union,  wanted  separate  inter- 
views, hearings,  arbitrators,  or  conciliators.  It  was  only 
the  general  goodwill,  in  spite  of  sections  of  persons,  often 
through  ignorance,  getting  out  of  hand,  which  enabled  the 
work  to  be  got  through  with  comparatively  little  real 
friction.  The  country,  both  employers  and  employed, 
seemed  to  desire  that  differences  should  be  settled,  and 
accorded  trust  which  in  time  of  peace  would  have  been 
difficult  to  maintain.  Perhaps  one  may  add  that  many 
years  of  work  by  the  Department,  which  had  afforded 
insight  into  many  trades,  and  established  acquaintance  or 
friendship  with  many  representatives  of  employers  and 
employed,  the  element  of  personal  touch,  was  not  without 
value.  "  You  know  all  our  little  tricks,"  an  eminent 
trade  union  leader  genially  remarked  to  me. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  deal  with  the  separate  cases  brought 
to  the  Department ;  indeed,  they  were  far  too  many  to 
mention  separately.1  By  June  1  the  Committee  on  Pro- 
ductions alone  had  given  nearly  forty  decisions  on  wages 
questions,  covering  directly  over  750,000  workpeople,  and 
there  were  a  large  number  of  other  cases.  There  was,  in 
fact,  a  wage  readjustment,  directly  or  indirectly,  for  the 
whole  country.  The  variety  may  be  illustrated  by  mere 
mention  of  a  few  cases,  ranging  in  intricacy  from  a 
simple  change  in  wages  to  a  code  of  conditions,  rules, 
or  amalgamation.  Such  cases,  taken  at  random,  were 
Woolwich  Arsenal,  Pimlico  clothing,  the  Royal  Dockyards, 

1  The  awards  of  the  Committee  on  Production  and  of  the  arbitrators 
appointed  by  the  Chief  Industrial  Commissioner  from  1914  to  1918  are 
all  printed  as  Appendices  I-VIII  of  the  Twelfth  Report  of  Proceedings 
under  the  Conciliation  Act  1896,  ordered  by  the  House  of  Commons  to 
be  printed  on  October  22,  1919,  in  two  volumes,  each  exceeding  900  pages. 
They  will  be  invaluable  material  for  any  historian  who  may  write  on  the 
conditions  of  industry  during  the  War  and  the  questions  affecting  every 
section  of  work. 


THE   FIRST  CYCLE   OF  WAGES  385 

the  Post  Office,  the  cotton  trade,  Bristol  Channel  en- 
gineering and  ship-repairing,  moulders  and  brassworkers 
in  many  districts,  railway  shops,  Walsall  casting,  the 
saddlery  trade,  the  leather  trade,  many  building  cases, 
tramways,  coal-tippers,  chain-cable  and  anchor  manu- 
facturers, Thames  lightermen,  Midland  sheet-metal  workers, 
the  Scottish  steel  trades,  London  carters,  army  boots, 
Scottish  smiths  and  strikers,  Drogheda  steam-boats,  cement 
companies,  coppersmiths,  rope-makers,  pitwood-workers, 
explosive  works,  furnishing  trades,  Leicester  hosiery,  etc., 
and  also  an  award  in  the  Scottish  coal  trade  Conciliation 
Board,  of  which  I  had  been  elected  umpire. 

As  the  course  of  increased  arbitration  proceeded,  it 
became  apparent  that  Labour  desired  equality  of  treatment, 
with  some  bias  in  favour  of  the  "  under-dog."  That 
principle  was  consistently  followed  throughout  the  War 
by  the  Committee  on  Production,  and  by  my  Department, 
grievously  hampered  as  they  were  by  the  action  of  Ministers 
and  other  Departments  acting  on  their  own.  It  has  formed, 
too,  the  basis  on  which  all  the  subsequent  action  of  the 
Courts  and  Councils  seems  to  have  been  based.  It  was  a 
case  of  equal  suffering,  equal  relief,  "  owing  to  the  abnormal 
circumstances  due  to  and  caused  by  the  War,"  if  one  may 
quote  the  phrase  we  invented  and  which  appeared  in  most 
of  the  awards  of  the  Committee  on  Production. 

The  difficulty  in  practice  proved  to  be  the  mass  of 
cases  which  were  brought  forward,  and  the  application 
of  the  principle  to  the  varied  circumstances  of  each  trade 
and  each  firm  that  came  forward  to  arbitration.  There 
were  employers  who  would  never  give  an  increase,  although 
it  was  known  almost  to  a  certainty  what  the  sum  would 
be,  without  a  formal  award.  There  were  employers  who 
had  arguments,  some  good,  some  bad,  why  an  increase 
should  not  be  general  to  all  their  employees,  or  who  had  par- 
ticular circumstances  which  they  desired  to  bring  forward. 
On  the  other  hand,  there  were  employees  taking  for  granted 
the  general  advance  likely  to  be  received,  but  pressing  for 
special  advances  owing  to  the  alleged  position  of  their  trade 
(iron-moulders,  for  instance,  asking  for  special  treatment), 
or  for  the  settlement  of  claims  they  had  been  unsuccess- 
fully demanding  for  a  quarter  of  a  century.  It  appeared 
to  the  Committee  to  be  more  satisfactory  to  build  upon 
the  arrangements  effected  up  to  the  outbreak  of  war  than 


886          THE   MUNITIONS   OF  WAR  ACT,    1915 

to  attempt  philanthropic  reconstruction  or  embark  on 
unknown  contingencies  in  the  middle  of  the  War. 

The  work  of  the  Board  of  Trade  and  other  Departments 
in  dealing  with  transfers,  badges,  and  diffusion  of  contracts, 
and  of  the  Armaments  Committees  and  local  organisations, 
in  increasing  output  during  the  summer,  as  well  as  the 
start  of  the  Ministry  of  Munitions  in  June  1915,  are 
outside  the  scope  of  this  work.  It  is  sufficient  to  say  that 
the  Government  found  that  they  could  not  get  on  without 
more  power,  with  the  result  that  the  Munitions  of  War 
Act  was  enacted  "  to  organise  the  skilled  labour  of  the 
country  for  the  production  of  munitions  of  war."  The 
Defence  of  the  Realm  Acts  were  not  sufficient.  Amongst 
the  provisions  of  the  new  Act,  not  the  least  important  were 
those  relating  to  labour  disputes.  Up  to  its  passing  there 
were  no  compulsory  limits  on  freedom  to  stop  working 
by  a  strike  pending  settlement  of  a  dispute,  nor  on  the 
maintenance  of  restrictive  rules.  An  attempt  was  made 
to  deal  with  both,  but  particularly  with  the  limitation  of 
freedom  to  stop  work. 

These  conditions  and  the  Act  were  a  novelty.  Compul- 
sory arbitration  was  an  extreme  novelty,  which  had  not 
only  to  be  swallowed  by  employers,  but  by  trade  union 
leaders,  some  of  whom  had  been  consistently  opposed  to 
it,  and  by  the  rank  and  file,  to  whom  those  very  leaders 
had  to  explain  that  they  must  conform  to  the  decisions 
of  three  persons  in  London,  whose  names  they  might 
never  have  heard,  but  whose  decision  was  final.  It  was 
a  strong  order,  but  acceptance  of  it  was,  taking  it  as  a 
whole,  wonderful.  Men  seemed  to  desire  a  composing 
element  which  would  give  a  measure  of  finality,  be  a 
hindrance  to  sudden  stoppages,  prevent  long  and  tedious 
negotiations  with  employers,  and  bring  the  majority  of 
employers  into  line.  In  1913  the  number  of  cases  referred 
to  arbitration  was  about  forty-five.  In  1918,  the  figures 
having  increased  by  hundreds  every  year,  the  number 
referred  to  the  Committee  on  Production  and  other 
arbitrators  was  more  than  3,500.  During  the  five  years 
of  its  existence,  either  with  three  members  or,  latterly, 
with  several  courts,  the  total  nearly  reached  8,000  cases  ; 
and,  says  the  Twelfth  Report  under  the  Conciliation  Act, 
"  the  awards  were  almost  universally  accepted." 

The  terms  of  the  Act  itself  were  a  sort  of  compromise 


THE   BEGINNING  OF  COMPULSION  387 

between  pure  compulsory  arbitration  and  arbitration  if 
recognised  methods,  inquiry,  and  conciliation  failed.  A 
difference  existing  or  apprehended,  if  not  determined  by 
the  parties  directly  concerned,  or  their  representatives, 
or  under  existing  agreements,  might  be  reported  to  the 
Board  of  Trade.  The  Board  of  Trade  had  to  consider  any 
differences  so  reported,  and  take  any  steps  which  seemed  to 
them  expedient  to  promote  a  settlement  of  the  difference  : 

"  and  in  any  case  in  which  they  think  fit,  may  refer  the 
matter  for  settlement  either  in  accordance  with  the  pro- 
visions of  the  First  Schedule  or,  if  in  their  opinion  suitable 
means  for  settlement  already  exist  in  pursuance  of  any 
agreement  between  employers  and  persons  employed,  for 
settlement  in  accordance  with  those  means." 

The  Act  added : 

"  The  award  in  any  such  settlement  shall  be  binding 
both  on  employers  and  employed,  and  may  be  retrospec- 
tive ;  and  if  any  employer,  or  person  employed,  thereafter 
acts  in  contravention  of,  or  fails  to  comply  with,  the  award, 
he  shall  be  guilty  of  an  offence  under  this  Act." 

The  principal  clause  for  delaying  a  lockout  or  strike 
enacted  that : 

"  An  employer  shall  not  declare,  cause,  or  take  part  in 
a  lockout,  and  a  person  employed  shall  not  take  part  in 
a  strike,  in  connection  with  any  difference  to  which  this 
part  of  this  Act  applies,  unless  the  difference  has  been 
reported  to  the  Board  of  Trade,  and  twenty-one  days  have 
elapsed  since  the  date  of  the  report,  and  the  difference 
has  not  during  that  time  been  referred  by  the  Board  of 
Trade  for  settlement  in  accordance  with  this  Act." 

The  provisions  of  the  First  Schedule  were  that  differences 
referred  for  settlement  were  to  go  before  tribunals  deter- 
mined by  agreement  between  the  parties,  or  in  default  of 
agreement  by  the  Board  of  Trade.  These  tribunals  were  : 

(a)  The  Committee  appointed  by  the  First  Lord  of  the 
Treasury,  known  as  the  Committee  on  Production  ;   or 

(b)  A  single  arbitrator,  to  be  agreed  upon  by  the  parties, 
or  in  default  of  agreement  appointed  by  the  Board  of 
Trade  ;    or 


388          THE   MUNITIONS   OF  WAR  ACT,    1915 

(c)  A  court  of  arbitration  consisting  of  an  equal  number 
of  persons  representing  employers  and  persons  representing 
workmen  with  a  chairman  appointed  by  the  Board  of  Trade. 

The  differences  they  were  entitled  to  settle  were  stated 
to  be — 

"  differences  as  to  rates  of  wages,  hours  of  work,  or  other- 
wise as  to  terms  or  conditions  of  or  affecting  employment 
on  the  manufacture  or  repair  of  arms,  ammunition,  ships, 
vehicles,  aircraft,  or  any  other  articles  required  for  use  in 
war,  or  of  the  metals,  machines,  or  tools  required  for  that 
manufacture  or  repair  (in  this  Act  referred  to  as  munitions 
work)  ;  and  also  any  differences  as  to  rates  of  wages, 
hours  of  work,  or  otherwise  as  to  terms  or  conditions  of 
or  affecting  employment  on  any  other  work  of  any  descrip- 
tion, if  this  part  of  this  Act  is  applied  to  such  a  difference 
by  His  Majesty  by  Proclamation  on  the  ground  that  in 
the  opinion  of  His  Majesty  the  existence  or  continuance  of 
the  difference  is  directly  or  indirectly  prejudicial  to  the 
manufacture,  transport,  or  supply  of  Munitions  of  War." 

It  was  soon  found  by  some  trades,  especially  the  engin- 
eering trades,  that  their  pre-war  methods  of  district  and 
central  conferences  occupied  too  much  time.  With  the 
quick  changes  which  became  necessary,  the  rank  and  file 
would  not  wait,  the  representatives  of  unions  and  employers 
were  too  busy  in  war-work  to  devote  the  necessary  time, 
and  the  speedier  methods  of  a  report,  reference,  and 
hearing  seemed  more  conducive  to  the  interests  of  business. 
The  pre-war  methods  were  suspended.  The  parties  by 
districts  or  firms  demanded  arbitration,  and  in  almost 
every  case  settled  upon  the  Committee  on  Production  as 
the  arbitral  tribunal.  This  practice  tended  greatly  to 
co-ordination,  but,  at  the  beginning  of  the  War,  every  single 
district  and  often  every  firm,  particularly  if  it  was  a  limited 
liability  company  whose  shareholders  had  to  be  taken  into 
account,  demanded  a  separate  hearing  and  a  separate 
award.  There  was  necessarily  always  a  long  list  of  cases 
to  be  arranged,  parties  to  be  communicated  with,  dates 
of  hearing  fixed,  and  time  given  for  a  patient  hearing. 
The  Committee  on  Production  worked  as  hard  as  time 
allowed,  but  it  was  difficult  to  keep  the  lists  within  bounds. 

With  regard  to  other  trades,  a  great  many  had  to  be 


TYPES   OF  ARBITRATION  389 

heard  by  single  arbitrators.  Nobody  seemed  to  want  a 
court  under  subsection  (c).  Very  few  were  either  asked 
for  or  appointed.  For  these  courts  arbitrators  had  to  be 
collected  ;  refusals  on  the  ground  of  other  work  made 
nominations  most  difficult ;  delay  was  sure  to  ensue.  The 
other  two  types  of  court  were  evidently  preferred.  The 
difficulty  which  arose  with  them  was  that,  although  most 
single  arbitrators  followed  the  governing  cases  settled  by 
the  Committee  on  Production,  where  such  precedents 
existed,  strict  co-ordination  was  not  practicable.  The 
tribunals  were  alternative  tribunals.  If  one  arbitrator 
made  a  mistake,  through  lack  of  knowledge  of  the  inter- 
locking of  trades  or  the  intricacy  of  technicalities,  the 
effects  and  ensuing  discontent  might  be  widespread. 
Although  my  predecessor,  Mr.  Wilson  Fox,  had  been  wont 
to  say  that  only  one  man  in  a  million  made  a  good  arbi- 
trator, the  result  showed  that  arbitrators,  improving  by 
practice  and  exercising  care  and  patience,  could  avoid 
grave  mistakes,  and,  generally  speaking,  give  awards  satis- 
factory to  the  parties  coming  before  them.  In  some  cases 
there  were  errors,  chiefly  arising  from  want  of  attention 
to  the  minute  detail  which  many  industrial  settlements 
require,  but  the  appointments  being  under  the  Department, 
complaints  were  soon  heard.  The  system  of  appointment 
being  elastic,  no  arbitrator  had  a  vested  interest  or  had 
to  be  employed,  if  it  was  found  that  he  could  not  manage 
the  work  of  arbitration. 

The  time  allowed  for  investigation  and  inquiry  before 
reference  to  arbitration  was  short.  In  a  subsequent  Act 
it  was  reduced  from  twenty-one  to  fourteen  days,  but  by 
that  time  a  shorter  period  was  more  feasible.  At  first 
there  was  little  consolidation  between  groups  of  employers. 
Correspondence  had  to  take  place,  posts  were  delayed, 
individuals  or  firms  did  not  answer,  or  their  representatives 
were  absent.  Claims  sent  to  the  Department  hao>often  not 
even  been  sent  to  the  persons  most  intimately  concerned. 
Bogus  or  absurd  claims  were  not  wanting.  Conciliation 
was  frequently  proposed  in  preference  to  arbitration. 
Evidence  had  to  be  collected.  In  other  cases  the  parties 
had  been  negotiating  for  some  time,  failed  to  agree,  and 
at  the  last  moment  a  claim  was  sent  to  London,  and  then 
all  the  blame  of  the  delay  previous  to  the  claim  being  lodged 
put  upon  the  Department,  though  they  might  in  no  way 


390          THE   MUNITIONS   OF  WAR   ACT,    1915 

be  responsible.  Some  absurd  instances  were  proved 
when  complaint  was  made,  the  delay  being  due  to  the  lack 
of  organisation  in  the  offices  of  the  parties  themselves, 
particularly  when  separate  individuals  seemed  to  deal 
with  bundles  of  letters  without  knowledge  of  letters  re- 
ceived or  previous  correspondence.  Owing  to  the  shortage 
and  changes  of  clerical  assistance  in  almost  every  office 
in  the  country,  employers  and  their  associations,  work- 
people and  trade  unions,  as  well  as  Government  offices, 
suffered  in  greater  or  less  degree. 

The  Act  did  not  cover  all  workpeople,  but  only  those 
engaged  in  munitions  of  war  as  defined  by  the  Act.  The 
miners  had  been  represented  for  two  days  at  the  Treasury 
Conference,  but  withdrew  on  the  third.  They  were  not 
a  party  to  the  Agreement,  and  obtained  exclusion  from 
the  Act  by  an  undertaking  to  settle  all  disputes  by  arrange- 
ment with  the  owners,  or,  failing  that,  to  call  in  an  indepen- 
dent chairman  with  full  power  to  settle.  This  guarantee 
proved  to  be  of  little  practical  value.  The  cotton 
operatives  were  also  excluded,  on  their  plea  that  their 
industry  was  too  well  organised  to  require  the  Act,  under 
which  sections  of  the  trade  had  subsequently  to  be  brought 
by  Proclamation.  Instead  of  all  trades  being  brought  in, 
freedom  to  strike  continued  for  all  workpeople  other  than 
those  defined  by  the  Act.  Numbers  of  strikes  occurred  in 
these  industries,  often  stopping  supplies  to  munition  workers 
or  showing  an  example  in  interlocked  industries  which 
necessarily  reacted.  In  the  following  year  a  wider  ex- 
tension had  to  be  given,  but  much  time  and  trouble  would 
have  been  saved  if  it  had  been  realised  how  closely  every 
industry  is  connected  with  other  industries. 

It  is  true  that  other  industries  could  be  brought  in  by 
Royal  Proclamation,  a  cumbrous  method  only  mitigated 
by  the  courtesy  of  the  officers  of  the  Privy  Council.  Some 
wiseacre  had  propounded  that  this  procedure  would  be 
impressive,  and  it  was  adopted  in  the  Act ;  but  it  proved 
to  be  troublesome,  caused  dangerous  delay,  and  had  to 
be  used  with  caution  lest  the  King's  name  should  be  brought 
without  effect  into  the  settlement  of  trade  disputes. 

In  the  second  part  of  the  Act  there  was  a  provision  that 
an  appeal  could  be  made  from  the  decision  of  the  Minister 
of  Munitions  in  the  event  of  dissatisfaction  with  decisions 
he  might  make  on  proposed  increases  in  controlled  estab- 


TRADE  UNION  RESTRICTIONS  391 

lishments,  but  this  provision  was  not  satisfactory  in  its 
working.  There  was  also  a  provision  intended  to  stop 
restrictions,  drastic  in  form,  but  soon  found  to  be  of  small 
value.  The  words  ran  : 

"  Any  rule,  practice,  or  custom  not  having  the  force  of 
law  which  tends  to  restrict  production  or  employment 
shall  be  suspended  in  the  establishment,  and  if  any  person 
induces  or  attempts  to  induce  any  other  person  (whether 
any  particular  person  or  generally)  to  comply,  or  continue 
to  comply,  with  such  a  rule,  practice,  or  custom,  that 
person  shall  be  guilty  of  an  offence  under  this  Act. 

"  If  any  question  arises  whether  any  rule,  practice,  or 
custom  is  a  rule,  practice,  or  custom  which  tends  to  restrict 
production  or  employment,  that  question  shall  be  referred 
to  the  Board  of  Trade,  and  the  Board  of  Trade  shall  either 
determine  the  question  themselves,  or,  if  they  think  it 
expedient,  or  either  party  requires  it,  refer  the  question 
for  settlement  in  accordance  with  the  provisions  contained 
in  the  First  Schedule  to  this  Act.  The  decision  of  the  Board 
of  Trade  or  arbitration  tribunal,  as  the  case  may  be, 
shall  be  conclusive  for  all  purposes." 

In  practice  employers  tried  to  make  use  of  this  section, 
but  they  pressed  too  much.  Ca'  canny  practices  and  shop 
rules  could  not  be  abrogated  by  a  stroke  of  the  pen.  The 
rank  and  file  could  evade  the  strict  letter  of  the  law  or 
decisions,  and  their  leaders  could  not  compel  them.  Some 
attempts  were  made,  but  conciliation  meetings  and  consent 
of  the  rank  and  file  proved  to  be  the  only  safe  chance  of 
arriving  at  any  satisfactory  conclusions. 

Among  the  criticisms  which  may  be  made  is  that  the 
effect  of  the  Munitions  of  War  Act,  and  the  importance 
which  should  have  been  attached  to  it,  were  initially 
discounted  by  the  Minister  of  Munitions  himself.  The 
occasion  arose  during  the  preparation  of  the  Act  and 
immediately  after  it  had  been  passed. 

It  has  been  mentioned  that  the  miners  withdrew  from 
the  Treasury  Agreement.  There  was  pending  at  the  time 
a  general  claim  on  behalf  of  all  miners  for  a  war  bonus 
of  25  per  cent,  on  earnings.  On  this  matter  the  Prime 
Minister,  Mr.  Asquith,  adhered  to  the  principle  of  the 
Coal  Mines  (Minimum  Wage)  Act,  and  insisted  that  the 
26 


392          THE   MUNITIONS   OF   WAR  ACT,    1915 

claim  must  be  settled  by  agreement  or  arbitration  in 
districts.  In  South  Wales,  Lord  St.  Aldwyn  acted  as 
arbitrator,  and  granted  an  advance  of  17£  per  cent,  in 
addition  to  the  60  per  cent,  above  the  1879  standard  at 
which  the  wages  then  stood.  As  the  maximum  was 
60  per  cent.,  this  decision  practically  abolished  the  maxi- 
mum, without  interference  with  the  technical  terms  of 
the  agreement.  Coincidently  with  this  general  claim, 
the  Welsh  miners,  on  March  3,  had  given  notice  to  termin- 
ate on  June  30  the  agreement  which  had  governed  the 
coal-field  since  March  1910.  They  demanded  a  new  agree- 
ment, with  a  new  standard  of  wages  50  per  cent,  above  the 
previous  standard  of  1879,  the  abolition  of  the  maximum, 
which  had  been  already  reached,  and  the  fixing  of  a  new 
minimum  10  per  cent,  above  the  new  standard,  to  be  paid 
when  the  average  selling  price  of  large  coal  was  at  or  below 
155.  6d.  a  ton,  or,  in  effect,  no  limit  to  advances  if  the 
selling  price  of  coal  rose,  a  greater  limitation  of  declines 
if  the  selling  price  fell,  and  a  higher  basis  on  which  advances 
should  be  calculated.  Their  plain  object  was  to  ensure  a 
high  wage  in  the  event  of  a  slump  after  the  War,  and  rapid 
advances  during  the  War.  It  was  a  heavy  demand,  to 
which  the  owners  replied  on  March  9  by  asking  them  to 
continue  the  old  agreement  and  offering  10  per  cent, 
bonus  on  standard  rates. 

Although  Lord  St.  Aldwyn  awarded  17£  per  cent,  on 
March  12,  the  Welsh  miners  continued  to  press  their 
original  claim,  and  late  in  June  refused  arbitration.  As 
the  old  agreement  was  due  to  end  on  June  30,  chaos 
was  imminent.  The  Government  decided  to  press  for 
arbitration  in  accordance  with  the  miners'  undertaking 
when  they  withdrew  from  the  Treasury  Agreement,  but 
the  most  that  Mr.  Runciman  could  effect,  on  Saturday, 
June  26,  was  a  consent  to  allow  a  report  to  be  made  by 
me,  by  June  29,  into  the  whole  circumstances  of  the  miners' 
demand.  I  was  summoned  in  haste  on  Sunday,  June  27, 
to  hear  the  Welsh  miners,  prior  to  hurrying  North  to  act 
as  agreed  umpire  for  the  Scottish  miners  in  accordance 
with  their  constitution  and  agreements.  My  report  set 
forth  the  facts,  and  tentatively 'made  suggestions  amount- 
ing to  abolition  of  maximum  and  present  minimum,  but 
the  fixing  of  a  new  minimum  before  any  proposal  to  reduce 
wages  below  Lord  St.  Aldwyn's  77  £  per  cent,  was  obtained  ; 


THE   WELSH   COAL   STRIKE  893 

and  that  the  rest  of  the  details  requisite  in  a  new  agree- 
ment would  be  so  different  during  and  for  some  time 
after  the  War  that  a  wage  agreement,  admittedly  intended 
to  apply  to  peace  conditions,  should  properly  be  deferred. 
While  I  had  to  be  absent,  these  suggestions  were  taken  up 
by  Mr.  Brace,  then  Under-Secretary  of  the  Home  Office, 
and  previously  a  Welsh  miners'  leader,  who  stated,  on 
inquiries  he  had  made,  that  with  certain  amendments 
he  was  certain  the  strike  could  be  averted.  He  proposed 
abolition  of  maximum  and  minimum,  but  fixing  of  a  new 
minimum  at  once,  at  50  per  cent,  over  the  standard  of  1879, 
with  extension  of  equivalent  advantages  to  surface-men, 
nightmen,  and  hauliers.  Mr.  Henderson,  Mr.  Brace,  and  Mr. 
Roberts,  all  Labour  leaders,  went  to  Wales  on  July  1,  and 
by  a  narrow  majority,  through  the  recommendation  of 
the  Miners'  Council,  obtained  adhesion  to  treatment  of 
the  general  proposals  of  the  Government  as  the  basis 
for  a  settlement.  On  the  same  day  the  coal-owners  very 
reluctantly  accepted  the  terms  at  the  express  wish  of  Mr. 
Runciman. 

The  Council  and  its  more  moderate  leaders  had  so  far 
maintained  authority,  but  immediately  afterwards  the 
less  moderate  men  further  demanded  concessions  in  the 
form  of  interpretations,  with  the  intimation  that,  unless 
they  were  granted,  work  would  be  stopped.  Mr.  Runciman 
would  not  give  way  any  farther.  He  wrote  on  July  7  to 
Mr.  Lloyd  George  : 

"  As  the  interpretations  the  men  want  are  really  in  the 
nature  of  a  demand  for  further  concessions,  and  as  I  have 
gone  very  far  in  compelling  the  owners  to  accept  conditions 
which  are  very  distasteful  to  them,  and  as  my  proposals 
on  June  80  were  definitely  made  for  acceptance  or  rejec- 
tion without  alteration,  I  feel  it  extremely  difficult  to 
reopen  the  matter." 

At  first  the  Minister  of  Munitions  backed  up  his  colleague. 
On  July  8  he  replied  that  he  would  not  hesitate  to  advise 
a  Royal  Proclamation  bringing  the  difference  under  the 
Munitions  of  War  Act.  When,  on  July  12,  a  conference 
of  delegates  resolved  "  that  we  do  not  accept  anything 
less  than  our  original  proposals,  and  that  we  stop  the 
collieries  on  Thursday  next  until  these  demands  are  con- 


894          THE  MUNITIONS   OF  WAR  ACT,   1915 

ceded,"  the  direct  challenge  was  answered  on  July  13  by  a 
Royal  Proclamation,  making  it  an  offence  punishable 
under  the  Munitions  of  War  Act  to  take  part  in  a  strike 
in  the  South  Wales  coal-mining  industry ;  a  General 
Munitions  Tribunal  was  set  up  for  South  Wales  ;  and  the 
Proclamation  was  posted  throughout  the  coal-field.  On 
Thursday,  July  15,  about  200,000  men  stopped  work,  and 
the  Miners'  Council  promptly  recommended  that  work 
should  be  resumed  the  following  day,  although  the  Miners' 
Conference  took  an  opposite  view.  It  became  a  question 
between  the  effects  of  a  Royal  Proclamation  in  terms  of 
the  recently  passed  Munitions  of  War  Act,  the  Ministers 
of  the  Crown,  and  the  recommendation  of  the  Welsh 
authority,  the  Miners'  Council  on  the  one  hand,  and  the 
limited  number  of  strikers  on  the  other,  who,  I  was  con- 
fidently informed,  would  be  back  at  work  on  the  Wednesday 
or  Thursday  following  at  latest.  "  Don't  touch  it,  Sir 
George,"  I  was  told  in  answer  to  inquiry  whether  anything 
should  be  done.  "  Go  away  into  the  country,  if  you  can." 
And  yet  the  strikers  won. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  week,  while  settling  a  dispute 
in  the  Barnsley  coal-field,  I  was  told  that  Mr.  Lloyd  George 
had  suddenly  gone  down  by  special  train  to  Cardiff,  taking 
Mr.  Runciman  and  many  secretaries  with  him.  It  was 
said  he  had  been  impressed  by  the  feeling  of  both  French 
and  British  in  France  against  the  continuance  of  the  strike. 
If  so,  he  settled  it  by  a  complete  volte-face  and  yielding  to 
the  strikers. 

After  hasty  interviews,  he  gave  way  on  all  the  main 
claims,  and  even  on  new  claims  just  advanced  at  the 
interviews,  only  deferring  for  arbitration  some  very 
technical  points  which  possibly  were  difficult  to  understand 
on  the  explanation  of  one  side  only.  There  was  a  story 
that  one  of  the  miners  woke  up  a  comrade  in  the  middle 
of  the  night  and  said,  "  I  am  going  to  ask  George  for  so- 
and-so  " ;  and  the  other  replied,  "  No,  you  can't  have  the 
face  to  do  that.  It  is  a  bit  too  thick  "  ;  to  which  the  other 
said,  "  Oh,  yes,  I  will,  and  you  will  see  he  will  give  it  us  "  ; 
and  he  did.  Whether  this  story  be  true  or  not,  I  am  not 
prepared  to  say,  but  it  indicates  exactly  the  effect  of  the 
settlement.  In  the  result  all  the  difficult  technical  ques- 
tions were  left  over  for  Mr.  Runciman,  the  Minister  whose 
actions  and  opinions  had  been  completely  put  aside  ;  men 


EFFECTS   OF  THE   WELSH   COAL  STRIKE     395 

had  won  a  victory  by  a  strike  which  their  principal  autho- 
rities told  them  ought  not  to  be  continued  ;  the  example 
was  set  to  strike  first  and  apply  to  Mr.  Lloyd  George, 
whatever  Ministers,  officials,  employers,  or  union  leaders 
might  say,  with  a  view  to  allowance  of  all  claims  as  the 
reward  of  violence  or  pressure. 

It  was  almost  a  farce  to  the  Minister  to  wire  to  Mr. 
Asquith  that  "  the  solution  of  the  deadlock  was  rendered 
possible  on  the  lines  of  agreement  rather  than  of  coercion 
by  the  public-spirited  action  of  the  coal-owners,  who 
placed  themselves  unreservedly  in  the  Government's 
hands,  for  the  purpose  of  securing  a  peaceful  and  reason- 
able settlement  immediately."  The  so-called  settlement 
did  more  to  cause  unrest  during  the  succeeding  years 
than  almost  any  other  factor  in  the  War,  and  to  lessen 
hopes  of  establishing  a  sane  method  of  settlement  of 
labour  disputes.  Since  the  War  the  same  policy  has 
from  time  to  time  been  followed,  the  sole  restraint  being 
whether  the  trade  is  important  enough  or  the  unions 
powerful  enough  to  gain  access  to  Downing  Street. 

The  above  points  indicate  some  of  the  difficulties  in 
working  the  disputes  sections  of  the  Munitions  of  War 
Act,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  some  trades,  although  not 
specifically  within  its  scope,  followed  its  principles  and 
settled  disputes  by  requests  for  arbitration.  The  woollen 
industry  followed  the  principle  by  taking  me,  practically 
as  sole  arbitrator,  to  settle  the  whole  basis  of  the  many 
sections  of  the  trade,  both  in  Yorkshire  and  Lancashire, 
during  the  greater  part  of  the  War.  The  boot  trade,  after 
many  conciliation  meetings,  formed  a  constitution  of  its 
own,  very  similar  to  the  subsequent  Industrial  Councils, 
with  final  reference  to  arbitration  through  the  Depart- 
ment. During  the  whole  of  the  autumn  the  Committee 
on  Production,  with  the  addition  of  Sir  David  Harrel, 
owing  to  the  necessary  absence  of  Sir  F.  Hopwood  upon 
other  work,  developed  into  the  principal  arbitration 
tribunal,  while  there  was  scarcely  a  trade  in  the  country 
which  in  some  form  or  another  did  not  come  before  the 
Department.  Almost  all  these  cases  were  concerned  with 
demands  for  increase  of  wages,  the  adjustment  of  different 
trades  and  firms  to  the  general  advances,  or  the  establish- 
ment of  bases  of  settlement  which  could  cover  wide  areas 
of  country  or  industry. 


396          THE  MUNITIONS   OF  WAR  ACT,    1915 

In  October  a  case  at  Southampton  requires  more  special 
notice,  as  the  principles  of  the  decision  were  largely  followed 
during  the  War.  It  concerned  the  employment  of  men 
released  from  the  colours  for  service  in  shipbuilding  yards. 
The  boilermakers  particularly  objected  to  men  who 
were  non-unionists  working  with  men  who,  according  to 
rules  of  the  Boilermakers'  Society,  must  be  unionists, 
but  at  the  same  time  were  very  loth  to  admit  new  men  to 
their  ranks.  The  crisis  became  acute  when  a  man  sent  from 
a  regiment  as  a  riveter  not  only  would  not  say  whether  he 
would  join  the  union,  but  was  reported  to  have  dropped 
his  tools  into  the  sea  and  to  know  nothing  about  riveting, 
thus  throwing  out  other  men  working  with  or  near  him. 
Men  had  been  fined  for  leaving  their  work,  and  were  very 
angry,  a  serious  dispute  being  threatened.  Apart  from 
the  particular  case,  I  was  asked  to  give  a  general  ruling 
on  the  principles,  as  other  cases  were  occurring  daily. 
As  publicity  was  of  importance,  I  went  to  Southampton 
to  examine  into  the  matter,  and  heard  evidence  and  argu- 
ments before  a  large  number  of  boilermakers,  to  whom, 
for  the  sake  of  future  peace,  it  was  also  advisable  that  the 
firm  should  explain  that,  under  the  Munitions  of  War  Act, 
they  were  obliged  to  take  and  keep  men  sent  to  them, 
except  by  special  leave  of  the  Ministry  of  Munitions.  In 
the  particular  case,  it  turned  out  the  poor  fellow  had 
been  an  orange-seller  on  Tower  Hill,  had  been  got  rid  of 
by  a  sergeant  who,  wishing  to  lose  him,  accepted  his 
own  statement  that  he  was  a  riveter,  and  was  evidently 
wrong  in  his  head,  probably  from  shell-shock.  The  boiler- 
makers  themselves  saw  the  uselessness  of  troubling  about 
him,  and  dropped  any  further  pressure,  while  the  man  was, 
of  course,  withdrawn.  The  storm  being  over,  the  decision 
was  well  received.  Its  principle  was  that  in  time  of  war 
conflicting  rights  must  be  subordinated  to  the  major  issue 
of  the  war,  and  methods  must  be  used  for  preventing 
conflict  being  brought  to  determination  by  strikes  for  the 
time  being. 

The  decision  was  to  the  effect  that  arrangements  had 
been  made  for  the  transfer  to  this  "  controlled  establish- 
ment "  of  additional  workpeople  under  two  schemes  : 
(1)  Volunteer  munition  workers  enrolled  under  the  auspices 
of  the  Ministry  of  Munitions,  and  (2)  men  released  from  the 
colours. 


SOUTHAMPTON  BOILERMAKERS  397 

Considerable  numbers  of  men  were  sent  to  the  firm  under 
both  schemes.  Exception  was  taken  more  than  once  by 
boilermakers  to  the  employment  of  men  who  were  not 
members  of  the  Boilermakers'  and  Iron  and  Steel  Ship- 
builders' Society.  In  one  case  members  of  the  society 
left  their  work  without  notice  in  protest  against  the 
employment  of  a  man  released  from  the  colours  who 
was  not  a  member  of  the  union.  Proceedings  under  the 
Munitions  of  War  Act  were  taken  by  the  Ministry  of 
Munitions  against  fifty  of  the  strikers.  The  case  was  tried 
before  a  general  tribunal  under  the  Act  on  October  2, 
and  the  men  concerned  were  fined.  Work  was  after- 
wards resumed,  and  the  difference  was  referred  to  arbitra- 
tion in  accordance  with  the  Act.  The  award  continued  : 

"  The  right  of  workpeople  to  combine  and  to  press  for 
inclusion  in  their  union  of  all  the  workpeople  engaged  in 
the  particular  craft  is  admitted.  It  is  equally  admitted 
that  an  individual  workman  has  a  right  to  object  to  belong 
to  the  union.  The  right  of  employers  to  decline  to  dis- 
criminate in  any  way  between  unionists  and  non-unionists 
is  unquestioned.  In  times  of  peace  there  are  methods 
by  which  these  respective  rights,  if  they  are  all  insisted 
upon  and  if  they  come  in  conflict,  may  be  tested.  The 
results  of  such  a  test  in  the  case  of  an  establishment  such 
as  the  one  in  question,  where  the  men  are  members  of  a 
highly  organised  and  powerful  trade  union,  can  readily 
be  estimated.  But  the  country  is  at  war,  and  whatever 
may  be  the  rights  of  individuals  or  firms  or  unions,  such 
rights  cannot  be  freely  exercised  if  by  such  exercise  the 
production  of  munitions  of  war  essential  to  the  safety 
of  the  nation  is  delayed,  hindered,  or  restricted.  .  .  .  The 
differences  in  this  case  do  not  appear  to  be  in  fact  differ- 
ences between  the  firm  and  their  workpeople,  but  are 
differences  between  various  classes  of  employees.  Where, 
as  in  this  case,  an  exclusively  '  union  shop '  is  concerned, 
the  individual  should  not  object  to  forgo  his  principles 
for  the  time  being,  to  the  extent  required  to  maintain 
harmonious  relationship  with  the  remainder  of  the  work- 
people, and  he  can  follow  this  course  entirely  without 
prejudice  to  a  reversion  to  the  status  quo  in  times  of 
peace. 

"  It  is,  however,  regarded  as  a  necessary  qualification  of 


398          THE   MUNITIONS   OF  WAR  ACT,    1915 

membership  of  the  Boilermakers'  Society  that  the  candi- 
date should  ordinarily  have  served  an  apprenticeship  to 
the  trade  of  some  years'  duration.  It  is  obvious  that,  if 
the  efforts  that  are  being  made  to  increase  the  amount 
of  labour  available  for  the  production  of  munitions  of 
war  are  to  be  successful,  a  rule  of  this  kind  cannot  at 
present  be  insisted  upon..  Workmen  who  are  competent 
workmen  and  eligible  should  in  my  opinion  be  admitted 
as  members  of  the  society,  either  in  the  ordinary  way  or, 
if  the  society  so  determine,  as  temporary  members.  If  the 
society  is  not  prepared  to  admit  workmen  who  are  con- 
sidered by  the  employers  to  be  capable  of  useful  employ- 
ment, they  must  not  during  the  War  be  precluded  from 
such  employment  by  any  objection  on  the  part  of  the  union 
or  of  its  members.  If  in  the  case  of  a  particular  individual 
the  society  object  to  his  joining  the  union,  he  should  be 
allowed  to  work  freely  and  without  interference  or  molesta- 
tion." 

As  the  year  drew  to  a  close,  signs  of  the  increasing  cost 
of  living  were  apparent  in  demands  being  put  forward  for 
general  increases  before  the  close  of  the  first  cycle  of  wage 
advances,  as  it  may  be  called,  was  yet  complete.  Claim 
began  to  overlap  claim.  Restiveness  in  uncontrolled 
trades,  such  as  cotton,  where  a  strike  was  with  difficulty 
averted,  jute  in  Dundee,  and  dyes  in  Huddersfield,  became 
apparent.  Special  demands  were  being  made  by  com- 
paratively new  industries,  such  as  aircraft  workers,  whose 
rates  had  been  governed  by  the  rates  of  the  craft  to  which 
each  worker  belonged.  Co-operative  assistants  in  Lan- 
cashire and  Edinburgh  pressed  forward  claims  on  their 
societies.  Some  sections  of  employers  holding  contracts 
and  afraid  of  disputes  or  loss  of  men  began  to  give  advances 
beyond  the  standard  amounts  which  others,  not  so  ad- 
vantageously placed,  already  had  difficulty  in  meeting. 
Two  commissioners  were  sent  to  Glasgow  "  to  inquire 
into  the  cause  and  the  circumstances  of  the  apprehended 
differences  affecting  munition  workers  in  the  Clyde  district." 

Clearance  or  leaving  certificates  being  denied  to  men  „ 
raising  of  rents  for  houses  ;  jealousy  between  union  and 
union  ;  lack  of  belief  in  union  leaders  ;  influx  of  women 
and  fear  of  cheap  labour  ;  ignorance  of  the  provisions  of 
the  Munitions  Act,  and  alleged  harsh  and  unjust  administra- 


FINANCIAL  DIFFICULTIES  399 

tion  of  the  Munitions  Act,  or  the  "  Slavery  Act,"  as  it 
was  dubbed  ;  fines  on  three  shipwrights  who  left  work 
without  authority  or  notice  ;  irregular  increases  granted 
by  certain  employers,  a  fruitful  source  of  discontent  on 
the  Clyde  ;  and  propaganda,  were  all  cumulative  causes 
of  discontent  in  the  Clyde  district,  while  many  of  them 
applied  to  other  districts. 

The  non-union  question  broke  out  again  both  in  Derby- 
shire and  Lanarkshire.  The  building  trade,  denuded  of 
men  by  recruiting  and  with  building  generally  at  a  discount, 
professed  to  be  unable  to  grant  increases  while  other  trades 
were  getting  them.  Last,  but  not  least,  the  example  of 
the  Welsh  miners  was  continually  mentioned,  and  became 
more  and  more  a  covert  threat.  At  the  same  time  the 
Government  were  in  considerable  difficulty  about  finance. 
On  November  18,  Mr.  Bonar  Law  in  the  House  of  Commons 
said  "  that  those  who  represented  the  working  classes, 
as  well  as  the  commercial  classes,  should  set  their  forces 
resolutely  against  any  increased  pay  by  the  Government 
in  any  shape  or  form  for  anything  that  had  to  be  got  in 
connection  with  the  War." 

When  the  Government  were  informed  of  the  growth  of 
applications  for  new  advances,  they  as  chief  employers 
were  alarmed .  A  memorandum  was  issued  to  the  Committee 
on  Production,  stating  that  His  Majesty's  Government 
"  have  come  to  the  conclusion  that,  in  view  of  the  present 
emergency,  any  further  advances  of  wages  (other  than 
advances  following  automatically  from  existing  agree- 
ments) should  be  strictly  confined  to  the  adjustment  of 
local  conditions  where  such  adjustments  are  proved 
necessary." 

This  emergency  and  solemn  statement  was  a  necessary 
factor  in  considering  some  premature  demands  for  a  second 
general  rise  in  wages,  but  could  only  delay  claims  tainted 
with  this  defect.  The  rise  in  the  cost  of  living  necessitated 
consideration  of  a  new  cycle.  Legitimate  claimants 
pressed  that  free  arbitration  granted  by  the  Munitions 
Act  must  not  be  hampered.  The  Prime  Minister  had  to 
minimise  its  intended  effect  by  a  statement  in  the  House  of 
Commons,  and  finally  it  was  formally  withdrawn.  The 
year  ended  with  a  difficult  situation  in  which  the  chance 
of  maintaining  industrial  peace  was  shadowed  by  dark 
clouds. 


CHAPTER  XXXVII 
1916 

IT  had  become  evident,  soon  after  the  passing  of  the 
Munitions  of  War  Act,  1915,  that  it  would  have  to  be 
amended.  There  were  omissions  in  it ;  the  Act  caused 
confusion  and  some  hardship.  As  far  as  arbitration  was 
concerned,  the  very  existence  of  the  Ministry  of  Munitions 
caused  delay  in  arbitration  by  the  applications  being 
sometimes  matters  for  the  Ministry,  sometimes  for  the 
Board  of  Trade,  and  sometimes  for  the  Ministry  first  and 
the  Board  of  Trade  afterwards.  The  absence  of  co- 
ordination, which  became  so  accentuated  when  new 
Ministers  and  controllers  were  appointed  by  the  score, 
and  which  at  all  times  is  the  curse  of  efficient  administra- 
tion, increased  rapidly. 

Changes  in  arbitration  procedure  were  but  a  small  part, 
however,  of  the  reasons  for  an  amending  Act,  for  which 
the  questions  of  the  inclusion  of  Government  undertakings, 
leaving  certificates,  dilution,  increased  employment  of 
women,  and  the  necessity  of  a  wider  definition  of  munitions 
of  war,  were  mainly  responsible.  Discussion  on  the  pro- 
posed Act  was  quickened  by  the  hostile  reception  given 
to  the  Minister  of  Munitions  at  the  close  of  the  year  at 
Glasgow,  and  the  remarks  he  heard  in  that  city  on  the 
working  of  the  Act,  although  his  appeals  urged  them  to 
"  rise  to  the  height  of  a  great  opportunity,"  when  they 
would  "  emerge  after  this  War  is  over  into  a  future  which 
has  been  the  dream  of  many  a  great  leader."  The  Bill 
passed  quickly  through  Parliament,  and  became  an  Act 
on  January  27,  1916. 

The  building  and  repair  of  merchant  ships,  many  classes 
of  material,  works  of  construction  in  any  manner  connected 
with  munition  work,  public  utility  services,  the  supply  of 
light  and  power,  tramway  facilities,  and  fire  engines,  were 

400 


A  NEW  MUNITIONS   ACT  401 

all,  subject  to  certificates  in  certain  cases  from  the  Ministry, 
brought  under  the  provisions  of  the  Act.  The  inter- 
locking of  industries  had  been  better  realised  by  practice, 
and,  owing  to  shortage  of  men,  it  became  urgent  that  some 
protection  against  loss  of  men  should  be  available  for  such 
essential  services. 

This  extension  brought  more  cases  by  enactment  of  law 
under  the  Arbitration  Courts,  while  at  the  same  time, 
with  a  view  to  expedition,  instead  of  the  Board  of  Trade 
having  discretion  to  refer  a  question  to  arbitration  "  in 
any  case  in  which  they  think  fit,"  it  was  made  obligatory 
to  refer  within  twenty-one  days  any  difference  which 
appeared  to  be  a  bona  fide  difference.  This  provision 
enabled  the  Department  to  impress  on  any  party  who 
delayed  answers,  would  not  attend  meetings,  or  pursued 
dilatory  tactics,  that  time  was  running  and  reference  to 
arbitration  would  certainly  be  made  before  its  expiry  gave 
free  permission  to  lock  out  or  strike. 

So  far  as  arbitration  was  concerned,  other  important 
clauses  referred  to  women.  In  the  early  days  of  the  War 
rates  for  women  and  juveniles  almost  automatically  followed 
the  usual  practice  of  advancement  in  recognised  proportions 
to  the  rates  given  to  men.  As  women  in  trades,  like  the 
woollen  and  cotton  trades,  where  this  practice  did  not 
rule,  got  large  advances,  other  women  moved  for  increased 
rates.  As,  too,  men  decreased,  women  began  to  take 
their  places.  The  necessity  for  workers  obliged  the  Govern- 
ment to  make  every  effort  for  dilution  in  trade  after  trade. 
The  conditions  under  which  they  should  work  or  enter  the 
places  vacated  by  men,  without  exploitation  either  of 
their  own  or  the  contiguous  male  conditions,  became 
an  important  problem.  The  subject  had  been  mooted  as 
early  as  July  1915,  after  some  arrangement  by  Mr.  Lloyd 
George  with  Mrs.  Pankhurst.  It  was  debated,  so  far  as 
munition  workers  .were  concerned,  during  the  whole  of 
the  autumn.  Administrative  steps  were  taken  by  the 
Ministry  of  Munitions  by  means  of  circulars  known  as 
L2  and  L3,  applicable  to  certain  classes  of  munition 
workers.  These  circulars  had  no  compulsory  effect,  and 
not  being  compulsorily  applicable,  penalised  firms  adopting 
them  as  compared  with  firms  ignoring  them.  The  new 
Bill  proposed  to  give  power  to  the  Minister  to  give  enforce- 
able "directions."  There  was  supposed  to  be  an  appeal 


402  1916 

to  arbitration  from  his  directions,  particularly  if  the  direc- 
tions were  not  properly  applicable  to  any  particular 
workpeople  or  firms.  There  were  numerous  cases  where 
it  was  a  question  whether  the  work  was  munition  work  or 
not,  and  as  to  how  the  difficulties  of  women  in  the  same 
factory  wholly  or  partly  engaged  on  munitions,  and 
women  not  engaged  on  munitions,  could  be  adjusted. 
There  was  also  the  question  of  a  proper  minimum,  if  such 
was  to  be  fixed,  and  whether  it  ought  to  be  fixed  nationally, 
by  districts,  by  trades  or  by  firms,  or  sometimes  by  one 
method  and  sometimes  by  another. 

Such  matters,  with  others,  came  within  the  orbit  of 
arbitration,  if  differences  arose  or  both  sides  were  to  be 
heard  ;  or  they  might  come  within  the  orbit  of  command, 
if  legislation  permitted  it.  At  the  time  the  Bill  was 
being  discussed,  a  Committee  made  some  recommendations 
which  the  Ministry  were  requested  to  endorse.  Committees 
in  other  parts  of  the  country  were  also  making  agreements 
which  they  considered  suitable  to  their  districts.  Officials 
of  the  Ministry  of  Munitions  took  other  varying  views. 
The  Minister  of  Munitions  desired  to  endorse  the  recom- 
mendations of  the  first  Committee,  and  that  the  arbitration 
tribunal  should  accept  it,  or  similar  recommendations,  and 
apply  it  or  them  to  cases  coming  before  them.  My  ex- 
pressed view  was  that,  if  such  a  course  was  to  be  followed, 
it  must  be  made  known  ;  arbitration  should  be  unfettered, 
or  must  be  known  to  be  fettered  by  instructions  ;  the 
recommendations  would  affect  the  great  industries  which 
had  not  been  heard  ;  an  appearance  of  impartial  judgment, 
when  restrictions  unknown  to  the  parties  directly  or  in- 
directly affected  the  court,  was  not  an  impartial  judgment 
and  would  be  misleading. 

The  Minister  of  Munitions  endeavoured  to  get  round  the 
difficulties  by  establishing  two  special  arbitration  tribunals 
attached  to  the  Ministry  of  Munitions,  and  in  fact  he 
altered,  with  that  object,  the  draft  Bill  on  the  Treasury 
Bench.  As  was  remarked,  "  The  Amendment  has  now 
been  rapidly  changed  by  the  Minister  of  Munitions." 
It  will  easily  be  seen  that  this  improvised  expedient  tended 
to  establish  dual  authority.  The  clause  stated  that : 

"  (1)  The  Minister  of  Munitions  may  constitute  special 
arbitration  tribunals  to  deal  with  differences  reported  under 

V 


NEW  TRIBUNALS  408 

Part  I  of  the  principal  Act  which  relate  to  matters  on 
which  the  Minister  of  Munitions  has  given  or  is  empowered 
to  give  directions  under  the  two  preceding  sections,  and  the 
Board  of  Trade  may  refer  any  such  difference  for  settle- 
ment to  such  tribunal  in  lieu  of  referring  it  for  settlement 
in  accordance  with  the  First  Schedule  to  the  principal  Act. 

"  (2)  The  Minister  of  Munitions  may  also  refer  to  a 
special  arbitration  tribunal  so  constituted,  for  advice, 
any  question  as  to  what  directions  are  to  be  given  by 
him  under  the  said  sections. 

"  (3)  The  tribunal  to  which  matters  and  questions 
relating  to  female  workers  are  to  be  referred  under  this 
section  shall  include  one  or  more  women." 

The  new  proposals  caused  the  establishment  of  two 
new  tribunals,  the  first  for  women,  the  second  for  certain 
classes  of  semi-skilled  and  unskilled  men ;  but  the  first 
tribunal  was  the  most  important.  Its  functions  were  both 
advisory  and  judicial,  and  in  the  first  capacity  it  had  much 
investigation  and  statistical  work  of  a  difficult  character 
to  do.  This  work  was  increased  by  the  number  of  women 
flocking  into  industry,  the  number  in  July  1918  being 
estimated  to  be  7£  millions,  as  compared  with  about 
6  millions  in  July  1914.  As  an  arbitration  tribunal,  on 
the  other  hand,  it  had  scarcely  been  established  before  it 
was  confronted  with  the  exact  difficulty  I  have  mentioned, 
and  requested  that  recommendations  put  forward  by  other 
committees  and  laid  before  the  Minister  should  not  be 
published,  as  they  must  interfere  with  its  judicial  work  and 
position. 

Although  every  possible  case  affecting  women  was 
referred  to  the  new  tribunal,  and  co-ordination  was  carried 
out  with  fair  success,  the  existence  of  the  two  bodies, 
the  Special  Tribunal  and  the  Committee  on  Production, 
in  different  buildings,  with  different  officials,  necessarily 
caused  difficulties.  Trades  where  both  men  and  women 
were  employed  objected  to  two  hearings.  Some  demanded 
that  the  Committee  on  Production  should  deal  with  all 
the  workpeople,  on  the  ground  that  the  interests  of  men 
and  women  interlocked,  and  that  a  case  must  be  dealt 
with  as  a  whole,  and  not  by  pieces.  Cases  governing  each 
other  came  up  at  different  times,  awards  could  not  be 
held  back  till  one  tribunal  had  expressed  an  opinion, 


404  1916 

and  it  was  undesirable  that  either  tribunal  should  be 
placed  in  the  position  of  merely  registering  the  decisions 
of  the  other. 

The  effect  of  the  new  Act,  owing  to  the  necessity  of 
reference  within  a  specified  period,  was  an  increase  of 
the  number  of  claims  which  had  to  be  referred  to  arbitra- 
tion, in  place  of  the  more  lasting  settlements  which  usually 
result  from  conciliation  and  agreements  between  the  parties. 
Arbitration  was  more  speedy,  gave  greater  uniformity, 
and  affected  more  people,  but  it  imposed  orders  and  com- 
pulsion, principles  never  generally  acceptable  to  the 
British  race.  It  was  only  recognition  of  the  supreme 
importance  of  the  War  which  effected  such  general  ad- 
herence to  the  final  decisions  of  the  various  courts. 

An  arbitrator  is  in  a  very  different  position  to  a  con- 
ciliator. He  sits  as  a  judge,  and  as  a  rule  the  less  he  says 
the  better,  provided  that  the  questions  and  issues  debated 
before  him  are  clear  to  him.  If  he  pleads  judicial  ignorance 
and  asks  foolish  questions  in  a  trade  dispute,  he  is  done. 
The  flow  of  speech  is  interrupted  to  explain  an  elementary 
point,  and  any  listeners  knowing  the  trade  will  regret 
that  so  ignorant  a  man  has  to  decide  fateful  questions. 
If  he  does  not  understand,  it  is  nearly  certain  that,  before 
the  arguments  are  finished,  trade  terms,  trade  issues, 
the  exact  difficulties,  will  be  clearly  elucidated  without  an 
intervening  debacle.  A  conciliator  has  to  go  through 
the  same  process,  but  he  must  be  far  more  quick  at  getting 
at  the  real  point,  the  real  kernel  of  the  dispute,  and  con- 
centrating upon  that,  with  a  view  to  seeing  how  it  can  be 
dealt  with.  If  the  parties  crystallise  in  hopeless  opposition, 
a  settlement  is  doubtful.  Unless  the  parties  continue  to 
negotiate,  either  together  or  with  the  conciliator  accurately 
ascertaining  and  weighing  the  arguments  of  each  party 
and  conferring  separately  with  them,  a  breakdown  is 
certain.  It  is  vital  to  continue  negotiations,  or,  as  is 
usually  said,  to  keep  the  parties  together.  Negotiations 
may  continue  for  hours,  and  then  for  the  time  being 
resolve  themselves  for  further  hours  into  plans  for  preventing 
a  rupture.  It  is  impossible  for  outside  people  to  come  in 
with  platitudinous  remarks  or  easily  given  advice,  but 
without  knowledge  of  the  concentrated  purpose  of  the 
man  who  has  to  succeed  or  fail  by  his  view  of  all  the  cir- 
cumstances of  the  case,  and  the  personalities  of  the  people 


ARBITRATION   AND   CONCILIATION  405 

with  whom  he  is  negotiating,  and  has  to  intervene  with 
suggestions  at  the  exact  psychological  moment.  It  is  easy 
to  see,  if  these  points  are  considered,  that  in  conciliation 
the  main  point  is  to  get  the  parties  together  and  to  keep 
them  together  ;  and  that  this  main  point  requires  patience 
as  the  first,  second,  and  third  qualification,  and,  in  a  minor 
degree,  tact,  judgment  of  men,  ingenuity,  courtesy,  power 
of  interpretation  of  the  wishes  of  the  parties,  and  an  utter 
absence  of  exhibitions  of  partisan  feelings.  Irony,  in- 
vective, or  eloquence  are  unwise  weapons  to  use.  They  are 
liable  to  be  misunderstood.  Anger  on  rare,  but  only 
very  rare,  occasions  may  be  justifiable.  Its  strength  lies 
in  unexpectedness.  Emotion  is  out  of  place  ;  imagination 
must  be  sternly  curbed,  though  it  may  frequently  be  a 
stepping-stone  to  the  sure  ground  of  practical  suggestion. 
If  the  conciliator  is  asked  for  his  view,  let  him  give  it 
without  fear  or  favour ;  but  it  is  at  least  unwise  to  take  sides, 
as  so  many  people  do,  before  all  arguments  have  been 
heard  or  before  every  aggrieved  person  has  had  a  chance 
of  saying  what  he  thinks,  whether  his  point  is  good  or  bad. 
The  whole  picture  must  be  before  the  conciliator,  but  he 
must  be  very  quick  in  judging  the  salient  features  and 
continuously  keeping  those  features  before  his  mind,  even 
if  many  irrelevant  matters  are  introduced.  The  more 
experience  he  has,  the  greater  knowledge  of  trades,  prece- 
dents, and  personalities  will  be  at  his  command,  and  the 
greater  will  be  the  influence  of  common  sense  or  brain- 
power, particularly  when  it  is  applied  at  the  proper  time, 
at  the  psychological  moment.  That  common  sense,  brain- 
power, or  magnetism,  as  some  people  allege,  is  directed 
to  one  object,  which  initially,  perhaps,  nobody  else  in  the 
meeting  may  desire  or  contemplate  ;  that  object  is  peace, 
and,  as  far  as  possible,  a  durable  peace. 

It  will  be  recognised  that  this  procedure  requires  time, 
and  although  the  more  haste  the  worse  speed  may  be  nor- 
mally the  best  course  in  difficult  cases,  it  is  impracticable 
when  speed,  as  in  time  of  war,  is  essential  for  the  further- 
ance of  greater  interests  than  a  lasting  settlement  of  the 
local  struggle.  The  remarkable  feature  was  the  general 
acquiescence  or  acceptance,  when  the  disciplinary  command 
or  decision  came  from  third  parties  who  could  only  act 
upon  arguments  put  before  them  in  London  or  in  Glasgow, 
after  a  comparatively  brief  hearing. 


406  1916 

There  were  necessarily  all  types  of  representatives  of 
employers  and  employed  appearing  before  the  arbitrators. 
At  a  later  date,  in  a  lecture,  I  mentioned  some  of  the  qualities 
useful  to  men  who  might  achieve  a  position,  either  as 
employers  or  trade  union  leaders,  in  which  they  would 
influence  or  govern  others  and  have  to  appear  before 
arbitrators  or  conciliators.  My  suggestions  were  that  they 
should  have  acquired  as  thorough  a  knowledge  as  possible 
of  the  men  or  women  for  whom  they  were  working  and 
whom  they  were  representing,  and  an  absolutely  thorough 
knowledge  of  what  their  real  aims  and  desires  were,  so 
as  not  to  put  forward  aims  which,  even  if  granted,  would 
not  satisfy  their  constituents.  They  should  know  the 
work  they  were  talking  about,  and  not  go  with  ignorance, 
which  could  only  cause  contempt  on  the  other  side  and 
difficulty  to  the  outsider.  They  should  try  to  put  their 
statements  as  succinctly  and  relevantly  as  possible ; 
show  as  much  courtesy  and  tact  as  possible  ;  and  not  ask 
too  much,  but  what  they  thought  was  within  the  obtain- 
able. They  should  take  with  them,  where  possible,  some 
of  their  colleagues,  who  could  listen  to  what  they  said 
and  be  able  to  enforce  their  opinion  of  what  occurred  in 
the  council  chamber  on  the  large  outside  constituency  to 
whom  they  were  responsible.  If  any  of  them  became 
conciliators  or  arbitrators,  and  sat  in  the  chair,  the  most 
important  point  of  any  to  follow  was  patience,  and  if 
they  could  combine  patience  with  coolness,  it  would  go 
far  to  reduce  angry  passions  and  bring  an  atmosphere  of 
calm  into  the  proceedings.  It  had  to  be  recognised  most 
carefully  by  arbitrators  and  conciliators  that  they  were 
dealing  with  men  and  women  with  like  passions  as  them- 
selves, and  that  the  note  of  human  sympathy,  the  note  of 
humour,  the  note  at  one  time  of  repressing  frothy  or 
irrelevant  remarks,  and  at  another  time  of  trying  to  help 
a  little  in  getting  out  of  a  man  what  he  failed  to  express 
himself,  were  all  valuable  points  for  an  arbitrator. 

Although,  as  has  been  said,  the  effect  of  the  new  Act 
was  to  necessitate  arbitration  in  cases  where  conciliation 
might  otherwise  have  been  used,  there  were  cases  in  which 
conciliation  alone  could  have  been  employed,  notably  in 
the  unionist  and  non-unionist  agreement  in  the  South 
Wales  coal-field.  This  very  difficult  question  had  caused 
innumerable  strikes  in  South  Wales  for  a  score  of  years, 


NON-UNIONIST  AGREEMENT  407 

loss  of  millions  of  pounds  to  employers,  and  bitter  strikes 
and  losses  to  employees.  Employers  had  taken  the  view 
that  the  question  had  nothing  to  do  with  them  ;  the  work- 
people must  decide,  they  could  not  dictate.  In  the  old 
days  they  were  not  hostile  to  the  view  that  the  non- 
unionists  were  an  antidote  to  the  unions,  but  for  years 
they  had  dealt,  not  with  individual  men,  but  with  organisa- 
tions which  purported  to  speak  on  behalf  of  all  the  miners. 
All  agreements,  wages,  conditions,  and  mutual  questions 
were  settled  with  these  organisations,  except  the  question 
of  non-unionism,  which  the  employers  would  not  admit 
to  be  a  mutual  question.  It  is  not  necessary  to  discuss 
the  obvious  reasons  for  the  antagonism  and  hatred  of 
unionists  to  the  presence  of  non-union  men  in  such  a 
stronghold  of  unionism  as  the  Welsh  coal-field.  The  trouble 
increased  during  the  War,  when  new  men  were  drafted  into 
the  mines.  Local  strike  succeeded  local  strike  unless 
and  until  these  men  agreed  to  join  the  union,  while  managers 
or  foremen,  in  the  desire  to  get  men,  could  not  exercise 
judgement  in  tactful  avoidance  of  men  who  were  not 
already  in  the  union,  and  whose  presence  as  non-unionists 
they  knew  would  be  certain  to  lead  to  trouble.  The 
situation  became  a  national  danger,  particularly  when  at 
many  collieries,  including  the  Admiralty  steam-coal  area, 
notices  were  being  sent  in  to  leave  work  unless  the  non- 
unionists  joined  up. 

Under  these  circumstances  I  asked  the  parties  to  meet 
me,  when  they  effected  an  agreement  which  most  certainly 
obviated  and  still  obviates  a  vast  number  of  stoppages. 
The  agreement  stated  that  : 

"  The  coal-owners  agree  that  an  intimation  of  the 
fact  that  the  workmen  employed  at  the  collieries  are 
required  to  become  members  of  one  or  other  of  the  recog- 
nised trade  unions  shall  be  made  throughout  the  coal-field 
generally,  and  at  the  several  collieries.  If,  notwithstanding 
such  intimation,  workmen  fail  to  become  members,  or 
cease  to  be  members,  and  it  becomes  necessary  to  take 
special  steps  to  deal  with  such  men  at  any  colliery  or 
collieries,  the  Miners'  Federation  are  to  be  at  liberty  to 
apply  to  the  Coal  Owners'  Association  for  assistance  in 
carrying  out  the  terms  of  the  requirement  at  the  collieries 
in  question. 
27 


408  1916 

"  In  the  event  of  difficulties  arising  at  any  colliery  in 
connection  with  this  question,  which  cannot  be  amicably 
settled  by  the  co-operation  of  the  coal-owners  and  miners' 
representatives,  it  is  agreed  that  notices  to  cease  work 
shall  not  be  tendered,  nor  shall  any  stoppage  of  work 
take  place,  but  that  the  difference  shall  be  reported  to 
the  Chief  Industrial  Commissioner  for  action  by  his  Depart- 
ment. 

"  On  the  understanding  that  the  owners  agree  to  supply 
the  local  agents  of  the  Miners'  Federation  with  a  list  of 
the  workmen  at  present  employed,  and  also  to  supply  a 
list  once  a  fortnight  of  workmen  who  have  left  the  colliery, 
and  of  new  workmen  who  have  been  employed,  the  Miners' 
Federation  agree  that  show-cards  shall  be  suspended 
during  the  War,  without  prejudice  to  their  position  after 
the  War. 

"  In  this  agreement  the  term  '  workmen '  does  not 
include  colliery  officials." 

This  agreement  prevented  many  stoppages,  but,  re- 
markable document  as  it  was,  its  complete  effect  was 
lessened  by  the  subsequent  desire  of  the  Miners'  Federation 
that  members  of  other  unions,  such  as  the  Colliery  En- 
gineers, who  for  many  years  had  had  a  foothold  in  some 
of  the  Welsh  districts,  ought  to  belong  to  the  Miners' 
Union,  when  working  under  ground,  and  also,  in  a  number  of 
districts,  whether  working  above  or  under  ground.  The 
difficulty  of  settling  these  disputes,  often  centering  round 
the  position  of  one  man,  or  of  arriving  at  the  correct 
facts,  was  greatly  enhanced  by  the  parties  being  so  far 
apart  that  the  union  leaders  would  not  meet  each  other. 

South  Wales  was,  however,  again  the  storm-centre  on 
a  claim  for  increase  of  wages,  and  on  disputes  which  had 
been  left  over  from  the  ill-starred  settlement  of  1915. 
A  difficulty  on  the  claim  arose  over  the  supposed  action 
of  an  independent  chairman  in  pre- judging  the  claim 
before  all  arguments  had  been  heard,  and  on  the  disputes 
because  neither  side  would  agree  to  a  settlement.  Under 
instructions  I  had  to  give  a  15  per  cent,  advance,  which 
in  fact  was  not  very  different  from  the  amounts  being 
received  in  other  trades,  though  the  owners  disliked  the 
speed  with  which  the  claim  was  dealt  with.  Bound  up 
with  it  was  an  agreement  by  the  parties  to  obtain  the 


THE   SECOND   CYCLE   OF  WAGES  409 

nomination  of  a  new  independent  chairman,  and  a  consent 
that  the  outstanding  disputes  should  be  referred  to  an 
arbitrator.  For  the  time  being  quiet  was  restored,  but 
the  frequent  troubles  in  Wales,  the  growing  failure  of  the 
parties  to  reach  agreements,  the  impossibility  of  inter- 
ference by  dictation  to  an  uncontrolled  industry,  and  the 
necessity  of  continuous  production  of  coal,  were  largely 
the  causes  which  led  the  Government  to  assume  control 
of  all  the  coal-fields. 

As  the  summer  advanced,  and  the  cost  of  living  increased, 
there  were  in  addition  to  the  vast  number  of  arbitrations 
in  trades  under  the  Munitions  of  War  Acts,  often  amounting 
to  five  or  six  a  day  for  days  together,  disputes  in  many 
trades  outside  that  Act.  The  woollen  trade,  after  an 
obstinate  strike  of  wool-combers,  practically  arranged  that 
I  should  take  case  after  case,  either  as  arbitrator  or  con- 
ciliator. The  Federated  Cotton  trade  was  more  difficult. 
They  did  agree  finally,  after  a  long  meeting,  to  leave  the 
question  to  my  decision.  The  operatives  were  not  pleased 
with  the  percentage  awarded,  chiefly  because  the  card- 
room  operatives  wanted  more  than  the  other  branches. 
If  they  had  known  the  great  difficulty  I  had  in  getting  the 
employers  to  agree  to  a  decision  being  given  on  the  length 
of  time  the  award  should  last,  which  I  pointed  out  must  be 
far  less  than  the  long  periods  customary  to  the  trade, 
and  the  bitter  objections  and  fears  of  some  sections  of 
the  employers  at  the  chance  of  any  increase,  they  would 
have  realised  they  had  been  within  an  ace  of  a  most  dis- 
astrous lockout.  Conditions  were  very  fluctuating,  many 
businesses  had  poor  financial  results,  and  cotton  had  been 
badly  affected  by  the  War. 

Other  cases,  brought  from  Ireland,  reminded  me  of  1913, 
particularly  when  a  spokesman  would  appear  under  escort 
from  internment  in  prison  after  the  Easter  disturbances, 
and  with  brief  instruction  proceed  very  temperately  to 
argue  a  wages  claim. 

The  second  cycle  of  wage  advances,  as  it  may  be  called, 
began  about  the  end  of  June.  The  time  for  adjustment 
of  anomalies  had  passed.  An  enormous  number  of  adjust- 
ments had  been  made,  and  as  far  as  possible  that  policy  of 
equal  treatment,  which  in  face  of  a  common  difficulty  the 
Department  had  been  endeavouring  to  give,  had  been  so 
effected  that,  when  once  a  figure  had  been  fixed,  general 


410  1916 

advances  to  large  trades  or  sections  of  trades  could  be 
quickly  settled.  The  increase  in  the  cost  of  living,  with 
the  result  of  a  widening  gap  between  the  value  of  actual 
and  real  wages,  justified  a  new  general  advance.  Although 
such  a  vast  quantity  of  work  was  unproductive  work,  and 
the  supply  of  goods  ordinarily  required  for  the  use  of  men 
was  going  down  without  any  decrease  in  the  demand,  the 
country  generally  would  have  to  face  a  considerable  increase 
in  the  wages  to  be  paid. 

In  the  middle  of  June,  I  wrote  a  memorandum  to  the 
Cabinet  on  the  subject  of  rises  of  wages,  and  intimated 
the  opinion  of  the  Committee  on  Production.  The  diffi- 
culty of  trying  to  prevent  unrest  would  increase  from  day 
to  day,  and  unless  there  was  grave  reason  to  the  contrary, 
which  would  have  to  be  published,  the  Committee  intended 
to  meet  the  situation  by  further  increases,  which  were 
bound  to  be  general.  Quickness  was  to  a  certain  extent 
forced  by  an  extraordinarily  large  grant  allowed  to  work- 
people at  Coventry  by  the  Ministry  of  Munitions,  without 
any  apparent  reference  to  the  interlocking  of  trades  or 
to  other  advances,  or  for  any  other  reason  than  the  chance 
of  a  strike,  and  without  consultation  with  or  notice  to 
other  Departments.  The  Admiralty,  on  the  other  hand, 
were  straining  the  dockyards  to  breaking-point.  They 
would  not  say  whether  they  meant  to  adhere  to  pre-war 
procedure,  give  an  advance,  or  leave  the  question  to  the 
tribunals  under  the  Munitions  Acts.  If  other  cases  had 
been  heard  and  decided  before  these  long-expressed 
demands  were  dealt  with,  trouble  was  practically  certain. 
The  position  became  acute,  but  thanks  to  the  common  sense 
of  Mr.  Harcourt,  who  was  acting  President  of  the  Board  of 
Trade,  the  Government  decided  that  the  dockyards'  case 
should  be  referred  to  arbitration,  and  it  was  at  once  heard, 
to  be  followed  immediately  by  cases  from  the  Clyde, 
where  the  Commissioners  engaged  on  dilution  (Sir  L. 
Macassey,  Sir  T.  Munro,  and  Mr.  I.  H.  Mitchell)  had  been 
pressing  for  wages  claims  to  be  dealt  with.  As  soon  as 
it  was  seen  that  new  advances  were  forthcoming,  an 
avalanche  of  cases  came  from  all  parts  of  the  country,  of 
which  the  North-East  Coast,  Lancashire,  South  Wales,  and 
Scotland  were  the  most  important.  The  awards  of  the 
Committee  dealt  chiefly  with  time-work  increases,  so  that 
workers  engaged  on  time-work,  who  had  not  such  oppor- 


SCOTTISH  NATIONAL  BUILDING  CODE        411 

tunity  as  men  on  piecework  to  get  payment  by  results, 
might  be  able  to  meet  the  cost  of  living.  At  the  same  time, 
relieving  the  monotony  of  claims  for  the  general  advance, 
many  cases  arose  where  efforts  were  being  made  by  em- 
ployers to  introduce  piecework  in  branches  of  trade 
where  piecework  had  not  been  generally  employed,  and 
where  the  conditions  were  disputed.  In  other  trades 
various  schemes  of  premium  bonus  and  payment  by  results 
were  being  tried,  some  with  success,  some  in  forms  which 
led  to  disputes.  The  claims  of  the  Ministry  of  Munitions 
for  iron  ore  led  to  an  interesting  case  in  Glasgow,  where 
the  trial  of  a  tonnage  rate  to  dockers  unloading  the  ore, 
instead  of  a  day  rate,  at  once  led  to  large  acceleration  in 
supply.  This  hearing  took  place  on  the  Clyde  in  one  of 
a  series  of  visits  to  Scotland  which  it  seemed  desirable  for 
me  to  take  on  behalf  of  the  Committee  on  Production, 
when  quickening  of  decisions  continued  to  be  necessary, 
and  the  difficulties  of  railway  travel  hindered  journeys 
to  London  by  deputations  of  employers  and  employed. 
The  hearings  involved  every  class  of  trade  and  every 
kind  of  technicality,  from  the  building  of  submarines  to 
the  heeling  of  boots,  and  from  instrument-makers  to  the 
unloading  of  iron  ore  ;  from  cases  of  a  few  individuals 
to  general  advances  involving  thousands  of  men. 

In  the  brief  intervals  which  the  other  Scottish  claims 
allowed,  it  may  be  mentioned  that  there  was  gradually 
settled  during  the  War,  under  my  chairmanship,  a  National 
Building  Code  for  Scotland.  Its  beginnings  arose  from  an 
obstinate  dispute  of  the  master-builders  with  the  architects 
and  surveyors  as  to  the  mode  of  measurement  for  joiners' 
work.  The  dispute,  which  existed  in  the  early  days  of 
the  War,  was  so  keenly  conducted  that  it  was  bound  to 
affect  other  industries,  but  none  of  the  parties  desired  such 
a  result,  and  agreed  to  meet.  After  long  conferences  they 
also  agreed  to  my  final  decision  as  an  arbiter.  A  scheme 
of  measurement  for  joiners'  work,  largely  due  to  the  able 
assistance  of  Mr.  Herbert  Ryle,  of  the  Scottish  Office  of 
Works,  was  laid  before  them,  and  after  discussion  settled. 
This  scheme  led  to  other  modes  in  the  varied  branches 
of  the  building  trade,  together  with  a  model  contract  and 
regulations,  the  whole  forming  a  National  Building  Code. 
The  better  feeling,  saving  of  expense  and  time,  regulation 
of  a  great  and  very  technical  industry,  and  lasting  results 


412  1916 

engendered  by  the  existence  of  this  code,  the  first  National 
Building  Code  produced  by  any  country,  is,  I  think,  not 
the  least  of  the  many  achievements  produced  in  Scotland 
during  the  War. 

It  may  be  said  that  the  period  from  August  to  November 
1916  was  probably  the  period  during  the  War  when  the 
least  difficulty  arose  in  the  settlement  of  differences ;  but 
the  plans  for  equable  adjustment  were  soon  cut  across. 

It  was  perhaps  to  be  supposed  that  interference  would 
arise.  The  activity  of  the  Ministry  of  Munitions  probably 
appeared  in  its  most  unfortunate  form  in  its  dealings 
with  Labour.  Its  Labour  Department  was  very  badly 
organised,  or  not  organised  at  all  in  its  initial  stages,  but 
that  fact  did  not  prevent  it,  under  the  guise  of  efforts 
towards  control  and  dilution,  from  constant  interference 
in  labour  differences  or  quarrels.  Numbers  of  young  men, 
without  the  least  knowledge  or  experience,  were  scattered 
over  the  country,  without  defined  authority,  or  under 
any  definite  or  adequate  leadership.  They  gave  orders, 
proposed  or  required  changes  of  wages,  and  by  ignorance, 
or  in  some  cases  lack  of  judgement,  created  a  great  deal 
of  trouble.  Their  action  led  to  much  of  the  dislike  of 
officials  and  official  interference  which  is  still  so  prevalent. 
In  time  some  of  them  gained  experience  and  became 
good  officers  ;  others  who  showed  themselves  unfitted  and 
incompetent  were  weeded  out.  They  ought  never  to  have 
been  appointed,  and  much  less  allowed  to  exercise  the 
harmful  influence  which  they  had  in  so  many  parts  of 
the  country. 

In  the  autumn,  too,  the  Government,  unable  to  find 
a  fixed  office  for  one  of  its  Members,  Mr.  Arthur  Henderson, 
appointed  him  its  "  Labour  Adviser."  Instead  of  dealing 
with  broad  matters  of  policy,  he  issued  a  statement,  quite 
incorrect,  that  the  Board  of  Trade  only  dealt  with  cases 
after  a  dispute  had  arisen,  but  he  would  deal  with  them 
in  anticipation.  He  called  himself  a  Department  "  with 
a  future."  This  pronouncement  at  once  led  to  claims 
by  sections  who  had  not  got  as  much  as  they  desired  from 
the  Arbitration  Courts  or  by  conciliation,  and  a  reopening 
of  cases.  He  practically  made  the  employers  in  the 
aircraft  industry  yield  to  demands,  and  under  a  statement, 
called  an  award,  gave  to  the  workpeople  a  special  status 
and  wages|  beyond  what  they  had  actually  sought.  This 


THE  FIRST  MINISTER   OF   LABOUR  413 

procedure  at  once  raised  claims  from  classes  of  workers 
of  the  same  category,  such  as  carpenters  and  joiners, 
who  were  engaged  in  other  industries  and  possibly  more 
onerous  work.  The  work  of  arbitration  was  not  rendered 
more  easy  by  such  uncertain  actions. 

The  same  result  followed  when,  at  the  close  of  the  year, 
Mr.  Asquith  went  out  and  Mr.  Lloyd  George  came  in. 
A  Ministry  of  Labour  was  suddenly  established.  The 
new  Minister,  Mr.  Hodge,  also  issued  a  statement  to  the 
effect  that  he  was  personally  available  for  hearing  all 
grievances.  Every  disgruntled  person  at  once  flooded  him 
with  complaints  and  demands.  Old  claims  which  had 
been  practically  forgotten  were  revived.  A  decision  was 
given  at  Manchester  to  boilermakers  which  affected  the 
whole  trade  ;  and  finally,  so  heavy  were  the  efforts  for 
personal  interference,  that  he  had  in  defence  to  say  that 
all  cases  must  be  referred  to  the  courts  constituted  by  law 
and  the  Department  authorised  to  deal  with  disputes. 


CHAPTER    XXXVIII 

NEW   MINISTRIES,    1917 

THE  Ministry  of  Labour  was  settled  in  a  few  minutes,  or 
even  less,  when  Mr.  Lloyd  George  heard  the  conditions 
under  which  the  Labour  Party  would  be  prepared  to  sup- 
port him  politically.  No  details  were  arranged,  but  it 
was  evident  that  this  new  departure  would  mean  the  trans- 
fer of  Departments  specially  involving  labour  questions 
from  the  Board  of  Trade  to  a  new  Ministry.  At  the  time 
when  assent  was  given  to  the  proposal  for  the  Ministry 
there  existed  a  difficult  dispute  concerning  the  lightermen 
in  London  ;  the  South  Lancashire  cotton  trade  had  to  be 
proclaimed  under  the  Munitions  of  War  Acts,  owing  to  the 
desire  of  the  leaders  of  cardroom  hands  to  anticipate 
the  termination  of  my  award  of  the  summer  ;  a  move 
was  being  made  for  an  agreement  in  the  engineering 
trades  in  favour  of  consolidation  of  general  demands 
and  periodical  hearings  ;  the  question  of  coal  control 
was  being  debated,  owing  to  fresh  demands  by  the  miners  ; 
the  subject  of  premium  bonus  and  piecework  was  being 
seriously  pressed  in  Glasgow  and  other  places  ;  and  the 
whole  of  the  first  week  in  December  was  spent  by  me  in 
settling  a  very  large  number  of  disputes  in  Scotland. 
There  was  plenty  of  effervescing  disturbance  in  the  country, 
and  the  situation  was  not  free  from  serious  causes  of 
anxiety.  The  letter  of  Mr.  Hodge,  the  new  Minister,  to 
which  allusion  has  been  made,  the  resulting  predicament 
in  which  he  found  himself,  and  his  effort  to  exercise  a 
dispensing  power  in  Manchester,  did  not  alleviate  matters. 
It  was  only  the  beginning  of  the  era,  already  commenced 
by  the  Ministry  of  Munitions,  when  new  authorities,  new 
Departments,  new  Ministries,  vied  with  each  other  in 
seeking  control  over  any  labour  questions  affecting  them, 
with  little  or  no  regard  to  each  other's  vagaries.  The 
system  spelt  lack  of  co-ordination. 

414 


LACK   OF   SYSTEM  415 

If  the  Government  had  had  any  labour  policy,  it  ceased 
from  December  1916.  No  Minister  of  Labour  could  have 
had  success  when  hampered  by  this  absence  of  policy,  the 
force  of  disintegration  resulting  from  the  maze  of  authori- 
ties, and  the  opportunist  arrangements  one  or  other 
authority  continuously  made. 

Each  new  Ministry  or  Department  seemed  to  desire  to 
start  out  on  its  own  ideas  for  dealing  with  labour.  The 
Ministry  of  Munitions,  almost  before  the  new  Minister 
was  supplied  with  offices  at  Montagu  House,  pressed 
him  into  adhesion  to  their  young  men  being  authorised 
to  deal  with  labour  disputes  in  controlled  establishments. 
The  Coal  Controller  followed  with  the  contention  that  he 
must  deal  with  the  wages  and  conditions  in  the  coal-fields, 
as  Mr.  Smillie  and  other  miners'  leaders  so  desired.  With 
the  results  the  whole  country  is  acquainted,  and  how  the 
Coal  Controller,  with  an  appeal  always  pending  to  the 
Prime  Minister,  was  forced  from  pillar  to  post  and  com- 
pelled to  give  amounts  which  reflected  upon  other  trades. 
The  Ministry  of  Shipping  followed  suit,  and  within  a  few 
months  set  up  a  shipping  board,  which  also  determined 
wages  without  much  regard  to  any  other  Department. 
The  railwaymen,  too,  watched  events  and  negotiated  with 
the  Railway  Executive,  again  with  an  appeal  always 
pending  to  the  Prime  Minister,  having  precedents  in  these 
other  trades  or  setting  precedents  without  cohesion  with 
other  trades.  The  Air  Ministry  "  out-Heroded  Herod," 
and  with  astonishing  lack  of  control  or  system  brought  the 
building  trade  and  many  sections  of  workpeople  into  a 
state  of  unrest  which  has  left  a  lasting  mark.  The  loathing 
with  which  bureaucracy  has  been  tarred  has  been  much 
helped  by  the  development  of  this  bad  system. 

The  chaos  thus  produced  was  serious,  and  it  put  the 
Minister  of  Labour  in  a  difficult  position,  which  was  not 
rendered  more  easy  by  the  general  situation,  many  people 
making  prophecies  that  Mr.  Lloyd  George's  Government 
could  not  last.  Neither  did  Mr.  Hodge  receive  any  par- 
ticular help  from  the  Labour  Party.  They  had  put  him 
there,  but  some  of  them  seemed  to  be  anxious  to  use  him 
as  their  tool.  This  procedure  he  resented,  and  when  he 
tried  to  be  fair,  was  accused  of  leaning  to  the  side  of  the 
employers. 

It  is  not,  however,  my  purpose  to  deal  with  the  action 


416  NEW   MINISTRIES,    1917 

of  individuals.  In  addition  to  the  disintegrating  elements 
fostered  by  the  Ministry  of  Munitions  and  soon  to  be 
imitated  by  other  Departments,  there  were,  at  the  time  of 
the  formation  of  the  Ministry  of  Labour,  the  two  questions 
of  consolidation  of  labour  demands  and  the  growing 
pressure  for  systems  of  payment  by  results  which  had 
demanded  attention  during  the  autumn,  before  the 
Ministry  of  Labour  was  thought  of.  To  these  questions 
I  continued  to  direct  effort. 

The  Government,  owing  to  the  pressure  of  overlapping 
claims,  had  wisely  decided,  through  Mr.  George  Barnes, 
that  awards,  agreements,  and  decisions  must  be  upheld, 
and  should  not  be  reopened  before  a  reasonable  period 
had  elapsed.  In  view  of  the  rapid  changes  in  cost  of  living, 
a  reasonable  period,  it  was  suggested,  should  be  short. 
Four  months  was  proposed.  As  the  second  cycle  of  wage 
demands  was  now  almost  closed,  and  further  claims  were 
continuously  being  forwarded,  it  was  apparent  there 
would  be  a  block  of  claims  to  be  heard  if  each  district, 
union,  trade,  and  association,  as  well  as  many  separate 
firms,  desired  separate  awards.  No  single  court  could 
cope  with  such  a  number,  particularly  as  decisions  by  the 
Committee  on  Production  were  being  demanded  in  prefer- 
ence to  awards  by  single  arbitrators. 

At  the  same  time,  such  anomalies  as  the  Committee 
intended  to  deal  with  had  been  settled.  Demands  became 
more  and  more  confined  to  changes  of  wages,  with  a  view 
to  obtaining  equality  of  treatment  under  the  common 
trouble  of  increase  in  the  cost  of  living.  Parties  themselves 
had  begun  to  recognise,  largely  owing  to  difficulties  of 
travelling,  the  value  of  grouping.  Employers  were  sending 
two  or  three  persons  as  spokesmen  for  a  whole  group  of 
firms,  or  as  representatives  of  a  big  association ;  and  the 
same  reduction  of  spokesmen  was  being  followed  by  trade 
unions,  who  often  waited  until  a  number  of  claims  in 
their  districts  were  ready.  Speed  in  dealing  with  the 
general  claims  could  possibly  be  effected  if  there  were 
more  courts,  closely  co-ordinated  together  and  working 
as  branches  of  the  Committee  on  Production,  which 
experience  from  visits  to  Scotland  indicated  as  a  proved 
advantage,  and  if  the  hearing  of  the  general  claims 
could  be  consolidated.  The  formation  of  new  courts 
and  the  establishment  of  increased  staff,  which  had  been 


THE   ENGINEERING  AGREEMENT  417 

consistently  and  unreasonably  kept  at  starvation  level, 
were  matters  for  the  Government  and  the  Minister.  Con- 
solidation of  claims  might  be  a  matter  which  could  be 
effected  by  agreement. 

The  attempt  was  first  made  with  the  engineering  industry. 
After  consultation  with  the  leaders  of  the  Engineering 
Employers'  Federation  and  of  some  principal  unions,  the 
idea  seemed  to  be  feasible.  A  large  conference  was 
summoned,  at  which  a  draft  agreement  was  put  forward 
for  consideration.  The  parties  discussed  these  proposals 
by  themselves,  and  after  some  hours  effected  an  agreement, 
twelve  or  more  trade  unions  adhering  at  once,  and  others 
deciding  to  consult  their  members. 

By  the  end  of  January,  general  adherence  had  been 
obtained,  and  an  agreement  signed  in  the  following  terms  : 

MEMORANDUM  OF  AGREEMENT  BETWEEN  THE  ENGINEERING 
EMPLOYERS'  FEDERATION  AND  THE  UNIONS  CON- 
NECTED WITH  THE  ENGINEERING  AND  FOUNDRY 
TRADES  ARRIVED  AT  IN  FEBRUARY  1917. 

"  It  is  agreed  that,  having  regard  to  the  special  circum- 
stances of  the  War,  the  following  shall  be  the  principles 
upon  which  wages  changes  shall  be  arranged  for  the  period 
of  the  War : 

"  (1)  That  existing  agreements  or  practice  under  which 
applications  for  general  alteration  in  wages  are  dealt 
with  shall  to  that  extent  be  suspended  until  the  termination 
of  the  War,  or  for  such  further  period  as  may  be  agreed 
upon  by  the  parties  thereto.  This  shall  not  refer  to 
agreements  or  practices  whereby  the  wages  of  any  trades 
in  any  district  or  department  rise  or  fall  with  the  fluctu- 
ations in  another  district  or  industry  not  covered  by  this 
agreement. 

"  Nor  shall  it  prevent  the  unions  bringing  forward 
for  special  consideration  at  the  hearings  referred  to  in 
paragraph  2  (a)  the  case  of  any  district  in  which  they 
claim  that  the  rates  of  wages  are  unduly  low,  or  that  the 
total  amount  of  war  advances  is  not  adequate. 

"  On  the  other  hand,  the  Federation  shall  be  entitled 
to  bring  forward  for  similar  consideration  any  special 
cases  they  desire. 

"  (2)  During  such  period  of  suspension,  the  following 


418  NEW   MINISTRIES,    1917 

procedure  shall  be  observed,  provided  the  consent  of  the 
Committee  on  Production  is  obtained : 

"  (a)  The  Committee  on  Production  shall,  in  the 
months  of  February,  June,  and  October,  after  hearing 
parties,  consider  what  general  alteration  in  wages, 
if  any,  is  warranted  by  the  abnormal  conditions  then 
existing  and  due  to  the  War. 

"  (b)  The  award  of  the  Committee  on  Production 
shall  be  an  award  under  the  Munitions  of  War  Acts, 
and  shall  be  of  national  application  to  all  federated 
firms  in  the  branch  of  trade  concerned. 

"  (c)  The  first  award  shall  take  effect  in  all  districts 
on  first  full  pay  in  April,  and  the  altered  rate  shall 
continue  until  amended  by  a  further  award  in  accord- 
ance with  provisions  hereof.  Subsequent  awards  shall 
specify  the  date  upon  which  the  alteration  awarded 
shall  take  effect." 

The  following  memorandum  was  also  agreed  between 
the  parties  : 

"  The  Engineering  Employers'  Federation  and  the 
Unions  whose  signatures  are  appended  hereto  recommend 
to  His  Majesty's  Government  that  arrangements  should 
be  made  whereby  all  employers  in  the  trade  or  trades 
affected  should  be  subject  to  the  awards  which  may  be 
made  by  the  Committee  on  Production  in  virtue  of  the 
agreement  hereto  attached." 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  agreement  provided  for  periodical 
hearings  every  four  months,  by  the  Committee  on  Pro- 
duction, in  regard  to  claims  for  general  advances  of  wages 
and  also  in  regard  to  district  claims,  and  that  existing 
agreements  or  practices  for  the  determination  of  such 
claims  were  meanwhile  suspended.  By  the  end  of  the 
year  fifty-two  trade  unions  signed  this  agreement. 

Agreements  on  the  same  lines  were  subsequently  made 
by  the  Mersey  Ship  Repairers'  Association  and  the  Em- 
ployers' Association  of  the  Port  of  Liverpool  on  the  one 
hand,  and  the  Federation  of  Engineering  and  Shipbuilding 
Trades  (Mersey  District  Committee)  and  the  Liverpool 
District  Joint  Committee  of  Engineering  Societies  on  the 
other  ;  the  National  Association  of  Master  Heating  and 


ADOPTION  BY   OTHER  TRADES  419 

Domestic  Engineers  and  the  National  Union  of  Operative 
Heating  and  Domestic  Engineers  ;  the  Chemical  Em- 
ployers' Federation  and  the  National  Federation  of  General 
Workers,  etc.,  and  the  Joint  Committee  of  Salt  and 
Chemical  Workers  ;  the  Soap  and  Candle  Trades  Em- 
ployers' Federation  and  the  National  Federation  of  General 
Workers  and  the  Joint  Committee  of  Salt  and  Chemical 
Workers  ;  the  Wages  Committee  of  Explosives  Manu- 
facturers and  the  National  Federation  of  General  Workers  ; 
the  Drug  and  Fine  Chemical  Manufacturers'  Association 
and  the  National  Warehouse  and  General  Workers'  Union 
and  others  ;  the  Scottish  Building  Trades  (Employers) 
Wages  Board  and  the  Building  Trades  of  Scotland  Standing 
Committee  ;  and  the  Employers'  and  Operatives'  Associ- 
ations and  Federations  connected  with  the  Building 
Trades  of  England  and  Wales. 

In  the  case  of  a  number  of  other  trades — for  example, 
Shipbuilding,  Scottish  Iron  and  Steel  Trades,  Dockers 
(Great  Britain),  Carters  (Great  Britain),  Clay  Industry 
(Great  Britain),  Railway  Shopmen,  and  the  London 
County  Council — the  principle  of  a  four-monthly  revision 
of  wages  by  the  Committee  on  Production,  without  the 
other  clauses  of  the  agreement,  was  adopted. 

In  fact,  the  main  agreement  and  its  various  branches 
form  possibly  the  most  far-extending  single  agreement 
which  has  ever  been  made  or  obtained  force  between 
employers  and  employed  in  this,  or  indeed  in  any,  country. 
Although  specified  to  be  a  war  agreement,  the  agreement 
remained  intact  till  the  ironfounders  gave  notice  to  secede 
in  August  1919,  with  an  ensuing  strike  lasting  for  four 
months,  but  the  system  was  continued  by  the  other  unions. 
Dealing  with  general  advances,  its  chief  foundation  was 
to  give  general  advances  to  meet  the  increases  in  cost  of 
living,  which,  when  Germany  proclaimed  unrestricted 
submarine  warfare  on  February  1,  1917,  was  likely  to 
increase,  and  did  increase,  by  leaps  and  bounds.  It  came 
just  in  the  nick  of  time  to  combat  these  advances,  so  far 
as  increase  of  wages  could  do  it,  in  a  manner  which  was 
generally  understood  and  accepted  throughout  the  country. 
It  gave  certainty  instead  of  uncertainty,  treated  most 
classes  of  workers  with  equality,  and,  being  followed  by 
the  mass  of  the  people,  tended  to  general  absence  of  unrest. 
After  the  War,  the  Industrial  Courts  slightly  altered  the 


420  ,       NEW   MINISTRIES,    1917 

principle  of  their  advances.  In  1919  they  took  into 
account  the  claim  that  workpeople  should  be  in  a  better 
position  than  before  the  War,  but  at  a  later  date,  in  1920, 
they  refused  an  advance  on  the  ground  of  condition  of 
trade.  In  some  senses,  an  observer  might  think  that  the 
two  principles  had  been  found  to  be  incompatible,  that  the 
awards  cancelled  each  other,  and  that  the  workpeople 
could  not  be  in  a  better  position  unless  the  conditions 
of  trade  warranted  it.  Be  that  as  it  may,  the  workpeople 
found  themselves  in  the  position  that  they  would  either 
have  to  endeavour  to  retain  the  system  of  equal  advances 
throughout  the  industry,  which  socialist  theory  might 
deem  to  be  desirable,  or  to  resume  the  pre-war  system  of 
district  and  general  conferences  without  finality  of  decision, 
which  would  allow  different  claims  to  be  made  in  different 
districts,  with  some  regard  to  the  conditions  of  trade  in 
each  district,  and  the  presumed  profits  of  employers  in 
that  district.  The  executive  of  such  an  important  union 
as  the  Engineers  could  not  come  to  a  decision  by  themselves, 
without  consulting  the  rank  and  file,  and  accordingly, 
in  July  1920,  proceeded  to  a  ballot  on  the  subject,  under 
which  the  war  practice  has  been  dropped.  This  decision 
would  not  prevent  the  courts  being  used  under  new  agree- 
ments suitable  for  a  period  of  peace. 

The  first  award  given  under  the  new  system,  and  the 
last  wide-extending  award  issued  while  I  was  Chairman  of 
the  Committee  on  Production,  was  published  on  March  1, 
1917.  The  award  gave  to  the  engineering  and  foundry 
trades  an  advance  of  5s.  per  full  ordinary  week  to  all 
classes  of  workers,  and  also  decided  that,  where  the  general 
advances  given  in  any  federated  district  since  the  beginning 
of  the  War  (exclusive  of  advances  granted  before  August  4, 
1914,  but  coming  into  operation  after  that  date),  amounted 
to  less  than  7s.  per  week  on  time  rates,  the  men  concerned 
should  receive  such  further  advances  as  would  make  their 
total  advances  (apart  from  the  general  advance  of  5s. 
now  awarded)  7*.  per  week  on  time  rates. 

The  award  was  deemed  by  some  to  be  a  generous 
award,  but  later  events,  due  to  the  submarine  successes 
and  the  rapid  rise  in  cost  of  living,  proved  its  justification. 
It  was  given  to  all  the  workpeople  concerned  in  face  of  a 
trouble  common  to  them  all,  and  was  at  once  extended  by 
the  Shipbuilding  Employers'  Federation  to  the  shipyards, 


NEW  TRIBUNALS  421 

and  adopted  by  trade  after  trade,  although  some  writers 
proceeded  to  discern  socialistic  tendencies  in  it. 

"  This  award,"  a  critic  said,  "  is  in  many  ways  a  '  record  * 
in  wage  arbitrations.  For  the  first  time,  a  uniform  advance 
of  wages  has  been  given  to  the  whole  of  the  men  in  the 
engineering  workshops  of  Great  Britain,  nearly  a  million 
in  number,  they  and  their  families  representing  one-tenth 
of  the  whole  population ;  for  the  first  time,  the  advance  is 
simultaneously  accorded,  not  only  to  all  the  sectional  crafts, 
but  also  to  all  the  labourers  in  the  shops,  of  equal  and 
identical  amount  to  all  grades  (5s.  per  week) ;  for  the  first 
time  the  labourers'  unions  were  admitted  to  the  negotia- 
tions and  dealt  with  on  equal  and  identical  terms  with  those 
of  the  craftsmen  ;  for  the  first  time  the  same  advance  is 
made  to  all  pieceworkers  by  an  addition  of  5s.  to  their 
earnings  on  an  unchanged  scale.  Moreover,  the  award 
is  notable  in  respect  of  the  magnitude  of  the  sum  involved. 
It  necessitates  an  additional  payment  to  the  workmen 
during  the  ensuing  year  of  between  £12,000,000  and 
£13,000,000." 

The  formation  of  more  courts  was  the  corresponding 
factor  to  agreements  for  consolidation  of  claims.  The 
very  acceptance  of  consolidation  demanded  speedy  hearing 
of  claims  in  different  trades  within  the  shortest  practicable 
time.  The  Committee  on  Production  was  simply  over- 
whelmed with  the  number  of  cases,  each  of  which  required  a 
large  amount  of  correspondence.  Its  staff  was  ludicrously 
small.  Visits  to  the  North  and  Scotland  by  a  single  member 
could  only  alleviate,  not  meet,  the  number  of  pressing 
claims.  A  glut  of  cases  was  dealt  with  as  speedily  as  possible, 
not  helped  by  a  premature  announcement  that  there  were 
to  be  new  courts  of  unspecified  constitution,  until  finally, 
in  the  middle  of  May,  the  Minister  of  Labour  was  able  to 
announce  the  appointment  of  two,  and  afterwards  three, 
courts,  including  representatives  of  employers  and  em- 
ployed, with  neutral  chairmen.  Sir  George  Gibb  and  Sir 
David  Harrel,  with  the  later  addition  of  Sir  W.  Mackenzie, 
a  successful  arbitrator,  continued  as  chairmen,  and  the 
three  courts  had  a  common  secretariat.  With  additions 
and  variations  in  personnel,  these  courts  continued  the 
work  and  principles  founded  by  the  first  Committee  on 


422  NEW   MINISTRIES,    1917 

Production,  and  in  the  course  of  the  year  gave  two  further 
general  awards  for  the  engineering  and  foundry  trades, 
one  of  85.  per  week  on  July  14,  and  another  of  5s.  per  week 
on  November  6,  to  both  time-  and  piece-workers. 

Upon  the  question  of  systems  for  payment  by  results 
no  success  attended  the  Minister's  proposals.  In  the  maze 
of  conflicting  opinions,  it  appeared  to  me  to  be  desirable 
that  the  subject  should  be  examined.  The  point  was  to 
get  at  the  truth  in  a  number  of  industries,  whose  circum- 
stances would  vary.  If  an  impartial  inquiry  was  held, 
objections  or  fancies  might  be  clearly  seen,  and  if  invalid, 
overcome.  The  value  of  different  systems  might  be 
appraised,  or  their  faults  and  their  consequences  discovered. 
It  was,  in  any  event,  important  that  the  best  advice  should 
be  given  at  a  time  when  the  fate  of  the  whole  country  might 
depend  upon  the  largest  possible  production.  In  February, 
representatives  of  all  the  principal  trade  unions  were 
convened  at  a  Conference,  but  the  Minister  of  Labour 
made  no  headway.  He  was  too  blunt.  Instead  of  pro- 
posing an  inquiry,  he  spoke  from  his  own  experience  of 
steel,  and  practically  intimated  that  no  other  system 
but  that  which  had  succeeded  in  the  steel  trade  was  worth 
anything.  He  told  the  whole  of  the  delegates  that  they 
must  have  payment  by  results.  The  usual  objection 
against  appearance  of  dictation  at  once  came  to  the  front 
from  trades  such  as  carpenters  and  joiners,  and  the  iron- 
founders.  They  would  not  admit  the  contention.  What 
did  a  man  connected  with  steel  know  about  wood  ?  etc. 
etc.  The  same  objections  are  rife  now,  particularly 
in  the  building  and  moulding  trades.  No  proper  inquiry 
has  been  held  up  to  the  present  day,  and  yet  it  is  a  matter 
which  is  worthy  of  close  examination  in  all  its  ramifica- 
tions, and  by  many  said  to  be  vital  to  the  interests  of  the 
country. 

Following  upon  the  revision  of  arbitration  procedure, 
some  of  my  officers  transferred  with  me  to  Montagu 
House,  Whitehall,  where  the  Ministry  of  Labour  was 
located,  but  still  had  to  deal  with  the  heavy  work  of 
preparation  and  reference  of  cases  to  the  arbitral  tribunals, 
as  well  as  with  the  conciliation  cases  and  the  many  causes 
of  dissatisfaction  arising  from  the  conflicting  action  of  the 
new  Departments.  Very  important  conciliation  cases,  as 
soon  as  I  had  left  the  dull  work  of  arbitration,  came  from 


CONFLICT  OF  NEW  DEPARTMENTS  423 

the  manufacturing  section  of  the  cotton  trade  in  North 
Lancashire,  the  woollen  and  worsted  trades  in  Yorkshire, 
the  dyeing  trade,  the  flint-glass  trade,  and  London  omni- 
buses over  the  employment  of  women.  It  may  be  remarked 
that  the  midday  air-raids  of  June  13  settled  one  dispute 
quickly,  owing  to  the  parties  being  anxious  to  leave  such 
an  unpleasant  place  as  London  by  the  afternoon  train. 
The  work  continuously  grew  during  the  rest  of  the  summer. 
As  to  the  conflicting  action  of  new  Departments,  complaints 
came  in  from  every  side.  Dissatisfaction  arose  with 
awards  when  they  did  not  come  up  to  such  amount  as  had 
been  conceded  by  one  or  other  Government  Department. 
Appeals  were  rife,  first  to  one  Minister  and  then  to  another, 
and  finally  to  the  War  Cabinet  or  the  Prime  Minister. 
The  situation  was  brought  before  the  Minister  of  Labour, 
but  he  could  do  little,  and  indeed  had  to  concede  the 
requirements  of  the  Coal  Controller,  himself  acting  under 
pressure.  Following  upon  a  strong  letter  of  complaint 
from  the  Engineering  Employers'  Federation,  the  situation 
was  also  brought  by  me,  early  in  April,  before  the  Prime 
Minister,  who  agreed  it  was  most  important,  and  proposed 
to  hold  an  immediate  meeting  of  the  War  Cabinet  to 
discuss  it,  but  a  call  to  Italy  stopped  this,  and  the  proposal 
lapsed. 

My  memorandum  upon  the  subject  at  that  time  con- 
tained the  following  remarks  : 

"  The  Engineering  Employers'  Federation  have  formally 
complained  to  the  Prime  Minister  of  the  lack  of  co-ordina- 
tion and  the  necessity  of  one  authority  on  labour  matters. 
This  is  not  the  first  occasion  on  which  such  complaint  has 
been  put  forward.  It  is  known  that  the  Shipbuilding 
Employers'  Federation  hold  the  same  view.  Trade  unions 
and  employers  everywhere  are  in  uncertainty  and  con- 
fusion, and  are  unable  to  look  to  any  one  central  or  respon- 
sible authority  in  the  number  of  overlapping  Government 
Departments. 

"  The  prestige  and  influence  of  existing  Departments 
are  being  seriously  impaired,  and  no  responsibility  is 
practicable  where  no  finality  exists  or  is  even  attempted, 
and  where  new  officers  are  permitted  at  will  to  interfere 
with  the  work  of  existing  Departments.  The  Ministry  of 
Munitions  has  established  a  Disputes  Department.  The 
28 


424  NEW  MINISTRIES,   1917 

Admiralty  has  at  least  two.  There  is  nothing  to  prevent 
officers  of  the  Board  of  Agriculture,  the  Shipping  Controller, 
the  Controller  of  Mines  following  the  same  course.  The 
Ministry  of  Labour  is  itself  divided. 

"  Under  the  plea  of  being  the  employers,  some  of  these 
Departments  are  seriously  impairing  the  relations  and 
responsibility  of  actual  employers  and  workpeople  to 
settle  their  own  differences  ;  are  causing  unrest  in  the 
ranks  of  labour  ;  are  weakening  the  authority  of  trade 
union  leaders  ;  are  spreading  bureaucracy  throughout 
the  country ;  are  pitting  one  Department  against  another  ; 
and  are  impeding  unanimity  and  the  progress  of  the  War. 

"  With  a  view  to  remedy  of  this  position,  it  is  sub- 
mitted that : 

"1.  One  Government  authority  be  solely  and  entirely 
responsible  for  dealing  with  labour  matters. 

"2.  Any  representations  other  Departments  may  wish 
to  make  respecting  delays  in  the  execution  of  work,  the 
transference  of  workmen,  the  substitution  of  semi-skilled 
and  unskilled  for  skilled  men,  the  introduction  of  new 
methods  of  production,  or  the  remuneration  of  labour  by 
payment  by  results,  when  the  workmen  decline  to  adopt 
it,  should  be  at  once  reported  to  that  authority. 

"  3.  All  appointments  of  Trade  Unionists,  Advisers, 
Labour  Committees,  and  the  convening  of  Labour  Con- 
ferences should  be  arranged  by  or  through  the  Ministry  of 
Labour. 

"4.  The  settlement  of  conditions  of  labour  should  be 
left  to  employers  and  their  workpeople  or  their  represen- 
tatives, and  action  by  the  Ministry  of  Munitions  should  be 
confined  to  simple  approval  or  disapproval. 

"  5.  As  to  labour  differences,  the  main  producing 
Departments  would  be  strengthened  by  rigid  refusal  to 
be  implicated  in  such  differences.  The  Ministers  respon- 
sible should  be  in  a  position  to  say,  '  My  Department 
has  nothing  to  do  with  differences,  but  the  work  must 
proceed  as  it  is.'  Ministers  are  continuously  involved  in 
hundreds  of  petty  squabbles.  Labour  differences  should 
be  handled  by  one  Department  only.  This  of  itself  would 
reduce  the  differences  at  present  existing,  by  the  creation 
of  an  atmosphere  of  greater  stability  and  security.  Where 
differences  do  arise,  both  parties  jointly,  employers  and 
workmen,  should  understand  that  they  must  make 


PROPOSAL  FOR  ONE   AUTHORITY  425 

every  effort  to  settle  without  delay  and  without  friction. 
Where  they  fail  to  be  so  settled,  both  parties  should  join 
in  referring  them  to  the  Chief  Industrial  Commissioner's 
Department,  and  take  this  course,  if  at  all  possible,  before 
they  come  to  a  head. 

"  The  authority  of  that  Department  should  be  made 
known  to  the  country.  The  Department  should  be  as 
free  as  possible  from  all  political  influence.  If  it  is  necessary 
for  the  Department  to  have  support  from  His  Majesty's 
Government,  it  should  be  effected  by  the  appeal  of  the 
Chief  Industrial  Commissioner  direct  to  the  Minister  of 
Labour,  or  to  the  Prime  Minister,  or  by  means  of  a  Parlia- 
mentary Secretary  representing  the  Department. 

"  So  far  as  the  Chief  Industrial  Commissioner's  Depart- 
ment is  concerned,  unless  it  is  put  in  a  position  of  full 
responsibility  in  the  handling  of  labour  differences,  it 
cannot  be  blamed  for  any  disputes  that  may  arise." 


CHAPTER   XXXIX 

TWELVE    AND    A    HALF    PER    CENT. 

As  the  spring  and  summer  of  1917  passed,  the  evil  of 
lack  of  co-ordination  became  aggravated,  but  received 
culminating  proof  of  its  bad  effect  in  the  well-known 
grant  of  the  12 1  per  cent.  That  event  was  a  strange 
comment  on  a  series  of  reports  by  hastily  improvised 
Industrial  Commissions  appointed  by  the  Prime  Minister 
in  June,  to  inquire  and  report  within  a  fortnight  upon  the 
causes  of  industrial  unrest.  These  Commissions  were  to 
use  any  means  for  ascertaining  the  facts,  were  to  see  for 
themselves,  make  inquiries  for  themselves,  get  to  know 
what  was  happening,  why  it  was  happening,  and  report  in 
fourteen  days.  With  the  exception  of  a  report  on  South 
Wales,  none  of  the  reports  were  much  more  than  a  re-hash 
of  known  points  or  of  stale  complaints.  There  was  no 
cohesion  between  them,  as  the  Commissions  had  no  time. 
They  were  not  summoned  to  meet  and  compare  notes 
or  to  formulate  any  considered  report.  Every  conceivable 
ex  parte  complaint  and  opinion  had  been  invited  and  heard 
without  check,  hindrance  to  misstatement,  or  explanation 
of  facts  or  circumstances.  Some  of  the  chairmen  asked 
leave  to  apply  to  different  Departments  to  hear  their 
answers  to  or  explanations  of  various  complaints  made  about 
them,  but  met  with  refusal  on  the  score  of  time,  the  reports 
being  published  without  any  Department  being  given  an 
opportunity  of  being  heard  or  knowing  what  statements 
had  been  made  about  them.  The  reports  bore  the  mark 
of  a  "  stopgap  "  expedient  with  a  view  of  indicating  that 
something  was  being  done,  or  that  complaints  would  be 
heard  by  new  authorities. 

There  were  two  points,  however,  on  which  all  the  Com- 
missions laid  stress  :  the  objection  to  the  leaving  certi- 
ficate regulations,  which  prevented  men  from  moving 

426 


SKILLED   TIME-WORKERS  427 

from  one  firm  to  another,  and  the  difference  in  earnings 
between  skilled  men  (such  as  skilled  tool-makers,  mill- 
wrights, setters-up,  etc.)  and  semi-skilled  or  unskilled 
workers  who  had  been  enabled,  owing  to  the  undertakings 
not  to  cut  piece  prices  if  output  increased,  the  improvement 
of  repetition  work,  and  their  own  enhanced  skill,  to  earn  in 
some  firms  more  than  the  skilled  men  on  time-work.  If 
the  leaving  certificate  regulations  were  removed,  such  skilled 
men  would  be  likely  to  leave  time-work  for  which  they 
were  required,  and  go  upon  shell  work  or  the  easier  pro- 
duction work.  The  Commissions  were  generally  in  favour 
of  a  system  whereby  skilled  supervisors  and  others  on 
time  rates  should  receive  a  bonus.  It  was  only  one  of 
the  minor  recommendations,  and  they  may  not  have  be- 
come aware,  after  so  brief  an  inquiry,  how  largely  the  diffi- 
culty had  been  met  by  special  grants  to  these  men  in  the 
majority  of  firms,  whose  vital  interest  it  was  to  keep  them 
contented.  The  question  had  several  times  come  up  in 
arbitrations  before  the  Committee  on  Production,  who  had 
made  suggestions  to  that  effect  and  indicated  that  it  had 
best  be  dealt  with  locally  and  according  to  the  exigencies 
of  each  case,  possibly  of  each  man.  It  had  been  agreed 
always  by  the  representatives  of  the  unions  concerned 
that  no  general  award  and  no  general  bonus  would  meet 
the  very  varied  classes  of  workers  concerned.  The  whole 
question  resolved  itself  into  a  succession  of  special  cases,  and 
could  only  be  specially  dealt  with.  It  was  at  this  juncture 
that  Mr.  Churchill,  lately  returned  to  the  ranks  of  Ministers, 
gave  a  pledge,  or  used  words  which,  if  not  a  pledge,  as 
was  afterwards  said,  were  certainly  interpreted  to  be  a 
pledge.  He  proposed  to  abolish  leaving  certificates,  and 
to  effect  equalisation  of  earnings  by  favour  to  skilled 
time-workers.  It  was  an  indication  of  a  sectional  advance 
which  was  bound  to  react,  just  as  all  other  sectional 
advances  of  the  kind  must  react,  upon  surrounding  sections 
and  thence  to  trade  after  trade. 

Powers  for  giving  greater  authority  to  the  Minister  of 
Munitions  to  carry  out  any  plan  which  might  be  formed 
were  given  by  a  third  Munitions  of  War  Act,  passed  on 
August  21,  1917.  This  Act  authorised  the  Minister  of 
Munitions  to  give  directions  with  respect  to  the  remunera- 
tion to  be  paid  for  work  paid  at  time  rates,  being  munitions 
work  or  work  in  connection  therewith,  or  work  in  any 


428  TWELVE  AND   A   HALF  PER  CENT. 

controlled  establishment.  It  was  provided  that,  where  a 
difference  arose  respecting  matters  in  which  the  Minister 
of  Munitions  had  given  directions,  the  difference  should 
be  referred  to  a  special  arbitration  tribunal. 

It  may  be  added  that  this  Act  also  authorised  a  Govern- 
ment Department  to  report  a  difference,  provided  that 
arbitration  tribunals  should  make  awards  without  delay 
and,  where  practicable,  within  fourteen  days  from  the  date 
of  reference,  and  empowered  the  Minister  of  Munitions 
in  certain  cases  to  make  awards  binding  upon  minorities, 
by  the  extension  of  awards  or  agreements  made  by  em- 
ployers employing  the  majority  of  persons  engaged  on 
or  in  connection  with  munitions  work  in  any  trade  or 
branch  of  a  trade.  This  last  section  recalled  the  proposals 
made  by  the  Industrial  Council  in  1913  in  reference  to 
extension  of  agreements,  but  did  not  allude  to  the  quid  pro 
quo  in  the  shape  of  agreement  to  delay  strikes  which  was 
an  essential  part  of  the  opinion  tendered  by  the  Industrial 
Council. 

Mr.  Churchill  appointed  a  small  committee  of  officials 
under  a  political  chairman,  who  could  not  have  known 
anything  of  the  subject,  with  instructions  to  find  a  way 
of  fulfilling  his  undertaking,  not  of  considering  whether 
the  plan  was  wise  or  not.  They  reported  in  favour  of 
a  bonus  of  12£  per  cent,  on  earnings  to  certain  categories 
of  fully  skilled  time-workers  in  the  engineering  and, 
later,  the  foundry  trades.  An  officer  of  the  Ministry  of 
Labour  was  a  member  of  this  Committee,  but  an  early 
protest  by  him  to  Mr.  Churchill  and  to  the  Minister  of 
Labour  was  never  sent  forward.  He  was  never  consulted  by 
the  chairman  or  shown  the  report  before  it  was  issued. 
As  soon  as  the  proposals  happened  to  come  to  me  in 
October,  I  wrote  a  strong  minute  that  they  ought  to  be 
stopped. 

The  evils  of  a  sectional  advance  or  of  one  trade  in  advance 
of  another  had  been  quite  recently  exhibited,  at  the 
beginning  of  September.  The  Coal  Controller,  apparently 
without  any  consultation  with  the  Ministry  of  Labour  or 
the  War  Cabinet,  had  allowed  himself  to  be  forced  into  a 
large  advance  to  the  miners.  He  excused  part  of  it  on 
the  ground  that  back  allowance  was  due,  the  miners  not 
having  had  increases  at  the  same  time  as  other  workpeople, 
owing  to  the  delays  consequent  on  the  establishment  of 


THE   COAL   CONTROLLER  429 

control.  This  argument  was  not  apparent  to,  and  did 
not  impress,  other  workpeople,  who  saw  a  flat-rate  war 
grant  of  Is.  6d.  a  day  given  to  one  particular  trade  in 
September,  and  compared  it  with  the  advance  of  35.  per 
week  given  by  the  new  Committee  on  Production  in  the 
middle  of  July,  an  advance  due  to  stand  till  the  month 
of  November.  It  interfered  seriously  with  the  allowances 
agreed  to  in  the  railway  service  and  in  the  transport  trades. 
It  was  evident  that  unrest  must  arise  from  unequal 
advances  both  in  amount  and  date  of  allowance  to  one 
class  of  workpeople.  A  member  of  the  War  Cabinet  and 
the  new  Minister  of  Labour,  Mr.  G.  H.  Roberts,  had  had 
a  warm  interview  with  the  Coal  Controller  on  this  appli- 
cation of  a  principle  of  control  without  co-ordination, 
which  he  had  forced  from  the  outgoing  Minister  of  Labour. 
They  had  insisted  that  the  Controller  must  not  go  so  far 
again  without  the  approval  of  the  Government  at  earlier 
stages.  Now  the  Minister  of  Labour  became  alive  to 
the  fact  that  another  sectional  advance  was  in  immediate 
prospect,  of  which  he  had  heard  little  or  nothing,  and 
of  which  the  effect  was  obvious. 

During  my  absence  in  the  North,  Mr.  Mitchell  sent  to 
him  some  prescient  remarks  upon  the  subject.  He  said  : 

"  While  the  Ministry  of  Labour  is  putting  up  for  the 
regularisation  of  wages  movements  a  uniform  policy,  and 
the  observance  of  awards  and  decisions,  the  spending 
Departments  are  openly  pursuing  a  policy  of  generous 
wage  advances  regardless  alike  of  the  effect  these  con- 
cessions have  upon  their  own  Department  or  others. 
The  first-fruits  of  the  Coal  Controller's  concessions  to  the 
miners  is  the  demand  of  the  railwaymen  for  £l  per  week 
advance,  in  addition  to  the  1 5s.  already  received.  The 
Scottish  Colliery  Enginemen  were  told  by  the  Coal  Con- 
troller on  August  10  that,  in  his  opinion,  no  case  for  a 
present  increase  in  enginemen's  wages  had  been  made 
out.  A  week  or  two  later,  on  threat  of  a  strike,  he  offered 
them  Is.  3d.  per  shift  advance,  totalling  295.  9d.  per  week 
advance  since  the  War  began.  Now  that  the  miners  have 
received  Is.  Qd.  per  shift  advance,  it  may  be  confidently 
expected  that  the  enginemen  will  demand  a  like  sum. 

"  The  line  followed  by  the  Ministry  of  Munitions  is 
quite  as  serious.     I  understand  the  recommendation  of 


430  TWELVE   AND   A   HALF   PER  CENT. 

the  Majority  Report  of  the  Skilled  Day -Workers  Committee 
has  been  endorsed.  This  is  the  more  extraordinary  in 
view  of  the  fact  that  the  Admiralty  quite  recently  decided 
to  abolish  the  '  lieu  payment.'  The  lieu  payment  was  an 
enhanced  time  rate  paid  on  jobs  where  piecework  could 
not  be  applied.  Its  abolition  was  necessitated  by  the 
discovery  that  the  system  was  vicious,  retarded  output, 
and  was  abused  ;  it  had,  however,  the  semblance  of  an 
excuse,  inasmuch  as  the  men  were  supposed  to  make  extra 
effort.  Now  we  have  the  Ministry  of  Munitions  introducing 
a  system  which  frankly  abandons  all  pretence  of  extra 
efforts,  rejects  the  conditional  '  payment  by  result '  clause, 
and  offers  from  10  per  cent,  to  15  per  cent,  advance  to 
skilled  time-work  engineers.  Accompanying  this  is  the 
abolition  of  the  leaving  certificate,  which  in  itself  will 
result  in  an  additional  upward  jump  in  wages.  To  these 
two  concessions  is  also  added  an  extension  of  the  subsis- 
tence allowance.  In  competition  against  all  this,  the 
Admiralty  must,  of  course,  proceed  to  bid  up  to  the 
attractions  set  by  the  Ministry  of  Munitions,  otherwise 
they  cannot  hope  to  retain  their  men.  The  immediate 
result  will,  of  course,  be  not  only  claims  for  similar  treat- 
ment by  all  other  time-workers  on  munition-work,  but 
an  agitation  amongst  the  lower-paid  pieceworkers,  where 
the  piecework  balance  is  small,  for  similar  concessions. 

"  The  chaotic,  individual,  and  competitive  handling 
of  labour  pursued  by  the  various  Departments  has  resulted 
in  fostering  the  spirit  of  unrest  :  harassing  and  rendering 
impotent  the  employers  or  management :  in  addition  to 
vastly  adding  to  the  cost  of  the  War  and  hindering  output. 
The  only  argument  advanced  to  defend  this  triumph  of 
the  competitive  system  is  that  the  various  Ministers  and 
Controllers  entrusted  with  these  Departments  are  the 
virtual  employers,  and  are  therefore  entitled  to  settle  the 
disputes  which  arise  in  the  works  over  which  they  exercise 
control.  Admitting  this  for  the  moment,  surely  the  first 
duty  of  modern  management  is  to  unite  with  kindred 
employers  so  as  to  ensure  economic  working." 

The  leaving  certificate  regulations  were  to  die,  in 
accordance  with  the  promise  of  the  Minister  of  Munitions, 
on  Monday,  October  15.  The  proposals  of  the  report  on 
the  12|  per  cent,  had  already  leaked  out.  If  it  was  to  be 


WAR   CABINET  DECISION  481 

established,  the  Ministry  were  anxious  to  publish  their 
adhesion  before  October  15.  It  was  for  that  reason  that 
on  Friday,  October  12,  the  War  Cabinet  held  a  full  meeting, 
and  finally,  after  the  Prime  Minister  had  remarked  that 
he  did  not  see  how  they  could  go  back  on  what  would  be 
said  to  be  a  Parliamentary  pledge,  referred  the  detail  of 
incidence  to  a  Committee  of  the  Cabinet  which  met  in 
the  afternoon.  At  that  meeting,  Lord  Milner  at  once 
remarked  that,  after  the  statements  about  the  pledge, 
the  12£  per  cent,  was  past  praying  for  ;  there  only  remained 
the  incidence,  and  the  question  where,  if  at  all,  it  could 
be  stopped.  Formal  protest  by  Sir  Lynden  Macassey, 
head  of  the  Shipyard  Labour  Department,  and  myself 
were  entered  on  the  War  Cabinet  minutes.  As  to  incidence 
the  foundry  trade,  on  the  advice  of  Mr.  Barnes,  was  even 
at  this  early  stage  added  to  the  classes  supposed  to  be 
covered  by  the  loosely  worded  order.  That  order  came 
out  on  Sunday,  October  14,  the  day  before  the  abolition 
of  leaving  certificates,  and  was  known  as  Statutory 
Rules  and  Orders  1917,  No.  1061. 

Its  effect  was  absolutely  immediate.  On  Monday, 
October  15,  representatives  of  the  railways  came  to  see 
me,  to  ask  what  they  were  to  do.  Their  agreements  and 
arrangements  were  all  upset.  It  would  certainly  be  claimed 
in  the  railway  shops,  and  must  spread  to  the  working  of 
the  lines.  Representatives  of  the  Electrical  Union  also 
came,  telling  me  that  they  would  never  be  able  to  hold 
their  workpeople  in  the  electrical  power-stations,  with 
whose  managements  I  had  been  endeavouring  for  a  month 
to  arrange  a  joint  scheme  of  equal  treatment  within  the 
industry,  and  of  advances  equivalent  to  those  granted  to 
analogous  workpeople  in  allied  industries.  All  through 
the  next  weeks,  trade  union  leader  after  trade  union 
leader  came  for  advice  under  the  difficult  circumstances 
in  which  they  were  placed,  some  of  their  members  receiving 
the  bonus  and  others  being  excluded  from  it.  Officials 
of  the  Ministry  of  Munitions  found  themselves  immersed 
in  the  same  difficulties.  They  were  flooded  with  demands 
for  extension,  and  it  seemed  an  ironical  comment  on  the 
scores  of  millions  to  be  annually  then  and  now  expended 
on  the  12£  per  cent,  bonus  that,  on  October  22,  four  War 
Cabinet  Ministers  made  moving  appeals  to  the  country 
to  invest  in  War  Savings. 


432  TWELVE  AND   A  HALF  PER   CENT. 

An  official  account  states : 

"  It  was  found  impracticable  in  the  face  of  agitation 
to  restrict  the  advance  to  the  original  categories,  and  on 
December  11,  further  Orders  1301  and  1308  were  issued, 
giving  the  advance  to  other  grades  of  time-workers  em- 
ployed in  engineering  and  foundry,  and  in  shipbuilding 
and  ship -repairing  establishments.  The  agitation  for  the 
12£  per  cent,  bonus  spread  to  all  trades,  and  by  January 
it  had  been  secured  by  workmen  employed  on  munitions 
work,  and  paid  as  plain  time-workers  in  engineering  shops, 
boiler-shops,  foundries,  shipbuilding  and  ship-repairing 
establishments,  iron  and  steel  trades,  electricity  generating 
stations  and  electrical  contracting  trades,  nut  and  bolt 
trades,  brass  foundries  and  brass-works,  bridge-building 
and  constructional  engineering,  hollow-ware  trade,  spring- 
making  works,  hot  stamping  works,  tube  works,  and 
wagon-building  works.  In  January,  by  which  time  con- 
siderable unrest  had  arisen  among  pieceworkers,  who 
were  not  eligible  for  the  bonus,  the  War  Cabinet  decided, 
after  obtaining  the  advice  of  the  Committee  on  Production, 
to  grant  a  bonus  of  7^  per  cent,  to  pieceworkers  and  other 
men  on  systems  of  payment  by  results.  Before  many 
months,  practically  every  trade  had  secured  either  the 
bonus  or  an  equivalent.  The  bonus,  intended  originally 
as  a  compensation  to  certain  skilled  men  on  munition 
work,  failed  entirely  in  its  original  purpose,  and  merely 
became  an  advance  of  wages  which  all  trades  claimed 
and  many  secured.  Designed  in  the  first  place  to  allay 
unrest,  this  disturbance  of  comparative  rates  was  a 
principal  cause  of  much  labour  unrest." 

Another  account  may  be  taken  as  an  example  of  the 
criticism  levelled  at  the  new  Order.  It  stated  : 

"  If  the  purpose  which  led  to  the  Order  was,  as  we 
presume  it  was,  no  broader  in  intention  than  to  level  up 
the  time-rate  of  the  supervising  craftsmen,  it  is  regrettable 
that  this  has  not  been  made  plain.  The  Order  ostensibly 
applies  to  time-rated  '  engineers  and  moulders,'  but  these 
crafts  do  not  comprise  all  the  varieties  of  munitions  work 
in  which  dilution  has  been  adopted,  and  much  dubiety 
exists  as  to  whom  exactly  the  Order  covers.  Already  a 


CRITICISM   OF   THE   ORDER  433 

circular  has  been  issued,  indicating  certain  trades  which 
were  intended  to  be  included,  but  this,  it  is  to  be  feared, 
has  not  improved,  but  only  still  further  confused,  the 
situation.  There  may  be  also  a  question  upon  the  inter- 
pretation of  '  earnings,'  upon  which  the  Order  allows  the 
12£  per  cent,  bonus  to  be  paid.  But  all  these  matters 
pale  before  the  graver  question  of  the  seriousness  of  the 
new  departure  in  principle.  Criticism  of  the  arbitration 
scheme  of  the  Munitions  Act  has  not  been  wanting  ;  but 
the  scheme  has  at  least  the  merit  of  being  a  system  which 
aims  at  co-ordinating  and  proportioning  increases  of  wages. 
If  the  Minister  of  a  Department  is  suddenly,  off  his  own 
bat,  to  make  wages  Orders,  what  effect  is  that  to  have 
upon  the  statutory  scheme,  which,  if  it  has  not  pleased 
both  parties — as  no  arbitration  scheme  probably  ever 
did,  or  ever  will — has  at  least  ensured  that  all  parties 
interested  have  been  heard,  and  that  the  award  is  the  only 
thing  the  parties  have  to  respond  to  ? 

"  The  Committee  on  Production's  national  awards  of 
April  and  August  covered  the  same  class  of  men  as  this 
Order  does.  Under  the  trade  agreement,  the  national 
award  falls  to  be  periodically  revised,  and,  in  the  recent 
third  revision,  an  additional  war  advance  of  5s.  was  being 
decreed,  just  at  the  very  moment  this  Order  was  being 
issued.  We  do  not  know  what  this  new  departure  por- 
tends ;  we  sincerely  trust  it  does  not  mean  the  introduction 
of  the  politician  element  in  departmental  administration  ; 
but  even  if  it  does,  there  seems  nothing  to  be  gained, 
and  much  to  be  lost,  by  departure  from  existing  methods, 
which,  upon  the  whole,  have  worked  satisfactorily.  If 
the  Minister  thought  that  he  was  bound  to  fulfil  his  promise 
to  remedy  the  anomaly  of  the  disproportionate  remunera- 
tion of  skilled  and  unskilled  labour,  he  might  still  have 
recollected  that  the  Munitions  Act  had,  by  an  amendment 
on  the  original  Act,  expressly  included  a  Government 
Department  amongst  those  who  may  invoke  the  aid  of 
the  arbitration  scheme.  The  principle  of  removing  the 
disproportion  of  pay  grievance  by  a  uniform  percentage 
bonus  is  dangerous,  and  possibly  unfair,  for  there  may  be 
many  varieties  and  grades,  in  different  trades,  or  in 
different  establishments  in  the  same  trade,  of  this  dis- 
proportion between  skilled  and  unskilled  remuneration. 
The  existing  arbitration  scheme  afforded  ready  machinery 


434  TWELVE   AND   A   HALF  PER   CENT. 

for  inquiry  and  discussion  and  adjustment  in  each  set  of 
circumstances,  and  to  have  resorted  to  it  would  have 
prevented  the  possibility  of  overlapping  and  ensured  a 
fair  hearing  for  all  interested,  and,  whether  it  pleased  them 
or  not,  employers  and  workmen  alike  would  have  known 
exactly  where  they  were  under  an  award.  Nevertheless, 
any  Order  may  be  amended,  or  may  be  cancelled.  We 
venture  to  hope — and  we  quite  believe — that  the  Minister 
of  Munitions,  if  he  finds,  as  he  probably  will,  that  this 
Order  has  missed  its  mark,  will  have  the  courage  to  cancel 
it,  and,  after  conference  probably  with  employers  and 
workmen's  representatives,  find  a  workable  method  of 
effecting  the  remedy  of  an  anomaly  which  everybody 
wants  to  see  remedied  without  resorting  to  a  method  so 
foreign  to  the  spirit,  and  the  letter,  of  the  Munitions  Acts." 

On  November  9  a  conference  representing  half  a  million 
unskilled  munition-workers  in  the  engineering  trades  was 
held  at  York,  and  they  demanded  the  bonus.  The  piece- 
workers began  to  move,  and  say  that  an  equivalent  should 
be  given  to  them.  Strikes  were  beginning  all  over  the 
country.  Each  attempt  to  confine  it,  or  each  extension, 
only  led  to  more  unrest  and  more  claims.  So  beset  were 
other  Departments  by  the  claims  made  upon  them,  at  a 
time  when  they  were  ignorant  what  the  Ministry  of  Muni- 
tions were  from  day  to  day  doing,  that  I  called  together, 
after  consulting  the  Minister  of  Labour,  representatives  of 
all  the  chief  Departments,  and  suggested  a  plan  of  a  joint 
consultative  or  co-ordinating  Committee,  which  should 
consider  questions  affecting  all  the  Departments,  and  that 
a  smaller  Committee  of  the  Labour  and  Munitions  Depart- 
ments should  especially  deal  with  the  pending  demands 
for  extensions  of  the  12|  per  cent.,  and  that  nothing  should 
be  done  by  any  Department  without  the  knowledge  of 
this  Committee,  which  could  speedily  circulate  opinions 
or  advice.  It  was  once  more  an  attempt  at  some  form  of 
co-ordination,  and  some  method  also  in  dealing  with  the 
12£  per  cent.  The  Departments  almost  wholly  supported 
the  suggestions.  They  had  suffered  too  much  by  the 
absence  of  any  principle  enabling  them  to  deal  with  wages, 
and  the  want  of  knowledge  of  action  taken  by  other 
Departments.  The  question  of  this  Committee  came  before 
the  War  Cabinet  at  the  end  of  November.  Mr.  Churchill 


GOVERNMENT   LABOUR  COMMITTEE         435 

still  wanted  to  keep  the  control,  and  said,  if  he  was  allowed, 
he  could  by  drastic  action,  but  at  the  risk  of  many  dis- 
turbances, still  keep  the  12f  per  cent,  within  certain  bounds. 
Every  Department  and  Minister  was  against  him,  and  the 
Committee  was  established,  not  as  I  wished  it,  in  close 
connection  with  the  Consultative  Committee  of  Depart- 
ments, and  equally  with  it  under  the  control  of  the  Ministry 
of  Labour  as  a  neutral  authority,  with,  if  desired,  a  Cabinet 
Minister  as  chairman,  who  could  carry  important  points 
of  principle  to  the  Cabinet,  should  that  be  necessary,  but 
under  a  Cabinet  Minister  (Mr.  Barnes)  as  chairman,  and 
the  Minister  of  the  National  Service  (Sir  Auckland  Geddes), 
who  was  admittedly  unversed  in  the  intricacies  of  British 
labour,  as  vice-chairman.  Under  these  circumstances, 
involving  that  lack  of  co-ordination  which  it  was 
expressly  intended  that  the  Committees  should  prevent, 
if  use  could  be  made  of  the  Ministry  of  Labour  as  the 
connecting-link,  I  would  fain  have  been  relieved  from 
serving,  but  was  curtly  told  to  remain  as  a  member. 

The  reference  settled  by  the  War  Cabinet  to  this 
"  Government  Labour  Committee  "  was  "  to  deal  with 
questions  of  wages  (including  interpretation  of  the  Orders 
relating  to  the  increase  of  12£  per  cent,  recently  granted 
to  plain  time-workers  in  certain  industries),  and  to  co- 
ordinate the  settlement  of  labour  questions  affecting 
Government  Departments."  It  would  "confer  with  a 
consultative  Committee  consisting  of  representatives  of 
principal  Government  Departments  concerned  with  in- 
dustrial questions,"  but  not  supersede  the  functions  of 
the  arbitration  tribunals  set  up  under  the  Munitions  of 
War  Acts  by  the  Ministry  of  Labour. 

The  Committee  held  eight  meetings  between  December  5 
and  17,  but  made  little  progress.  Its  work  seemed  to 
consist  chiefly  in  the  registration  of  demands,  which  only 
emphasised  more  and  more  the  difficulty  of  finding  any 
ditch  at  which  a  line  could  be  drawn,  beyond  which  the 
12£  per  cent,  ought  not  to  be  extended.  The  chairman, 
Mr.  George  Barnes,  complained  that  he  found  deputations 
waiting  in  his  ante-chamber  when  he  arrived,  and  on  the 
doorstep  when  he  left.  At  an  early  meeting  I  appealed 
with  some  fervour  to  Mr.  Churchill,  even  at  this  hour, 
while  there  was  time,  to  withdraw  the  12£  per  cent, 
altogether,  and  tell  the  country  plainly  there  had  been  a 


436  TWELVE  AND  A  HALF  PER   CENT. 

mistake.  Although  he  considered  the  view  carefully,  he 
judged  it  could  not  be  stopped  now,  a  point  of  policy  to 
which  the  Treasury  reluctantly  agreed.  He  thought  he 
might  confine  it  in  certain  cases,  but  no  satisfactory 
reports  came  of  his  efforts  in  that  direction.  An  attempted 
settlement  at  Sheffield  only  lasted  for  a  few  days.  The 
majority  of  the  Committee  thought  that  a  broad  scheme 
with  clear  notification  to  the  country  involving  a  state- 
ment of  war  aims,  the  necessity  of  more  men,  further 
action  against  excess  profits  and  against  the  increasing 
cost  of  food,  together  with  intimation  that  no  advances 
except  for  cost  of  living  could  be  afforded,  and  that  the 
12|  per  cent,  must  stop,  might  cause  a  better  feeling 
and  meet  pending  difficulties.  Various  drafts  were  pre- 
pared on  these  lines,  but,  in  spite  of  many  further  meetings, 
the  year  came  to  an  end  without  any  decision  by  the  War 
Cabinet.  Decision  was  being  hotly  demanded  by  em- 
ployers. The  engineering  employers  said  they  must  have 
finality.  The  Clyde  was  nearly  going  up.  Sheffield  was 
in  a  state  of  disturbance.  It  was  absolutely  necessary  to 
clear  the  air  in  order  to  give  any  chance  to  the  proposed 
campaign  for  more  recruits.  Gloomy  accounts  were  given 
of  the  feeling  in  France  and  Italy,  if  the  British  efforts  for 
increased  assistance  were  not  apparent. 

On  December  31  the  situation  was  further  complicated 
by  the  complaint  of  the  railway  executive  that  the  National 
Maritime  Board,  without  notice  to  any  other  department, 
had  largely  increased  the  wages  of  seamen  and  firemen, 
and  had  not  defined  the  classes  to  which  the  increase 
should  be  given.  If  extended  to  railway-owned  boats, 
it  must  spread  to  coasting  vessels,  dredgers,  tug-boats, 
estuary  boats,  etc.,  some  of  them  manned  by  men  who 
slept  at  home  nearly  every  night  and  were  in  no  danger. 
Thence  it  would  effect  railway  wages  and  agreements  of 
which  the  National  Board  seemed  to  be  entirely  ignorant. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  new  year  it  was  reported,  on 
Friday,  January  4,  that  men  on  the  Clyde  were  all  going 
on  time-  instead  of  piece-work,  owing  to  the  pieceworkers 
having  had  no  grant.  The  work  took  twice  as  long  and 
was  twice  as  costly  as  if  a  grant  was  made.  On  the  follow- 
ing Monday  the  employers,  decision  or  no  decision,  were 
intending  to  give  a  flat  increase  to  pieceworkers.  On 
January  5  the  railway  executive  complained  again  that 


ELECTRICIANS  437 

they  must  know  how  to  deal  with  their  running-sheds. 
The  men  were  out  on  the  Great  Central  Railway,  and  were 
coming  out  that  evening  on  the  Great  Western  and  London 
and  North- Western.  It  was  felt  that  the  railways  were 
under  the  control  of  the  Government,  and  that  in  this  case 
there  was  no  logical  reason  for  refusing  the  grant  of  the 
bonus.  The  decision  in  this  case  prevented  serious  strikes 
at  the  eleventh  hour. 

Contrary  to  custom,  I  kept  daily  notes  of  the  proceedings 
of  this  anxious  month,  but  details  of  the  choppings  and 
changes  would  be  of  little  value  now,  except  as  an  example 
of  how  we  are  governed.  Among  them  I  find  two  remarks 
in  a  lighter  vein  :  recording  how  Sir  Auckland  Geddes, 
new  to  administration,  came  out  with  the  correct  soliloquy 
that  "  no  department  cares  a  tinker's  curse  for  any  other 
department,  but  goes  on  its  own  "  ;  and  how  Sir  Edward 
Carson,  in  the  middle  of  a  long  and  fluent  speech  by  Mr. 
Churchill  on  the  importance  of  getting  a  good  atmosphere 
for  Sir  A.  Geddes'  National  Service  Scheme,  and  that  he 
must  have  "  a  free  field,"  quietly  asked,  "  Do  you  expect 
them  to  go  better  to  the  services  if  they  are  paid  2s.  Qd.  in 
the  pound  (12£  per  cent.)  more  to  work  at  home  ?  " 

The  railways  and  the  clamour  of  employers  for  finality 
were  not  the  only  signs  that  a  decision  of  some  kind  must 
be  given.  A  concession  to  pieceworkers  had  already  been 
promised  in  Belfast,  and  though  there  were  exceptional 
circumstances  there,  the  employers  demanded  that  their 
action  should  be  endorsed.  On  Friday,  January  4,  I  had 
pointed  out  that  telegrams  had  come  in  saying  that  the 
electricians  would  wait  no  longer,  and  were  going  out  at 
once  unless  they  got  the  12£  per  cent.  Having  arranged 
a  meeting  with  them  at  Leeds  on  Friday,  January  11,  on 
travelling  allowances,  I  had  wired  suggesting  discussion 
of  the  12£  per  cent.,  but  I  must  know  what  powers  I  had  ; 
in  actual  fact  it  was  more  than  doubtful  if  any  delay  was 
feasible.  The  Government  Labour  Committee  were  all 
of  opinion  that  this  matter  must  be  settled,  and  should  be 
referred  to  me  to  act  with  utmost  speed,  but  their  decision 
was  not  a  decision  by  the  Government,  and  without  the 
authority  of  the  War  Cabinet  any  action  could  be  questioned 
as  imposing  charges  on  undertakings  which  were  not  under 
the  Munitions  of  War  Acts,  and  whose  representatives 
could  not  even  be  got  together  without  days  of  delay. 


438  TWELVE  AND  A  HALF  PER  CENT. 

The  position  with  regard  to  these  workpeople  was 
extremely  difficult.  For  weeks  past  the  Electrical  Trades 
Union,  or  E.T.U.,  had  pressed  for  revision  of  wages  and 
conditions,  and  advances,  after  much  discussion,  had  been 
granted  as  from  September  1,  and  again  from  December  1, 
without  any  dispute  coming  to  a  head,  although  active 
negotiations  had  been  necessary.  Two  or  more  unions 
with  rival  claims  were  concerned  in  the  industry.  The 
principal  union  had  its  headquarters  at  Manchester,  whence 
no  effective  control  was  exercised  over  London  and  other 
big  cities.  The  employers  themselves  were  divided  into 
three  principal  sections  with  divergent  views  and  interests. 
These  were  the  great  power  companies,  municipal  and 
private  employers,  and  the  electrical  contractors.  Some 
of  them  were  under  the  Munitions  of  War  Acts,  some  were 
not.  Some  were  reimbursed  by  the  Government  for  extra 
expenditure,  others  would  not  be  reimbursed.  In  addition 
the  managers  and  chief  officers  of  all  these  undertakings 
were  paid  on  no  organised  scale.  Some  of  them  received 
very  low  salaries.  Borough  and  city  councils  gave  them 
most  varied  remuneration.  They,  too,  were  moving  for 
increased  emoluments.  The  delays  had  driven  nearly  all 
the  men  into  the  principal  union,  and  that  union,  under 
energetic  leaders,  particularly  in  London,  was  proceeding 
to  use  methods  of  pressure  to  bring  in  all  non-unionists 
and  the  adherence  of  members  of  the  rival  unions.  Again 
and  again  I  had  got  their  consent  to  the  avoidance  of  a 
strike,  but  such  influence  could  not  be  exercised  indefinitely. 
On  the  top  of  this  situation  came  the  12|  per  cent.  Electri- 
cians might  reasonably  have  been  included  in  one  of  the 
Orders  of  the  Ministry  of  Munitions,  but  the  Order  made 
dealt  with  the  engineering  trade,  and  it  was  held  that  only 
electricians  engaged  in  the  repair-shops  were  covered,  and 
not  the  electricians  in  the  generating  stations  or  on  tram- 
ways. Many  of  these  were  not  under  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  Ministry  of  Munitions,  and  no  order  or  decision  of  the 
Government  had  been  given.  During  the  whole  of  Decem- 
ber, while  a  decision  had  been  awaited,  the  men  had  been 
kept,  as  it  were,  tugging  at  a  leash.  Now  they  were 
breaking  away. 

On  the  Saturday  morning,  January  5,  the  position  was 
found  to  be  more  than  acute.  The  Office  of  Works  tele- 
phoned that  all  their  men  were  going  out  at  noon.  The 


CLAIM  BY  THE   ELECTRICIANS  439 

officer  in  command  at  Woolwich  stated  that  all  the  electri- 
cians in  the  controlled  works  in  the  neighbourhood  and 
at  Woolwich  were  leaving  work,  which  would  stop  the 
Arsenal.  The  same  wail  came  from  Enfield  and  Waltham 
and  from  the  great  power  stations.  Sir  George  Riddell 
called  to  say  the  newspapers  were  holding  conferences 
and  all  the  newspaper  electricians  were  going  out.  It 
was  of  no  use  to  await  an  endorsement  from  the  War 
Cabinet,  which  did  not  meet  till  the  afternoon.  I  could 
only  obtain  the  undertaking  of  Mr.  George  Barnes  that 
he  would  press  for  endorsement  of  full  powers.  Mr.  Webb, 
the  district  secretary  for  London,  was  asked  to  call,  and 
confirmed  the  rumours.  He  said  that,  even  if  he  wished, 
he  could  not  have  held  his  men.  When  the  strike  began 
in  London  that  night,  all  the  electricians  everywhere  would 
cease  work.  It  would  spread  like  wildfire  over  the 
country. 

"  Mr.  Webb,"  I  said,  "  you  have  got  to  stop  these  men. 
The  Government  will  give  me  full  powers  to-day.  A 
conference  will  be  held  on  Monday,  when  the  question 
will  be  decided  one  way  or  the  other."  "  Well,"  he  said, 
"  it  can't  be  done.  It  is  just  on  twelve  now.  I  can't  get 
to  Woolwich  in  time."  "  Use  my  telephone,"  I  replied. 

I  have  heard  uncomplimentary  remarks  about  Mr.  Webb, 
who  sometimes  may  be  brusque,  but  he  acts  with  decision. 
He  rang  up  his  delegate  at  Woolwich,  who  said  the  men 
were  putting  their  coats  on,  and  some  had  left,  with  no 
intention  of  coming  back.  There  followed  instructions  to 
send  men  right  and  left  and  get  them  back,  with  some  re- 
marks about  the  heads  of  Government  Departments  which 
would  not  have  pleased  them.  "  Tell  the  lads  I'm 
sitting  at  Sir  George's  desk  now,  and  he's  to  have  the 
whole  show.  No  more  of  the  others."  All  that  afternoon 
and  evening  the  wires  were  kept  busy,  telling  men  to  resume 
work  at  once,  notifying  the  London  County  Council,  the 
borough  councils,  the  power  companies,  the  electrical 
contractors,  and  the  union  offices,  summoning  a  confer- 
ence for  Monday,  wiring  to  branches  in  the  big  cities  that 
work  must  continue,  and  preparing  Press  notices. 

In  the  afternoon  a  full  Cabinet  met,  but  after  long 

discussion  came  to  no  general  decision,  though  they  did 

formally  agree  that  the  electricians'  difficulty  was  to  be 

referred  to  me  with  full  powers  to  decide.     It  was  well 

29 


440  TWELVE  AND   A  HALF  PER  CENT. 

that  it  was  so.  If  the  men  had  been  put  off  again,  all 
munition  works  would  have  stopped,  and  a  general  up- 
heaval might  have  been  the  result.  The  crux  was  that  it 
was  certain  that  the  12|  per  cent,  would  have  to  be  given  ; 
there  was  no  logical  reason  against  it ;  but  that  it 
would  have  to  go  back  to  the  date  in  October  when  the 
electricians  were  not  included  in  the  Ministry  of  Munitions 
Order.  This  retro-action  would  affect  authorities  who 
would  not  have  come  under  an  Order,  and  who  could  not 
recover  the  money  from  their  consumers  on  bills  already 
paid.  Had  the  Government  any  intention  of  giving 
recoupment  if  by  their  order  such  payment  was  made, 
and  what  would  happen  if  the  companies  refused  to  pay 
without  it  ?  The  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  absolutely 
refused  to  pay  from  the  Treasury,  but  after  long  debate 
it  was  passed  that  the  Treasury,  if  there  was  difficulty, 
would  be  prepared  to  advance  loans  and  the  Government 
would  support  any  necessary  bills  for  future  higher  rates 
in  Parliament. 

With  these  powers,  whether  strictly  legal  or  not  it  is 
difficult  to  say,  I  met  the  London  employers  and  the 
representatives  of  the  two  unions.  It  was  impossible 
to  warn  the  provincial  employers  or  to  get  them  up  in 
time,  but  several  of  the  big  London  companies  had  im- 
portant branches  in  the  country.  Two  hours  were  wasted 
over  the  quarrels  of  two  unions,  who  would  not  meet  each 
other,  or  accept  the  result  of  the  negotiations  conducted 
by  one  of  them.  It  became  necessary  to  settle  the  case  of 
the  E.T.U.  with  the  employers,  and  then  either  to  persuade 
the  other  union,  before  a  decision  was  signed,  that  their 
points  had  been  fully  brought  up,  or  to  hear  their  argu- 
ments independently.  In  all,  nine  hours  were  occupied 
in  discussion  and  technical  points  before  a  practically 
agreed  award  could  be  made.  It  was  only  just  completed 
in  time.  Mr.  Webb  dashed  off  with  it  to  a  mass  meeting 
in  Holborn  Hall  which  had  already  been  waiting  for  two 
hours,  and  copies  were  rapidly  circulated  throughout  the 
country.  Some  few  works  did  indeed  stop,  but  resumed 
within  a  few  hours. 

After  stating  that  it  was  given  under  powers  from  the 
War  Cabinet,  the  decision  ran  that : 

"  All    plain    tune- working     employees     in    generating 


AWARD   TO   ELECTRICIANS  441 

stations,  sub-stations,  and  on  mains  directly  concerned 
in  the  generation  and  distribution  of  electrical  energy, 
including  the  technical  staff  and,  in  the  case  of  electrical 
contractors,  employees  engaged  on  munitions  work,  in- 
cluding the  technical  staff,  shall  receive  a  bonus  as  follows  : 

"  (1)  All  workers  who  have  received  not  more  than 
205.  war  advance,  the  equivalent  of  12^  per  cent,  on  earn- 
ings ;  any  advance  given  by  a  pending  decision  of  the 
Committee  on  Production  or  any  advance  given  by  agree- 
ment or  otherwise,  equivalent  to  the  advance  of  55.  granted 
by  the  Committee  on  Production  to  certain  trades  from  the 
first  full  pay-day  in  December,  to  be  added  as  a  war  ad- 
vance to  the  advance  already  given,  and  to  count  as  part 
of  the  earnings  from  the  date  of  such  advance. 

"  (2)  All  workers  who  have  received  over  205.  war 
advance  sufficient  to  produce  the  equivalent  of  the  205. 
plus  12£  per  cent,  on  earnings — that  is  to  say,  any  excess 
in  war  advances  over  205.  shall  merge  in  the  12|  per  cent, 
on  earnings. 

"  (3)  Workmen  who  have  received  the  equivalent  of 
205.  war  advance  plus  12|  per  cent,  on  earnings,  or  more, 
are  not  affected  by  this  settlement.  In  calculating  whether 
205.  has  been  received,  it  shall  be  taken  as  205.  for  the 
normal  week  as  recognised  in  the  district. 

"  (4)  Basis  rates  of  wages  and  conditions  of  labour  shall 
remain  as  at  present  until  the  withdrawal  of  war  wages 
and  war  bonuses.  This  clause  is  without  prejudice  to 
pending  negotiations,  if  any,  which  may  have  commenced. 

"  (5)  This  decision  shall  take  effect  as  from  the  be- 
ginning of  the  first  full  pay  the  next  after  October  13, 1917." 

Discussion  arose  in  many  cases  how  the  decision  was 
to  be  applied  in  the  varying  circumstances  of  different 
undertakings,  when,  with  the  consent  of  all  parties,  an 
interpreting  note  was  added.  The  decision  was  that  all 
such  questions,  including  the  question  of  application  to 
technical  staffs,  must  be  settled  in  the  locality  of  the  parties 
concerned,  and  only  in  the  event  of  any  serious  difficulty 
should  the  difference  be  referred  for  settlement.  It  speaks 
well  for  the  understanding  of  employers  that  the  12£  per 
cent,  for  electricians  could  not  be  avoided  under  the  cir- 
cumstances which  had  arisen,  that,  with  the  exception  of  a 
few  queries,  the  decision  was  accepted  throughout  the  whole 


442  TWELVE  AND   A  HALF  PER   CENT. 

country.  The  decision  was  accepted,  even  though  repre- 
sentatives from  the  Provinces  had  not  been  able  to  be 
present  at  the  hearing  and  had  not  known  of  the  difficulties 
which  had  occurred. 

On  the  following  day  I  heard  that,  while  I  was  engaged 
with  electricians,  the  Cabinet  had  sat  for  hours,  and  finally 
come  to  a  decision  to  refer  the  whole  question  of  the  12|  per 
cent,  to  the  Ministry  of  Labour  to  settle.  Mr.  Barnes  had 
explained  that  for  five  weeks  two  Cabinet  Ministers  con- 
tinuously, and  others  from  time  to  time,  many  heads  of 
Departments,  a  large  number  of  officials  and  other  admini- 
strative officers,  had  been  absorbed  in  this  question.  They 
could  not  go  on  with  it.  Time  was  urgent,  and  with  the 
New  Year,  turmoil  was  sure  to  ensue.  It  was  therefore 
got  rid  of  by  the  simple  process  of  delegating  it  to  some- 
body else,  the  resolution  being  so  worded  that  it  swept 
away  the  Government  Labour  Committee  and  the  annexed 
consultative  or  co-ordinating  Committee.  It  is  possible 
that  all  of  this  was  not  intended,  but  neither  the  chair- 
man nor  the  vice-chairman  called  either  of  these  bodies 
together,  and  no  orders  were  given  for  the  continuance 
of  either  of  them.  Co-ordination  continued  to  cease  to 
exist. 

It  is,  of  course,  true  that  administration  should  not  be 
centralised,  but  policy  can.  Owing  to  the  complexity  of 
business  and  the  relation  of  employers  and  employed  on 
the  spot,  administration,  including  settlement  of  trivial 
or  management  disputes,  must  be  handled  by  the  persons 
chiefly  and  closely  concerned.  A  central  authority  cannot 
possibly  deal  with  all  such  disputes.  The  delay  alone 
would  allow  minor  difficulties  to  become  great  difficulties. 
The  perpetual  intervention  of  a  third  party  would  be 
intolerable.  Intervention  by  the  emissaries  of  the  con- 
trolling authority,  under  whom  employers  were  no  longer 
free  agents,  had  caused  trouble  even  in  minor  disputes. 
But  when  employers  belong  to  an  association,  it  is  not  in 
order  for  members  to  deal  with  difficulties  in  a  manner 
alien  to  the  interests  and  policy  of  other  members  of  the 
association,  without  warning  or  consulting  them.  Simi- 
larly, trade  union  officials  are  continuously  urging  their 
members  that  sectional  disputes  or  cessation  of  work  for 
which  other  members  have  to  pay  must  not  take  place 
without  the  knowledge  and  the  authority  of  the  officials 


EXTENSION   TO   PIECEWORKERS  443 

who  are  placed  in  that  position  for  the  purpose  of  rectifying 
grievances,  settling  unnecessary  disputes,  and  deciding 
whether  the  interests  and  funds  of  the  union  are  to  be  put 
forward  for  the  furtherance  of  sectional  claims.  This  inter- 
locking of  interests  is  the  main  object  why  in  a  great  trade, 
like  the  engineers,  elaborate  machinery  of  district  and 
general  conferences  has  been  established.  The  same  course 
is  pursued  in  all  the  large  and  organised  industries,  with 
varying  machinery  according  to  the  needs  of  the  industry. 
When  the  Government  comes  in,  even  in  war-time,  and 
becomes  a  large  employer  it  should  at  least  conform  to 
the  rules  which  bind  other  employers  in  the  industry  on 
which  the  Government  has  impinged,  or  in  self-protection, 
when  it  is  a  great  employer  or  controls  employers,  in  a 
vast  number  of  industries — railways,  coal,  shipping,  muni- 
tions, chemicals,  dyes,  etc. — should  follow  in  its  different 
Departments  the  policy  of  the  supreme  authority,  if  that 
authority  has  a  policy.  It  should  act  in  concert  with  and 
at  least  inform  other  Departments  in  all  cases  where 
changes,  disputes,  or  settlements  must  affect  those  other 
Departments,  possibly  in  the  most  vital  manner. 

My  view  is  that  in  labour  matters  the  Government  had 
no  policy,  never  gave  signs  of  having  a  policy,  and  could 
not  be  induced  to  have  a  policy.  My  view  also  is,  and  these 
notes  have  failed  of  their  purpose  if  they  do  not  show,  that 
the  Departments  never  folio  wed  any  policy  in  labour  matters, 
except  a  policy  of  disintegration  ;  did  not  act  in  concert ; 
did  not  even  inform  other  Departments  of  the  most  vital 
decisions  ;  and  went  on  their  own  way  in  a  manner  which 
cost  or  lost  hundreds  of  millions  of  money,  precious  time, 
and  urgently  needed  supplies. 

The  Cabinet,  on  January  7,  also  intimated  that  a  per- 
centage grant  would  have  to  be  given  to  pieceworkers, 
but  instead  of  butting  in  with  a  random  guess  at  the  amount 
which  they  were  inclined  to  give,  were  induced  to  take  the 
advice  of  the  Committee  on  Production.  They  issued  as 
their  decision  a  document  stating  that : 

"  As  from  the  beginning  of  the  first  full  pay  week  which 
followed  January  1,  1918,  a  bonus  of  7£  per  cent,  on  their 
earnings  shall  be  paid  to  all  workmen  of  twenty-one  years  of 
age  and  over,  employed  in  establishments  or  trades  (other 
than  the  iron  and  steel  trades)  covered  by  the  existing 


444  TWELVE  AND  A   HALF  PER   CENT. 

Orders  relating  to  plain  time-workers  or  extensions  thereof, 
and  engaged  in  munitions  work  as  defined  in  the  Munitions 
of  War  Acts,  who  are  pieceworkers  or  are  paid  on  a  premium 
bonus  system,  or  any  mixed  system  of  time  and  piece  or 
any  system  of  payment  by  results,  including  men  working 
at  augmented  time  rates  fixed  in  lieu  of  piece  rates,  or  by 
reference  to  results  or  to  output  of  work." 

There  followed  provisions  for  merger,  or  special  confer- 
ence in  the  iron  and  steel  trades,  and  reference  of  the  claims 
not  dealt  with  to  the  Committee  on  Production  for  settle- 
ment. 

This  document  did  not  end  the  episode  of  the  12£  per 
cent.  The  matter  having  been  handed  over  to  the  Ministry 
of  Labour,  the  Minister  and  myself  had  to  ask  the  principal 
leaders  of  the  trade  unions  to  urge  restraint  upon  their 
members,  in  order  to  gain  time  for  the  many  claims  to  be 
dealt  with,  and  to  give  the  Ministry  of  Labour  a  chance. 
There  were  only  two  methods  by  which  the  Ministry  could 
deal  with  the  subject — arbitration  or  conciliation.  Arbi- 
tration was  possible  in  those  trades  where  it  was  a  question 
whether  and  to  whom  the  12£  per  cent,  or  7£  per  cent, 
should  be  given.  Many  of  these  trades  had  to  be  inter- 
viewed, and,  wherever  possible,  a  legal  decision  was  asked 
for,  upon  a  reference,  from  the  Committee  on  Production. 
Some  employers  recognised  that  the  percentage  must  come 
in,  others  demurred  and  did  not  like  a  reference  where 
they  considered  the  scales  were  weighted  against  them. 
The  majority  recognised  that  the  percentage  or  its  equiva- 
lent had  to  extend  not  only  to  munition  workers  and  con- 
trolled firms,  but  to  others.  It  might  be  true  that  the 
principle  was  wrong ;  the  advantage  went  to  the  higher- 
paid  and  not  to  the  lower-paid  workers  ;  the  expenditure 
was  unknown,  uncertain,  and  vast ;  its  cost  was  not  limited 
to  the  Government,  but  extended  to  industries  and  em- 
ployers of  all  kinds.  In  cases  where  a  percentage  was 
given,  it  could  not  act  as  a  cost  of  living  advance,  as  its 
application  was  quite  unequal,  but  it  was  causing  trouble 
alike  to  employers  and  to  trade  union  leaders,  who  had 
first  of  all  been  told  to  say  that  it  did  not  apply  to  their 
trades,  and  then  found  that  the  pressure  of  their  men 
obtained  it  over  their  heads.  Then  they  had  to  press  in 
trades  where  they  knew  it  had  not  been  meant  to  apply. 


FINAL  SETTLEMENTS  445 

One  could  only  put  the  position  before  them,  that  this 
thing  had  happened,  and  they  had  better  make  the  best 
of  it.  Their  arguments  might  be  quite  correct  and  might 
be  entirely  logical ;  to  discuss  whether  or  not  Mr.  Churchill 
or  anyone  else  was  right  or  wrong  did  not  assist  the 
practical  position  in  which  they  were  placed  ;  the  intention 
of  confining  the  grant  had  not  resulted  in  the  grant  being 
kept  within  narrow  limits  ;  trade  after  trade,  firm  after 
firm,  had  had  to  admit  this  result,  and  they  must  exercise 
their  own  judgement  whether  it  was  possible  for  them  to 
stand  out.  Their  position  could  be  legalised,  and  whatever 
arguments  they  thought  best  for  any  differentiation  or 
special  limitations  could  be  considered  before  an  arbitral 
tribunal. 

It  may  be  noted  that  the  officers  of  the  Department, 
especially  Mr.  Cummings,  were  kept  very  busy  for  months 
with  preparation  for  arbitrations,  and  another  chairman, 
Judge  Walworth  Roberts,  had  to  be  added  to  the  Com- 
mittee on  Production,  in  order  to  cope  with  the  work. 

In  other  trades  there  were  specially  difficult  questions 
over  the  best  method  of  liquidating  back  pay  without  re- 
opening vast  details  of  accounts,  or  where  a  percentage 
advance  was  not  desired  by  one  or  other  party.  These 
points  were  best  dealt  with  by  conciliation.  On  the  first  the 
Ministry  of  Munitions  produced  a  scheme  which  could  be 
generally  accepted,  after  explanation  ;  on  the  second  long 
conferences  were  necessary.  At  these  conferences  the  chief 
difficulty  was  to  get  the  adherence  of  outstanding  sections 
to  consent  to  a  national  advance,  and  to  estimate  in  each 
trade  what  the  fair  equivalent  of  the  percentage  might  be. 
The  various  claims  were  gradually  liquidated,  but  it  was 
not  till  April  11, 1918,  that,  with  the  exception  of  the  build- 
ing trade,  the  last  claims  by  workpeople  who  deemed 
themselves  to  be  entitled  to  claim  the  percentage  of  12£  per 
cent,  in  some  form  or  another  were  finally  closed. 


CHAPTER  XL 

1918 

THE  general  settlements  required  by  the  12^  per  cent., 
including  a  most  difficult  conciliation  case  in  the  tramway 
and  omnibus  services,  where  a  general  strike  was  narrowly 
avoided,  had  closed  by  about  the  middle  of  April,  but  the 
aftermath  of  the  percentage  was  yet  to  cause  trouble  in 
the  building  trade. 

This  trade  had  been  very  hard  hit  during  the  War. 
Private  building  and  repairs  had  practically  ceased. 
Almost  all  the  work  was  Government  work.  The  priority 
of  that  work  was  dealt  with  by  a  small  departmental 
Committee  arranged  by  General  Smuts,  of  which  I  was  a 
member  for  a  short  time  at  the  close  of  the  War.  There 
was  a  second  Committee  of  the  Ministry  of  National 
Service  purporting  to  deal  with  the  supply  of  labour. 
Their  efforts  were  greatly  hampered  by  the  number  of 
men  who  had  gone  into  the  services,  or  drifted  into  munition 
work  or  the  shipyards,  where  there  existed  a  continuous 
demand  for  carpenters,  joiners,  etc.  It  was  not  easy, 
with  growing  shortage  of  men,  to  obtain  recruits  for 
remote  aerodromes,  poison-gas  and  explosive  factories, 
camps,  etc.,  nor  to  settle  the  rates  at  which  they  were  to 
be  paid.  There  was  also  a  third  Committee,  comprising 
officials  of  the  Ministries  of  Munitions,  National  Service, 
and  various  other  Departments,  which  worked  at  finding 
out  the  building  rates,  etc.,  in  districts  where  the  building 
trade  was  organised  ;  settling  the  rates  to  be  offered,  by 
analogy  with  neighbouring  districts,  in  places  where  there 
was  no  real  rate  or  an  entire  absence  of  rates  ;  and  either 
composing  disputes  or  sending  them  to  arbitration. 

The  difficulties  of  this  Committee  were  many,  because 
large  contractors  moving  with  their  special  men  from 

446 


THE   BUILDING   TRADE  447 

district  to  district  would  not  comply  with  the  local  rates 
or  the  instructions  of  the  Committee.  Government 
Departments,  especially  the  Air  Ministry,  also  failed  to 
comply.  The  efforts  of  the  building  trade  itself,  not  well 
organised  in  large  parts  of  the  country,  were  becoming 
useless  through  the  rates  being  continuously  changed  or 
set  at  naught  by  these  offenders.  Extraordinary  disloca- 
tion resulted.  An  application  was  made  to  the  Ministry  of 
Labour  to  assist,  with  the  result  that  a  scheme  was  pre- 
pared by  which  the  building  trade,  as  on  the  North-East 
Coast,  was  to  settle  its  own  rates,  with  the  understanding 
that  the  Government,  acting  through  the  Committee, 
would  see  that  the  rates  settled  were  the  rates  to  be 
paid  by  its  own  Departments,  but,  as  the  chief  employer 
in  the  country,  would  have  a  voice  in  approving  or  objecting 
to  the  rates  proposed  prior  to  their  final  acceptance.  An 
Order,  known  as  Order  742,  was  to  be  issued  by  the 
Ministry  of  Munitions,  embodying  the  conditions.  Any 
difference  not  adjusted  by  agreement  was  to  be  referred 
to  the  arbitration  tribunals  for  settlement.  The  scheme 
was  generally  welcomed  as  at  least  some  attempt  to  obtain 
order,  was  signed  by  the  building  trades  and  the  Govern- 
ment, and  lasted  to  December  1919,  when,  on  the  passing 
of  the  Industrial  Courts  Bill,  arbitration  became  voluntary, 
and  the  treatment  of  the  building  trade  as  an  industry 
subject  to  the  Munitions  of  War  Acts,  even  though  such 
a  result  only  came  from  the  agreement  of  the  trade, 
ceased. 

The  difficulty  over  the  _  12£  per  cent,  arose  while  I  was 
endeavouring,  on  becoming  chairman  of  the  third  Com- 
mittee, (a)  to  effect  co-ordination  between  the  three 
Committees,  and  (b)  to  draw  up  the  general  scheme  and 
secure  assent  to  its  provisions.  The  Government  had  been 
obliged  to  give  the  12£  per  cent,  on  the  top  of  the  existing 
rate  in  many  branches  of  the  building  trade.  The  local 
builders  were  naturally  pressed  by  their  employees  to 
give  the  same  percentage,  or  its  equivalent  in  an  extra 
payment  per  hour.  So  much  was  the  12£  per  cent,  disliked 
that,  in  most  cases,  an  equivalent  was  given  in  the  shape 
of  a  flat  advance,  but  it  was  stated  to  be  an  equivalent, 
and  not  deemed  to  be  the  rate  of  the  district  except  for 
those  who  merged  their  12£  per  cent,  in  it.  Men  could 
have  the  old  rate  plus  the  12|  per  cent.,  or  the  new  rate 


448  1918 

without  the  12 £  per  cent.  If  this  procedure  had  not  been 
followed,  employers  who  were  sometimes  doing  Govern- 
ment work  and  sometimes  private  work  would  have  been 
paying  their  men  different  rates  according  to  the  job  of 
the  moment,  or  high  rates  to  Government  workmen  and 
lower  rates  to  private  workmen  in  the  same  shop  ;  and 
such  form  of  payment  would  have  produced  once  again 
the  disparity  which  the  increase  was  intended  to  prevent. 
This  plan,  leading  at  least  towards  equality  and  the  avoid- 
ance of  a  vicious  circle,  was  generally  accepted  everywhere  ; 
but  at  Liverpool  a  local  conciliation  board  of  small  builders, 
not  one  of  whom  had  any  Government  work,  chose  to 
raise  nominally  the  Liverpool  rates  as  high  as  London, 
always  the  highest  rate  in  the  country,  and  in  raising  the 
rate  said  not  a  word  about  the  12£  per  cent.,  although 
Manchester  and  neighbouring  cities  had  accepted  the  plan. 
The  decision  was  only  reached  by  two  employers  voting 
with  the  men  in  favour  of  the  increase,  the  decisions  at 
these  boards  being  by  a  bare  majority.  Of  these  two, 
the  chairman  stated  he  had  voted  on  the  wrong  side  by 
mistake,  the  other  kept  his  identity  concealed  and  never 
disclosed  it.  The  matter  was  brought  before  the  North- 
Western  District  Board,  who  could  only  say  it  was  a 
decision  according  to  the  rule  that  a  majority  decided, 
but  entered  a  strong  protest.  The  National  Board, 
however,  as  well  as  other  district  boards,  complained 
that  the  result  would  upset  the  whole  of  the  rates  in  the 
country  by  the  extension  from  one  district  to  another 
which  would  certainly  result.  The  shipbuilders  and 
other  Liverpool  trades  also  complained,  and  last  but  not 
least  the  Government,  if  they  accepted  the  new  rate 
when  it  was  claimed  by  their  employees,  as  it  was  claimed, 
with  the  12|  per  cent,  upon  the  top  of  it,  put  themselves 
in  the  position  of  allowing  one  unknown  voter  to  dictate  a 
rise  which  would  upset  the  whole  country  and  cost  huge 
sums.  Payment  was  refused,  and  arbitration  offered,  or 
the  opportunity  of  the  Liverpool  Board  saying  how  much 
they  allocated  to  the  12£  per  cent,  out  of  the  new  rate, 
if  it  was  to  stand  as  a  rate.  The  case  led  to  long  discussions 
and  conferences,  some  of  the  Liverpool  people  arguing 
they  would  not  have  any  mention  made  of  the  12£  per  cent., 
they  had  nothing  to  do  with  it,  the  Government  could  do 
what J they  liked,  etc.  It  was  at  length  settled,  with  a 


METROPOLITAN  POLICE   AND   FIRE  BRIGADE   449 

few  minor  stoppages,  which  generally  ended  on  explanation, 
the  Government  adhering  to  their  position. 

This  case  serves  as  an  instance  of  the  lack  of  cohesion 
and  order  existing  in  trades,  the  importance  of  the  Govern- 
ment having  a  part  in  the  wage  arrangements  when  the 
Government  is  practically  the  only  employer,  the  danger 
of  snatch  settlements  or  changes  made  by  irresponsible 
persons  affecting  other  districts  and  other  trades,  and  the 
continued  effect  of  past  mistakes,  such  as  the  12^  per  cent. 
In  no  trade  at  the  present  time  is  it  more  important  to 
have  care  exercised  than  in  the  building  trade.  On  that 
trade  the  nation  have  to  rely  for  the  provision  of  needed 
houses  at  a  reasonable  rate,  and  it  is  now  subsidised  by  the 
Government.  Absence  of  organisation  in  any  one  district 
may  have  serious  consequences,  but  how  far  the  Govern- 
ment at  the  present  time  is  keeping  watch  over  its  own 
interests  and  the  interests  of  country  in  this  matter,  I  am 
unable  definitely  to  say. 

So  far  as  disputes  went,  a  number  of  conferences  were 
held  in  the  building  trade  between  May  and  September. 
There  were  also  visits  to  Ireland  to  establish  schemes  for 
the  collection  and  preparation  of  the  flax  crop  in  Ireland, 
where  strikes  were  threatened  and  Proclamations  under 
the  Munitions  of  War  Acts  were  issued  ;  dock  disputes 
at  Belfast  and  Dublin  ;  a  bus  and  tram  stoppage  in  London 
and  some  other  towns  on  the  question  of  the  wages  of 
women  conductors  ;  a  strike  of  municipal  employees  at 
Cardiff,  and  adjustment  of  various  minor  disputes.  Larger 
and  more  important  disputes  paused  in  their  incidence. 
Personally,  I  doubt  whether  the  fluctuations  of  the  War 
generally  had  direct  effect  upon  the  number  or  importance 
of  disputes,  but  at  this  period  I  think  the  commencement 
of  the  Battle  of  the  Somme  on  May  27,  and  the  German 
offensive  near  Rheims  on  July  15,  did  directly  affect 
disputes.  From  May  to  September  there  was  much 
greater  peace  throughout  Great  Britain.  The  minds  of 
men  were  concentrated  on  the  dangers  of  the  War.  Con- 
sequently, it  was  with  surprise  that  the  country  heard, 
early  in  September,  that  the  Metropolitan  Police  had 
struck.  As  a  great  employer  in  the  North  remarked  to 
me,  "  It  gave  me  a  blow  as  if  the  Bank  of  England  had 
stopped  $  payment.  That  and  the  Metropolitan  Police 
seemed  to  be  pillars  of  the  Constitution."  The  strike  was 


450  1918 

speedily  followed  by  a  threatened  strike  of  the  London 
firemen,    a    serious    strike     of    Co-operative     Wholesale 
employees,  and  many  other  disputes. 
It  was  correctly  remarked  at  the  time  that 

"  an  epidemic  of  strikes  and  threats  of  strikes  seems  to  have 
commenced.  Three  essential  services  have  been  stopped — 
the  Yorkshire  coal-field,  the  London  passenger  traffic 
(partially),  and  the  Metropolitan  police  service — and  until 
September  11  an  extensive  district  of  London  was  gravely 
inconvenienced  by  a  strike  of  gasworks  employees.  Now 
the  Lancashire  cotton  operatives  threaten  to  cease  work 
on  September  14,  the  London  Fire  Brigade  service  is  in 
the  mood  of  revolt,  the  South  Wales  miners  are  menacing, 
the  employees  of  the  Co-operative  Wholesale  Society  are 
strenuously  urging  their  claims  upon  Sir  George  Askwith, 
the  municipal  workers  in  eight  London  Corporations  are 
loudly  proclaiming  their  grievances,  prison  workers  are 
unrestful,  the  temporary  postal  workers  in  London 
are  threatening  determinedly,  and  railwaymen  are  pressing 
claims  with  some  display  of  temper.  It  is  a  prospect 
which  might  afford  some  comfort  and  encouragement  to 
the  enemy,  if  the  position  in  France  had  not  so  greatly 
improved." 

The  subject  of  the  Metropolitan  Police  was  dealt  with 
by  the  Home  Office.  The  other  two  principal  disputes, 
in  the  Fire  Brigade  and  the  Co-operative  Wholesale  Society, 
chiefly  turned  on  the  question  of  recognition  of  unions. 
In  the  former  the  C.W.S.  had  been  accustomed  to  deal 
with  craft  unions,  but  the  A.U.C.E.  (Amalgamated  Union 
of  Co-operative  Employees),  comprising  employees  of 
different  branches  of  trade,  had  for  some  time  been  moving 
for  higher  wages  and  other  conditions  on  behalf  of  their 
members.  A  dispute  began  with  printing  employees  at 
two  works  in  the  North,  and  rapidly  spread  to  flour-mills, 
soap-works,  margarine  works,  hide  and  skin  departments  ; 
bacon,  grocery,  packing,  jam,  biscuit,  and  tea  departments. 
Long  conferences  with  the  parties  were  necessary,  and  as 
delay  hazarded  supplies  of  food,  the  strike  had  to  be 
proclaimed  and  referred  to  arbitration  under  the  Munitions 
of  War  Acts. 

The  firemen's  dispute  was,  by  consent  of  the  parties, 


LONDON   FIRE   BRIGADE   AWARD  451 

referred  to  me  for  arbitration.  Preliminary  to  wages 
questions,  which  the  Fire  Brigade  Committee  of  the  London 
County  Council  was  prepared  to  settle,  the  whole  point 
turned  on  the  extent  to  which  any  union  should  be  per- 
mitted in  the  brigade,  or  how  far  officials  of  a  union 
other  than  firemen  might  represent  the  men.  Almost  all 
the  men  had,  during  the  last  few  years,  joined  the  National 
Union  of  Corporation  Workers.  The  objection  of  the 
majority,  at  least,  of  the  London  County  Council  was 
that  an  outside  union  or  anyone  connected  with  any 
outside  union,  of  which  men  in  the  brigade  might  be 
members,  should  have  anything  to  do  with  a  body  where 
discipline  was  essential,  and  on  whose  skill  and  discipline 
the  safety  of  London  from  fires  might  depend.  The  men 
contended  that  they  belonged  to  a  union,  should  have 
recognition  of  a  union,  and  had  no  intention  of  interfering 
with  discipline  or  management.  The  decision  was  not 
easy,  because  the  Provinces  were  bound  to  follow  the 
principles  accepted  in  London,  and  because  the  attitude 
of  the  Home  Office  with  regard  to  the  police  had  not  been 
announced.  The  arguments  were  heard,  the  award 
drafted,  its  terms  shown  to  Sir  George  Cave,  the  Home 
Secretary,  in  order  that  one  Department  should  not  settle 
without  the  knowledge  of  another  Department  engaged 
on  work  possibly  similar  in  character,  and  publication 
made  on  September  23. 

The  terms  of  the  award  were  : 

"  There  has  been  referred  to  me,  the  undersigned,  by 
both  parties,  under  the  terms  of  a  resolution  unani- 
mously passed  at  a  conference  held  between  the  parties 
on  September  13,  1918,  the  final  decision  on  a  scheme  as 
to  the  relations  between  the  London  County  Council 
and  the  uniformed  staff  below  the  rank  of  station  officer 
of  the  London  Fire  Brigade.  Having  heard  the  parties, 
and  considered  their  verbal  and  written  statements,  my 
decision  is  : 

"  1.  The  present  rule  512  (which  permitted  complaints 
by  individuals)  in  favour  of  any  individual  member  of  the 
Fire  Brigade  who  may  desire  to  avail  himself  of  it,  shall 
continue  in  force. 

"2.  A  collective  body,  consisting  of  members  of  the 


452  1918 

Fire  Brigade  only,  who  are  desirous  of  bringing  under  the 
notice  of  the  Council,  or  of  the  Fire  Brigade  Committee, 
matters  connected  with  their  conditions  of  service  and 
general  welfare  other  than  questions  of  discipline  or  methods 
of  management,  may  also  do  so  through  the  Chief  Officer, 
who  will,  if  desired,  afford  them  an  opportunity  of  seeing 
the  Committee. 

"  3.  Representations  may  be  made  by  a  committee  of 
such  collective  body,  provided  such  committee  consists 
of,  and  is  chosen  by,  men  who  are  members  of  the  uniformed 
staff  of  the  London  Fire  Brigade. 

"  4.  The  committee,  or  members  of  the  committee 
delegated  by  the  committee,  may  be  accompanied  on  depu- 
tations by  a  '  spokesman,'  chosen  by  the  committee,  who 
need  not  be  a  member  of  the  London  Fire  Brigade. 
Letters  sent  by  the  '  spokesman,'  if  expressed  to  be  by 
order  of  the  committee,  shall  be  received  as  communications 
made  by  the  committee. 

"5.  The  collective  body,  as  a  condition  of  collective 
representation,  shall  not — 

"  (a)  Take  part  in  any  labour  or  industrial  dispute,  or 
under  any  circumstances  induce  members  of  the  Brigade 
to  withhold  their  services,  but  only  concern  themselves 
with  differences  strictly  relating  to  the  conditions  of  their 
service  and  welfare  in  the  London  Fire  Brigade. 

"  (b)  Interfere  in  any  way  with  the  regulations  and  dis- 
cipline of  the  service  or  methods  of  management,  with  the 
sole  exception  of  cases  of  alleged  injustice.  The  committee 
may  bring  such  an  alleged  case  before  the  Chief  Officer,  but 
shall  forward  full  particulars  by  writing  prior  to  asking  for 
any  interview.  The  Chief  Officer  may  refuse  in  writing 
such  interview  on  the  grounds  that  the  particulars  disclose 
interference  with  the  regulations  and  discipline  of  the 
service  and  methods  of  management. 

"  (c)  Bring  forward  any  complaints  before  they  have 
been  first  examined  and  considered  by  the  members  of  the 
committee. 

"  And,  further,  the  collective  body  shall  in  the  first  in- 
stance, without  any  stoppage  of  work,  bring  any  com- 
plaints, with  which  the  collective  body  or  the  committee 
are  entitled  to  deal,  before  the  Chief  Officer.  In  the  event 
of  a  difference  arising  upon  such  complaints  and  no  settle- 
ment between  the  London  County  Council  and  the  collective 


LONDON   FIRE   BRIGADE  AWARD  453 

body  being  reached,  such  differences  shall  be  referred  to 
an  agreed  tribunal.  If  the  tribunal  and  form  of  tribunal 
is  not  agreed,  the  tribunal  shall  be  appointed  by  the  Min- 
istry of  Labour.  The  decision  of  the  tribunal  shall  be  final 
and  binding.  In  the  event  of  a  breach  of  the  above  con- 
ditions, members  of  the  Brigade  may  be  called  upon  to  sever 
their  connection  with  any  union  to  which  they  may  belong. 
"  6.  The  London  County  Council  have  indicated,  and  I 
decide,  that  it  shall  be  permissible  for  the  members  of  the 
London  Fire  Brigade  to  form  a  London  Fire  Brigade  Union 
composed  of  firemen  only,  to  be  embodied  with  the  above 
conditions  laid  down  in  its  rules,  or  with  such  modifications 
of  the  above  conditions  as,  after  conference  with  the  Fire 
Brigade  Committee,  and  with  me,  are  admitted  to  be  suit- 
able to  the  service.  Such  London  Fire  Brigade  Union, 
if  formed,  shall  be  deemed  to  be  a  union  with  which  the 
London  County  Council  can  make  agreements,  and  its  union 
secretary,  if  acting  as  secretary  for  such  union  only,  shall 
be  entitled  to  act  on  their  behalf  without  further  proof  of 
his  authority. 

"  No  further  proof  of  the  authority  of  such  union  to 
represent  the  majority  of  the  London  Fire  Brigade  shall 
be  required  other  than  a  list  of  members  to  be  furnished 
upon  request  to  the  Chairman  of  the  London  County  Coun- 
cil for  the  time  being.  The  chairman  shall  decide  whether 
he  is  satisfied  that  the  union  sufficiently  represents  the 
Brigade,  or  if  he  thinks  fit  may  refer  the  matter  to 
arbitration. 

"  7.  This  decision  shall  continue,  as  agreed  by  the  parties, 
for  three  years  from  its  date,  and  thereafter  subject  to 
three  months'  notice  by  either  side.  No  notice  shall  be 
given  prior  to  June  20,  1921. 

"  8.  Any  question  of  interpretation  shall,  as  agreed  by 
the  parties,  be  referred  to  me  for  decision. 

"  As  witness  my  hand  this  23rd  day  of  September,  1918. 

"G.  R.  ASKWITH." 

These  terms  were  loyally  accepted  by  both  parties,  and 
I  have  not  heard  of  subsequent  difficulties. 

A  short  time,  too,  before  the  Armistice,  Mr.  J.  H.  Thomas, 
largely  by  his  personal  influence,  averted  a  railway  strike, 
and  it  may  be  mentioned,  in  view  of  the  public  criticism 
which  has  been  levelled  at  Mr.  Churchill,  that  over  a 


454  1918 

difficult  question  whether  a  special  supply  of  poison-gas  was 
to  be  delivered  in  time  by  the  easy  method  of  yielding  to 
a  strike  and  abnormal  demands  in  two  factories,  or  his  con- 
sent refused  to  payments  demanded  by  force  and  likely  to 
ensure  far-reaching  and  bad  effects,  Mr.  Churchill  took  the 
risk  of  handing  over  the  whole  case  to  my  Department. 
His  letter  of  thanks  and  relief,  when  a  .constitutional  settle- 
ment was  effected,  is  dated  October  3. 

Notice  may  also  be  taken  of  two  Committees,  one  under 
Lord  Sumner,  appointed  in  the  spring,  and  another  under 
Lord  Justice  Atkin,  appointed  in  the  autumn  of  1918. 
Both  were  singularly  belated,  and  for  that  reason  their 
conclusions  lost  influence  and  effect.  Lord  Sumner's 
Committee  dealt  with  the  cost  of  living,  producing  a  report 
which  might  have  been  invaluable  at  an  earlier  date.  Al- 
though the  cost  and  character  of  living  had  varied  so 
greatly  during  the  War,  no  Government  inquiry  or  authori- 
tative examination  had  been  held.  The  Board  of  Trade 
statistics,  useful  for  statistical  purposes,  but  comparing 
prices  paid  for  articles  in  times  of  peace  with  prices  paid 
for  the  same  articles,  some  of  them  practically  unobtainable, 
in  times  of  war,  were  used  in  argument  as  the  real  reflex 
of  the  increase  in  the  cost  of  living.  They  were  fallacious 
for  that  purpose.  In  1914  I  had  suggested  they  should  be 
suppressed  as  useless  for  the  purposes  to  which  they  were 
being  put.  This  suggestion  was  not  accepted,  on  the 
ground  that  it  might  cause  alarm,  and  interfere  too  much 
with  the  appearance  of  business  as  usual.  The  Committee 
on  Production  had  to  make  the  best  estimates  they  could 
on  piecemeal  argument  and  data  put  before  them.  Repre- 
sentations at  length  caused  explanatory  memoranda  to  be 
added  to  the  statistical  returns,  pointing  out  the  limitations 
affecting  the  figures  and  the  comparison  of  conditions,  but 
in  every  argument  and  claim  the  figures  alone  were  put 
forward,  the  limitations  were  passed  over.  It  was  not 
until  1918  that  Lord  Sumner's  Committee  made  an  investi- 
gation, and  by  that  time  the  trade  unions  had  become  so 
accustomed  to  make  use  of  the  ordinary  statistical  figures 
in  their  arguments  that  they  ignored  new  returns,  and  par- 
ticularly a  smaller  figure.  Lord  Justice  Atkin's  Committee 
arose  from  questions  affecting  the  wages  of  women,  orders 
by  the  Ministry  of  Munitions,  and  the  relations  between 
the  wages  to  be  paid  to  women  and  men  respectively.  Con- 


THE  WHITLEY   COMMITTEE  455 

nected  with  these  subjects  was  a  contention  by  the  Ministry 
of  Munitions  that  orders  by  the  Minister  took  precedence 
of  or  could  override  decisions  of  the  arbitration  courts,  a 
point  on  which  the  Law  Officers  decided  that  the  Ministry 
was  wrong.  If  these  questions  affecting  women  had  been 
previously  so  important  as  they  became  at  the  time  of 
the  bus  and  tram  strikes  in  August,  it  was  rather  late  in  the 
day  to  inquire  into  them  two  months  before  the  Armistice. 

As  regards  awards,  the  Committee  on  Production,  in 
dealing  with  the  periodical  hearing  under  the  special  agree- 
ment between  the  Engineering  Employers'  Federation 
and  the  trade  unions  connected  with  it,  decided  on  March  5 
that  "  conditions  at  the  present  time  do  not  warrant  any 
further  general  alteration  of  wages."  By  that  date  the 
effect  of  awards  had  been  to  establish  for  the  engineering 
and  foundry  trades  a  general  advance,  as  compared  with 
pre-war  rates,  of  not  less  than  205.  per  week  on  time  rates, 
the  corresponding  figure  in  the  case  of  pieceworkers  being 
135.  per  week  as  a  supplement  to  earnings,  in  addition  to 
previous  advances  generally  amounting  to  10  per  cent,  or 
upwards  on  piece  rates.  These  amounts  were  exclusive 
of  the  bonus  of  12£  per  cent,  on  earnings  in  the  case  of 
plain  time-workers,  and  7^  per  cent,  in  the  case  of 
pieceworkers  and  other  workmen  not  paid  at  plain  time 
rates. 

On  July  24  the  Committee  gave  a  further  advance  of 
85.  6d.  per  week,  a  decision  hampered  by  the  action  of  the 
Coal  Controller  in  doubling  the  flat  rate  advances  given 
to  miners  as  from  the  end  of  June.  On  November  9,  two 
days  before  the  Armistice,  an  advance  of  55.  per  week  was 
awarded  to  the  same  workpeople.  These  advances  were 
generally  followed  by  other  trades  throughout  the  country. 

Some  Ministers  had  a  passion  for  committees,  the  number 
of  which  greatly  occupied  the  time  of  hardworked  employers 
and  trade  union  leaders.  The  Minister  of  Reconstruction 
was  said  to  have  arranged  more  than  two  score.  It  is  not 
my  purpose  to  criticise  the  results,  but  one  committee, 
known  as  the  Whitley  Committee,  from  the  name  of  its 
chairman,  did  produce  some  important  reports,  and  should 
be  mentioned.  The  Committee  had  been  appointed  as 
early  as  October  1916,  Mr.  H.  J.  Wilson,  of  my  Department, 
acting  as  secretary,  its  reference  being  : 

(1)  To  make  and  consider  suggestions  for  securing  a 
80 


456  1918 

permanent  improvement  in  the  relations  between  em- 
ployers and  workmen. 

(2)  To  recommend  means  for  securing  that  industrial 
conditions  affecting  the  relations  between  employers  and 
workmen  shall  be  systematically  reviewed  by  those  con- 
cerned, with  a  view  to  improving  conditions  in  the  future. 

An  official  account  states  : 

"  The  Committee  issued  reports  of  which  the  best  known 
are  those  in  which  they  recommend  the  establishment  in 
suitable  cases  of  voluntary  Joint  Standing  Industrial 
Councils,  consisting  of  representatives  of  the  Employers' 
Associations  and  the  Trade  Unions,  for  the  purpose  of 
securing  the  largest  possible  development  of  the  industry 
as  a  part  of  national  life  and  for  the  improvement  of  the 
conditions  of  all  engaged  in  that  industry.  ...  In  con- 
nection with  their  inquiry,  the  Committee  also  thought  it 
necessary  to  give  some  attention  to  cases  in  which  parties 
might  desire  voluntarily  to  refer  some  difference  that  had 
arisen  to  arbitration  or  conciliation,  and  they  issued  a  re- 
port on  this  subject  in  January  1918.  The  Committee 
expressed  themselves  as  opposed  to  any  system  of  compul- 
sory arbitration,  and  emphasised  the  advisability  of  a  con- 
tinuance, as  far  as  possible,  of  the  existing  system  whereby 
industries  made  their  own  agreements  and  settled  their  dif- 
ferences themselves.  The  Committee's  conclusions  were  : 

"  (a)  Whilst  we  are  opposed  to  any  system  of  Compul- 
sory Arbitration,  we  are  in  favour  of  an  extension  of 
voluntary  machinery  for  the  adjustment  of  disputes. 
Where  the  parties  are  unable  to  adjust  their  differences, 
we  think  that  there  should  be  means  by  which  an  inde- 
pendent inquiry  may  be  made  into  the  facts  and  circum- 
stances of  a  dispute,  and  an  authoritative  pronouncement 
made  thereon,  though  we  do  not  think  that  there  should 
be  any  compulsory  power  of  delaying  strikes  and  lockouts. 

"  (b)  We  further  recommend  that  there  should  be  estab- 
lished a  Standing  Arbitration  Council  for  cases  where  the 
parties  wish  to  refer  any  dispute  to  arbitration,  though  it 
is  desirable  that  suitable  single  arbitrators  should  be  avail- 
able, where  the  parties  so  desire." 

Joint  Industrial  Councils  have  been  established  in  a 
number  of  industries,  and  in  some  industries  District 


JOINT   INDUSTRIAL   COUNCILS  457 

Councils  and  Works  Committees,  both  of  them  integral 
parts  of  the  Whitley  scheme,  have  also  been  formed.  The 
scheme  has  not  been  adopted  by  the  industries  of  coal- 
mining, cotton,  engineering,  shipbuilding,  iron  and  steel, 
and  railways.  The  great  industries  standing  outside  the 
scheme  prefer  to  follow  their  own  lines  of  agreement  or 
arrangements.  Efforts  to  obtain  force  of  law  for  the  de- 
cisions of  Industrial  Councils  have  been  advocated  in  some 
cases,  but  have  as  yet  not  succeeded.  As  an  example  of 
the  objects  of  the  councils,  notice  may  be  taken  of  a  council 
which  was  alleged  to  be  a  success.  The  Pottery  Industry 
agreed  to  establish  a  National  Council,  giving  as  their 
objects  : 

"  The  advancement  of  the  Pottery  Industry  and  of  all 
connected  with  it  by  the  association  in  its  government  of 
all  engaged  in  the  industry. 

"  It  will  be  open  to  the  Council  to  take  any  action  that 
falls  within  the  scope  of  its  general  object.  Its  chief 
work  will,  however,  fall  under  the  following  heads  : 

"  (a)  The  consideration  of  means  whereby  all  manu- 
facturers and  operatives  shall  be  brought  within  their 
respective  associations. 

"  (b)  Regular  consideration  of  wages,  piecework  rates, 
and  conditions,  with  a  view  to  establishing  and  main- 
taining equitable  conditions  throughout  the  industry. 

"  (c)  To  assist  the  respective  associations  in  the  main- 
tenance of  such  selling  prices  as  will  afford  a  reasonable 
remuneration  to  both  employers  and  employed. 

"  (d)  The  consideration  and  settlement  of  all  disputes 
between  different  parties  in  the  industry  which  it  may  not 
have  been  possible  to  settle  by  the  existing  machinery, 
and  the  establishment  of  the  machinery  for  dealing  with 
disputes  where  adequate  machinery  does  not  exist. 

"  (e)  The  regularisation  of  production  and  employment 
as  a  means  of  insuring  to  the  workpeople  the  greatest 
possible  security  of  earnings. 

"  (/)  Improvement  in  conditions  with  a  view  to  removing 
all  danger  to  health  in  the  industry. 

"  (g)  The  study  of  processes,  the  encouragement  of 
research,  and  the  full  utilisation  of  their  results. 

"  (h)  The  provision  of  facilities  for  the  full  consideration 
and  utilisation  of  inventions  and  improvements  designed 


458  1918 

by  workpeople  and  for  the  adequate  safeguarding  of  the 
rights  of  the  designers  of  such  improvements. 

"  (i)  Education  in  all  its  branches  for  the  industry. 

"  (;')  The  collection  of  full  statistics  on  wages,  making 
and  selling  prices,  and  average  percentages  of  profits  on 
turnover,  and  on  materials,  markets,  costs,  etc.,  and  the 
study  and  promotion  of  scientific  and  practical  systems  of 
costings  to  this  end. 

"  All  statistics  shall,  where  necessary,  be  verified  by 
Chartered  Accountants,  who  shall  make  a  statutory  dec- 
laration as  to  secrecy  prior  to  any  investigation,  and  no 
particulars  of  individual  firms  or  operatives  shall  be  dis- 
closed to  anyone. 

"  (k)  Inquiries  into  problems  of  the  industry,  and  where 
desirable  the  publication  of  reports. 

"  (I)  Representation  of  the  needs  and  opinions  of  the 
industry  to  Government  authorities,  central  and  local,  and 
to  the  community  generally." 

These  objects  appear  excellent  on  paper,  and  in  this  in- 
dustry are  reported  to  have  produced  some  good  results. 
The  joint  education  of  representative  employers  and  work- 
people by  meetings  and  common  objects  must  be  valuable. 
If  a  criticism  is  made,  the  whole  chance  of  the  success  of 
Industrial  Councils  lies  in  the  way  in  which  they  are  worked. 
If  the  aim  is  mutual  co-operation  and  joint  effort,  and  that 
aim  is  continuously  kept  in  sight  and  broadly  interpreted, 
an  industry  in  one  way  or  another  may  be  improved  by  the 
existence  of  a  council.  If  the  council  is  used  to  maintain 
two  camps,  and  during  a  period  of  advancing  wages  and 
prosperity  only  employed  for  purposes  of  pressure,  with 
an  inevitable  deadlock  so  soon  as  the  demands  become 
greater  than  the  trade  can  bear,  then  ultimate  disintegra- 
tion will  ensue,  and  possibly  a  worse  position  than  before 
the  advent  of  a  council.  This  position,  according  to 
recent  accounts,  was  nearly  reached  in  the  pottery  industry, 
for  which  so  much  success  has  been  claimed.  It  will  be  the 
spirit  which  counts,  and  I  do  not  agree  with  the  criticism 
that  the  councils  may  form  combinations  to  mulct  the 
consumer  and  hurt  the  public  at  large ;  but  many  employers 
will  prefer  to  stand  outside  the  councils  and  deal  with  their 
workpeople  on  methods  which  will  give  opportunity  for 
individual  advancement,  initiative,  and  reward,  without 


FUTURE   OF   INDUSTRIAL   COUNCILS  459 

the   possible    restrictions  which   associations   are   apt   to 
imply. 

In  the  foregoing  sketch,  partly  of  an  historical  character, 
many  important  phases  and  matters  have  necessarily  been 
omitted.  The  sketch  only  purports  to  deal  with  the 
efforts  to  maintain  or  restore  industrial  peace — chiefly  so 
far  as  they  came  within  the  purview  of  one  Department 
during  the  changing  movements  inseparable  from  a  time 
of  great  stress,  anxiety,  and  effort.  Some  of  the  lessons 
to  be  deduced  from  such  a  history  may  be  useful  if  the 
nation  again  unites  for  the  achievement  of  any  common 
purpose. 


CHAPTER  XLI 

THE    ARMISTICE    AND    NATIONALIZATION 

AT  the  eleventh  hour  of  the  eleventh  day  of  the  eleventh 
month,  November  11,  1918,  the  Armistice  was  suddenly 
proclaimed. 

The  industrial  world,  or  at  least  some  sections  of  it,  were 
taken  by  surprise.  It  was  after  a  meeting  held  on  Novem- 
ber 13  at  Caxton  Hall,  where  employers  and  trade  unions 
had  been  convened  to  hear  speeches  from  Ministers  on  the 
subjects  of  stabilisation  of  wages  and  the  restoration  of 
pre-war  practices,  that  I  met  the  Presidents  of  the  Federa- 
tion of  Cotton-Spinners'  and  Manufacturers'  Association 
and  the  Northern  Counties  Textile  Association  in  a  com- 
plete quandary  as  to  the  course  to  follow  over  an  imminent 
dispute  in  the  weavers'  section  of  the  North  Lancashire 
cotton  trade.  The  Prime  Minister  had  talked  of  com- 
mittees of  employers  and  employed,  and  had  indicated  that 
the  Munitions  of  War  Acts,  which  would  include  the  pro- 
visions for  proclaiming  a  strike,  would  soon  be  repealed,  but 
they  had  no  knowledge  when  these  steps  would  be  taken 
and  whether  any  new  provisions  would  meet  their  case. 
Meanwhile  there  was  certain  to  be  trouble,  unless  some 
settlement  could  be  reached.  After  discussion,  it  was 
agreed  that  I  should  act  as  chairman  at  meetings  in 
Manchester,  in  order  to  attempt  a  settlement,  and  with 
that  view  conferences  were  held  there  on  November  20 
and  21,  and  between  December  3  and  7. 

The  settlement  was  by  no  means  easy,  and  would  not 
have  been  effected  but  for  the  good-will  shown  by  both 
parties,  men  well  known  to  me  in  previous  disputes.  The 
last  settlement  during  the  War  had  been  made  in  June. 
Large  profits  had  been  made  by  employers  up  to  September, 
but  during  the  next  two  or  three  months  trade  prospects 
had  worsened,  and  prices  of  yarn  and  cloth  had  fallen.  As 

460 


COTTON  TRADE  DISPUTES  461 

soon  as  the  Armistice  came,  employers  deemed  the  future 
to  be  very  uncertain,  and  shrank  from  the  concession  of  a 
large  advance  until  the  course  of  the  markets  became  more 
clear,  while  the  leaders  of  the  operatives  contended  that  their 
members  had  not  received  an  adequate  share  of  past  gains 
or  sufficient  consideration  for  the  increased  cost  of  living. 
They  demanded  in  the  weavers'  section  an  advance  of  50 
per  cent,  on  current  wages,  and  also  a  "  fall  back"  or  mini- 
mum wage  in  cases  where  operatives  were  unable  to  work, 
or,  in  technical  parlance,  had  to  "  play,"  owing  to  shortage 
of  raw  material. 

Both  Associations  eventually  agreed  that  the  wage  claim 
should  be  referred  to  the  new  Interim  Court,  which  had 
been  meanwhile  established  to  take  the  place  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Production,  and  that  the  "  fall  back  "  question 
should  be  examined  by  a  strong  committee  of  both  parties 
with  a  view  to  seeing  if  an  arrangement  could  be  made,  the 
matter  to  be  referred  to  arbitration,  if  necessary,  after  a 
period  of  months. 

It  was  not  till  December  3,  on  the  eve  of  meeting  with 
the  weavers,  that  a  mass  of  papers  were  sent  to  me  from 
other  officials  who  purported  to  have  the  matter  in  hand, 
with  the  intimation  that,  even  if  the  weavers'  difficulty  was 
settled,  the  spinners  and  cardroom  operatives  were  coming 
out  on  December  7,  and  in  a  short  time  would  hold  up  the 
trade.  Action — or  inaction,  because  nothing  had  been 
done — had  broken  down.  It  was  suggested  I  should 
try  to  effect  a  settlement  at  the  eleventh  hour,  when  it 
ought  to  have  been  dealt  with  days  before,  the  whole  case 
being  a  curious  instance  of  the  lack  of  co-ordination  in 
Departments,  of  failure  to  estimate  the  right  time  for  inter- 
vention, and  of  the  ill  effects  of  unnecessary  delay  and 
division  of  authority. 

There  was  literally  only  just  enough  time  to  induce  the 
parties  to  hold  one  meeting  on  December  6,  the  notices  of 
100,000  operatives  maturing  next  day.  It  appeared  that 
the  employers  in  this  section  had  made  an  offer  of  40  per 
cent,  on  standard  rates  upon  November  1,  and  had  re- 
luctantly agreed  to  renew  their  proposal,  although  the 
Armistice  was  said  to  have  stopped  large  profits  and  there 
was  a  fear  of  industrial  confusion.  They  were  not  inclined 
to  increase  this  offer,  owing  to  the  uncertainty,  and  some 
may  have  thought  a  stoppage  might  steady  the  market.  On 


462     THE  ARMISTICE  AND  NATIONALIZATION 

the  other  hand,  the  workpeople  wanted  a  share  of  the  back 
profits,  and  objected  to  arbitration  because  a  tribunal  had 
endorsed  orders  of  the  Cotton  Control  Board  (a)  for  re- 
duction of  hours  from  55|  to  40,  without  compensation 
for  the  lesser  hours  in  the  American  mills,  where  cotton 
supplies  were  short ;  and  (b)  for  abolition  of  a  "  rota  " 
system  of  unemployment  established  under  the  restriction 
of  output  system. 

The  history  of  the  case  was  that  in  June  an  application 
for  an  increase  of  30  per  cent,  on  list  rates  had  been  com- 
promised by  an  agreement  to  pay  25  per  cent,  increase  from 
June  15,  but  the  rates  of  wages  to  remain  unchanged  up 
to  and  including  the  week  ending  December  7.  This  con- 
cession had  been  materially  affected  in  the  American  mills 
by  the  shortening  of  hours  during  which  wages  could  be 
earned.  Although  these  workpeople  had  secured  an  ad- 
vance on  list  rates  of  25  per  cent.,  their  actual  wages, 
as  a  result  of  working  shorter  hours,  were  smaller  than  they 
had  been  before  the  rise  just  secured,  and  yet  they  were 
committed  till  December  to  the  agreement  of  June.  The 
tribunal,  while  endorsing  the  orders  of  the  Cotton  Control 
Board,  expressed  an  opinion  that,  owing  to  a  change  of  con- 
ditions, there  were  good  grounds  for  a  modification  of  the 
wages  agreement,  which  had  two  months  to  run,  and  that, 
in  the  circumstances,  it  would  be  well  if  employers  and 
employees  were  invited  to  meet,  to  see  if  some  arrange- 
ment could  be  made. 

For  some  reason  or  other  this  suggestion  was  not  acted 
upon  by  the  officials  dealing  with  the  matter.  The  oper- 
atives, particularly  the  shop  stewards  and  young  men, 
pressed  forward  and  put  in  notices  for  cessation  of  work 
on  December  7,  the  last  day  of  the  agreement,  unless  their 
demands  were  accepted.  All  negotiations  were  broken 
off.  No  notice  was  taken  of  this  in  London  until  Decem- 
ber 3,  when  the  papers  were  forwarded  to  me.  On  Decem- 
ber 6  the  parties  had  the  meeting  which  I  had  managed  to 
arrange,  but  failed  to  settle,  and  also  refused,  in  spite  of 
argument,  to  hold  any  further  debates,  breaking  off  with 
an  employers'  proposal  that : 

"  In  view  of  the  fact  that  the  situation  in  the  trade 
has  changed  very  unfavourably  for  the  employers  since 
November  1,  when  their  offer  of  40  per  cent,  on  list  wages, 


WAGES   (TEMPORARY  REGULATION)   ACT      468 

together  with  other  conditions,  was  made,  the  employers, 
although  of  opinion  that  they  would  be  entitled  on  the 
present  state  of  trade  to  reduce  that  offer,  are  willing,  in 
order  to  arrive  at  a  settlement,  to  allow  the  offer  of  40 
per  cent,  on  list  rates  for  six  months  for  acceptance  to-day. 
Failing  acceptance  of  this  offer  it  is  hereby  withdrawn, 
but  the  employers  are  willing  that  the  matter  in  dispute 
should  be  settled  by  arbitration." 

The  operatives  briefly  replied  : 

"  We  cannot  agree  to  the  acceptance  of  your  offer,  and 
in  view  of  our  past  experience  we  cannot  agree  to 
arbitration." 

All  that  I  could  deduce  was  that  the  employers,  had 
there  been  time,  might  have  advanced  their  offer  by  10  per 
cent,  if  they  could  be  sure  that  the  operatives  would  agree, 
and  that  both  parties  would  take  note  of  the  amount 
received  by  the  weavers.  All  that  could  be  done  was  to 
hurry  the  issue  of  an  award  to  the  weavers,  and  in  the  result 
the  same  percentage  for  spinners  and  the  cardroom  workers 
was  forced  on  the  employers,  after  an  unnecessary  strike 
had  commenced,  by  Mr.  Lloyd  George  in  the  following 
week.  A  cotton  strike  in  the  middle  of  a  General  Election 
was  not  to  be  regarded  with  equanimity,  as  the  complaints 
of  the  Parliamentary  candidates  in  Lancashire  showed. 

It  was  while  I  was  engrossed  in  the  cotton  difficulty  that 
the  Wages  (Temporary  Regulation)  Act  1918  passed 
through  Parliament  and  became  law  on  November  21.  It 
was  based  on  a  report  produced  for  some  reason  or  other  by 
the  Ministry  of  Reconstruction  and  not  by  the  Ministry  of 
Labour,  and  on  which  the  principal  Departments  concerned 
with  awards  and  agreements  had  not  even  been  consulted. 
This  Act  was  intended  to  be  a  temporary  measure  lasting 
for  six  months,  with  a  view  to  preventing  a  sudden  fall  in 
wages  during  the  change  over  from  munitions  to  civil 
work,  but  was  subsequently  extended  for  a  further  six 
months.  During  this  period  employers  were  to  pay  rates 
not  less  than  prescribed  rates  (corresponding  approxi- 
mately to  the  standard  rates  existing  at  the  date  of  the 
Armistice)  or  such  other  rates  as  might  be  substituted  by 
an  award  of  the  Interim  Court  of  Arbitration  established 


464     THE  ARMISTICE   AND   NATIONALIZATION 

under  the  Act,  or  by  an  agreement  or  settlement  approved 
by  the  Ministry  of  Labour.  The  Interim  Court  of  Arbi- 
tration established  under  the  Act  was  in  effect  the  Com- 
mittee on  Production  with  certain  additional  members  to 
meet  the  altered  circumstances. 

The  clauses  of  the  Munitions  of  War  Acts  relating  to  the 
prohibition  of  strikes  and  lockouts  were  repealed,  as  also 
were  the  clauses  relating  to  compulsory  arbitration,  except 
a  difference  "  as  to  whether  a  workman  is  a  workman  of 
a  class  to  which  a  prescribed  rate  of  wages  is  applicable, 
or  what  is  the  prescribed  rate  of  wages,  or  whether  any 
rate  should  be  substituted  for  the  prescribed  rate,  or  what 
is  the  substituted  rate  of  wages." 

Any  difference  on  these  points  could  be  reported  to  the 
Minister  by  or  on  behalf  of  either  of  the  parties  concerned, 
and  the  Minister  was  required  to  consider  the  difference 
and  to  take  any  steps  that  seemed  to  him  expedient  to 
promote  a  settlement  of  the  difference,  and,  where  the 
Minister  failed  to  effect  a  settlement  by  such  means,  he 
was  required  to  refer  the  difference  to  the  Interim  Court 
of  Arbitration  for  settlement,  or  if,  in  his  opinion,  suitable 
means  for  settlement  already  existed  in  pursuance  of 
agreements  made  between  employers  and  employed,  for 
settlement  in  accordance  with  those  means. 

There  were  numerous  other  clauses  on  powers  of  exami- 
nation and  inquiry  at  the  premises  of  any  establishment, 
proceedings  for  offences  before  munitions  tribunals,  and 
fines  upon  employers  for  any  contravention  of  the  Act. 
At  a  later  date  the  Act,  which  affected  one  side  only  so 
far  as  fines  went,  and  confirmed  bureaucratic  interference, 
was  superseded  by  the  Industrial  Courts  Act,  under  which 
permanent  Courts  of  Arbitration  were  established  for  those 
who  might  desire  to  use  them. 

At  the  same  time,  during  my  absence  in  Lancashire, 
internal  changes  were  made  in  the  Ministry  of  Labour 
upon  which  I  was  not  consulted.  Officials  poured  in  from 
the  Labour  department  of  the  Ministry  of  Munitions  and 
the  Admiralty.  A  Wages  and  Arbitration  Department  to 
administer  the  Wages  Act  and  the  Conciliation  Act  was 
established,  and  other  changes  were  made,  which  involved 
the  creation  of  a  huge  staff.  The  results  have  yet 
to  be  awaited.  My  own  connection  with  the  Ministry 
practically  closed  with  the  end  of  December,  when  His 


THE   EIGHT-HOUR  DAY  465 

Majesty  was  graciously  pleased  to  confer  upon  me  the 
dignity  of  a  peerage. 

Of  more  general  interest,  a  very  important  step  was  the 
concession  of  the  Eight-Hour  Day,  or  the  reduction  of 
hours  from  54  to  47  hours  per  week,  by  the  Engineering 
Employers'  Federation.  This  step  anticipated  the  revival 
of  trouble  which  had  been  suspended  by  the  War,  although 
the  speed  with  which  it  was  granted  caused  difficulties  in 
the  shipbuilding  yards  and  on  the  railways,  where  the 
principle  had  to  come  into  force  before  the  mode  of  applica- 
tion had  been  considered.  The  tendency  towards  reduction 
had  been  often  manifested.  Arbitrators  and  conciliators 
had  generally  favoured,  and  I  had  frequently  urged,  the 
full  Saturday  half-holiday,  and,  where  practicable,  some 
reduction  in  hours.  My  own  view  had  always  been  that 
eight  hours  a  day  continuous  work,  particularly  monotonous 
work,  was  as  much  as  men  and  women  could  well  bear  ; 
but  there  is  no  doubt  so  drastic  a  change  affected  machine 
production  and  caused  difficulties  of  adjustment.  It  was 
a  concession  which  necessarily  spread  to  other  in- 
dustries, and  will  have  a  great  and  lasting  result,  by  its 
developments  and  effects,  upon  the  industrial  life  of  the 
nation. 

In  other  directions,  out-of-work  donations  or  "  doles  " 
were  introduced  for  the  purpose  of  dealing  with  unemploy- 
ment, feared  in  anticipation,  but  not  then  occurring  in 
actual  result.  Committees  were  started  on  the  subject  of 
restoration  of  pre-war  practices  in  accordance  with  the 
pledge  of  1915  ;  the  Ministry  of  Health  Bill  went  forward  ; 
demobilisation,  resettlement  of  soldiers  and  sailors,  and  of 
workers  in  national  factories,  controlled  establishments, 
and  firms  engaged  on  Government  contracts,  were  referred 
to  Committees  ;  a  very  large  number  of  other  plans  and 
schemes  came  into  more  or  less  active  operation  ;  and  the 
year  1918  ended  with  a  General  Parliamentary  Election. 
At  the  time,  the  Ministry  of  Reconstruction  claimed  to  have 
played  its  part  "  in  the  practical  realisation  of  an  idea 
fraught  with  infinite  possibilities  for  the  future  of  the 
nation — the  idea  of  organised  thinking  and  common 
thinking,  as  applied  dispassionately  to  the  complex  prob- 
lems of  social  progress  and  national  development  in  this 
country."  The  proofs  of  its  success  or  the  reverse  must 
be  judged  by  later  results  and  opinions.  If  "  organised 


466      THE   ARMISTICE   AND   NATIONALIZATION 

thinking  "  could  produce  nothing  better  than  the  payment 
of  doles  to  workpeople  in  the  manner  in  which  they  were 
distributed,  its  power  of  anticipation  and  skill  in  meeting 
contingencies  were  not  creditably  illustrated.  The  very 
officials  dispensing  doles  confessed  that  the  people  were 
settling  down  to  live  on  them.  Payment  to  persons  who 
could  claim  one  week's  work  since  1915  and  produce  an 
insurance  book  to  show  it,  wasted  money  and  endowed 
the  most  incapable  workpeople.  The  system  as  worked 
was  demoralising  and  unfair.  It  encouraged  the  belief  that 
anything  could  be  got  from  the  public  purse,  and  that  little 
or  no  work,  small  or  no  results,  entitled  men  and  women 
to  be  maintained  at  the  expense  of  others. 

With  the  opening  of  the  New  Year  of  1919,  a  new  Minister 
of  Labour,  Sir  Robert  Home,  succeeded  Mr.  Roberts,  who 
moved  to  the  Ministry  of  Pensions  ;  but  as  my  official 
work  practically  ceased  before  Sir  R.  Home  entered  the 
Ministry,  concluding  remarks  must  be  of  more  general 
character  than  when  one  was  intimately  acquainted  with 
the  details  of  disputes  during  the  periods  of  his  pre- 
decessors. 

In  the  propositions  put  forward  at  this  time  by  statesmen 
there  does  not  appear  to  have  been  uttered,  as  far  as  I 
can  trace,  any  word  of  warning  for  the  future,  with  one 
notable  exception.  Mr.  J.  R.  Clynes,  on  January  24,  is 
reported  to  have  said  : 

"  In  the  main,  there  was  a  tendency  amongst  trade 
unionists  to  make  demands  and  to  press  them,  which  the 
trades  could  not  very  well  afford  to  meet,  and  which  the 
country,  he  feared,  would  not  for  some  time  to  come  be 
able  to  bear.  He  said  this  because  we  had  lost  so  much 
wealth,  and  got  into  such  a  state  of  disrepair  during  the 
period  of  the  War,  that  all  the  energy  that  we  could  bring 
into  industry  was  required  for  the  purpose  of  enormously 
increasing  the  output  of  our  products,  and  thereby  adding 
immensely  to  the  aggregate  wealth  of  this  and  other  coun- 
tries. That  great  increase  in  production  could  take  place, 
he  was  convinced,  without  any  injustice  to  the  masses 
of  workmen,  without  the  application  of  any  tyrannical 
instrument  on  the  part  of  employers  ;  it  could  take  place 
by  man  making  a  more  successful  use  of  the  thing  that  he 
could  conquer  and  control — the  machine.  It  could  come 


REVIVAL  OF  LABOUR  CLAIMS  467 

by  better  arrangements  ;  by  a  more  successful  subdivision 
of  work  ;  by  overthrowing  those  old  trade  customs  and 
conditions  which  belonged  to  the  past,  and  which  should 
be  left  to  the  past ;  by  accepting  and  welcoming  the 
higher  and  better  forms  of  management  that  the  modern- 
minded  and  more  capable  business  men  could  apply  to 
their  interests.  In  short,  it  could  come  bv  organisation 
and  skill." 

With  the  exception  of  this  one  Labour  leader,  no  states- 
man had  the  vision  to  see  or  raised  his  voice  to  point  out 
that  before  the  final  coming  of  peace  there  must  be  delay 
and  uncertainty,  but  that  from  the  moment  of  cessation 
of  fighting,  reaction  must  begin  ;  that  scarcity  existed 
in  the  world,  and  that  a  devastated  and  wounded  Europe 
required  economy,  work,  production,  and  security  before  it 
could  recover.  No  warning  of  shortage  of  material  and 
food,  of  the  weight  of  national  debt,  of  the  evils  of  inflated 
currency  due  to  borrowings  by  the  Government,  and  the 
long  row  to  hoe  before  valid  recovery  could  be  achieved, 
came  from  the  Government.  Unemployment  "  doles," 
distributed  with  amazing  laxity,  discouraged  work  and 
thrift.  A  state  of  unpreparedness,  lack  of  leadership, 
and  the  example  of  state  extravagance  were  to  lead  up 
to  the  "  land  fit  for  heroes  to  live  in." 

The  actual  result  was  that,  after  the  first  days  of  holiday, 
the  Parliamentary  Election,  and  a  brief  period  of  reaction, 
Labour  began,  with  added  factors,  to  resume  the  claims 
and  movements  suspended  by  the  War.  The  aim  of  the 
extremists  may  be  taken  from  their  expressed  views  at 
the  Election  : 

"  The  whole  capitalist  class  stands  united  in  their 
common  desire  to  exploit  Labour.  Under  capitalism 
the  freedom  of  the  working  class  consists  in  the  freedom 
to  starve  or  accept  such  conditions  as  are  imposed  upon 
them  by  the  employing  class.  The  freedom  of  the  master 
class  consists  in  their  untrammelled  freedom  to  buy  Labour 
to  create  profit.  Thus  the  workers  are  not  free.  Neither 
owning  nor  controlling  the  means  of  life,  they  are  wage- 
slaves  of  their  employers,  and  are  but  mere  commodities. 
.  .  .  The  best  Defence  is  Offensive,  and  as  a  consequence 
the  workers  must  build  up  their  industrial  organisation 


468     THE   ARMISTICE   AND   NATIONALIZATION 

to  obtain  control  over  the  means  of  production  and  destroy 
the  State  institution  of  the  master  class." 

Two  main  points  were  put  forward  among  professed  aims, 
viz. :  "  (1)  In  home  affairs  we  affirm  that  all  land,  railways, 
mines,  factories,  means  of  production,  and  all  other 
instruments  of  Social  Service  shall  become  the  communal 
property  of  the  people.  (2)  Social  classes  thus  being 
abolished,  no  person  shall  have  the  power  to  employ 
another  person  for  private  profit." 

Below  these  drastic  aims  there  were  naturally  any 
number  of  grades.  In  times  of  discontent,  or  unsatisfied 
desire,  particularly  when  unfulfilled  promises  appeared 
to  have  been  made,  men  were  apt  to  unite  in  pressing 
claims  which  individually  they  might  not  seek  or  even 
deem  to  be  feasible.  The  power  of  unity  had  been  shown 
by  the  War.  Organisations  had  been  improved  and  per- 
fected during  the  War.  Mental  unrest  had  been  engendered 
by  the  War.  By  the  end  of  January  disputes  began  to 
be  apparent. 

The  very  47-hour  week,  which  had  been  put  forward  by 
one  section  of  employers  without  co-ordination  with  other 
trades,  proved  an  early  difficulty.  Dealing  with  the 
situation  over  the  47-hour  week,  Mr.  Clynes  very  truly 
said  : 

"  Here  we  had  an  instance,  a  very  outstanding  instance, 
of  what  at  least  might  be  called  a  great  inadvertence, 
if  not  a  very  great  blunder.  We  could  not  detach  any 
one  great  trade  from  the  rest  of  the  businesses  and  the 
industries  of  the  country,  and  set  up  something  totally 
new  in  that  trade  in  regard  to  working  hours,  wages,  or 
conditions  of  labour.  The  influence  of  example  was  strong, 
and  as  soon  as  a  great  change  took  place  in  any  one  trade, 
it  was  natural  that  millions  of  people  in  other  occupations 
should  ask,  Why  should  they  not  enjoy  this  benefit  too  ? 
The  engineering  employers  and  the  associations  in  that 
trade  rather  suddenly  agreed  to  make  a  change  in  the 
working  hours.  It  only  knocked  off  half  an  hour  a  day 
in  the  working  time,  and  yet  it  was  beset  with  all  manner 
of  difficulties.  The  men  themselves  very  soon  found  out 
that,  in  respect  of  many  homes,  it  did  not  quite  fit  in  with 
the  domestic  conditions,  and  employers  of  labour  also 


NATURE   OF   THE  DISPUTES  469 

found  that  the  change  was  not  the  perfect  thing  they 
thought  it  would  be. 

"  The  troubles  which  sprang  into  light  at  the  beginning 
of  the  week  could  be  traced,  he  believed,  to  certain  em- 
ployers having  put  up  notices  announcing  the  withdrawal 
of  certain  privileges  that  the  men  had  actually  enjoyed 
in  their  different  workshops.  There  was  a  misunder- 
standing on  a  point  of  interpretation.  The  employers 
naturally  concluded  that  the  47  hours  meant  47  hours' 
actual  work  ;  the  men  concluded  that  it  meant  something 
else,  and  before  there  was  an  opportunity  for  the  two  sides 
to  come  together  calmly  to  solve  these  differences  of 
interpretation,  notices  were  put  up,  shop  meetings  were 
held,  growing  into  larger  mass  meetings,  resolutions 
passed,  and  strikes  at  one  or  two  places,  or  threats  of 
strikes,  with  the  now  usual  declaration  that,  if  the  men 
were  called  out  at  one  place,  they  would  be  followed  by 
all  others.  That  was  the  wrong  way  to  do  business. 
Business  men  in  any  one  trade  should  be  careful  of  what 
they  were  doing,  and  the  associations  of  workmen  should 
be  equally  careful,  because  of  the  influence  of  example." 

In  the  first  week  in  February,  an  official  report  indicated 
the  nature  of  some  of  the  disputes  which  had  then  com- 
menced to  burst  out.  It  said  : 

"  The  most  serious  strike  now  in  progress  is  that  of  the 
motormen  on  the  London  Tubes,  who  are  demanding 
that  the  thirty  minutes'  break  for  a  morning  meal,  which 
they  have  been  accustomed  to  under  the  9-hour  day, 
shall  be  retained  under  the  8-hour  day.  The  Metro- 
politan Railway  men  came  out  in  sympathy  on  February  4. 
An  agreement  has  been  made,  which  it  is  hoped  will  result 
in  a  resumption  of  work.  The  strike  on  the  Clyde  continues, 
although  a  number  of  men  are  already  returning  to  work. 
In  Belfast  the  situation  is  still  grave.  The  strikes  of 
boilermakers  on  the  North-East  Coast  and  of  ship-repairers 
on  the  Thames  continue.  There  are  a  number  of  strikes 
in  progress  in  South  Wales,  in  almost  every  branch  of 
industry.  These  include  a  strike  of  practically  the  whole 
of  the  South  Wales  members  of  the  Electrical  Trades 
Union,  which  began  on  February  3  in  support  of  their 
demand  for  a  47-hour  week  and  a  basis  wage  of  2s.  and 
Is.  9d.  per  hour  for  the  various  grades.  Strikes  involving 


470     THE  ARMISTICE  AND  NATIONALIZATION 

several  thousand  men  occurred  during  the  week  at  collieries 
in  the  Amman  Valley  (Anthracite  District),  Llanbradach, 
and  Landore,  etc.  The  Dowlais  miners  resumed  work  on 
January  28,  the  management  having  granted  all  their 
demands. 

"  At  Barrow,  on  January  30,  about  300  carpenters  and 
joiners  were  out  as  a  protest  against  the  existence  of  a 
premium  bonus  system.  At  Birkenhead  about  400 
riveters,  shipwrights,  and  caulkers  struck  on  January  28 
at  Messrs.  Cammell  Laird's.  A  large  number  of  smelters 
are  out  in  Lanark.  There  has  been  no  indication  that  the 
strike  of  the  4,000  boilermakers  in  the  Bristol  Channel 
shipyards  has  been  settled. 

"  The  London  electricians  threatened  to  strike  in  London 
on  February  6  unless  the  Government  brings  in  a  Bill  for 
a  national  40-hour  week  and  sets  free  the  Clyde  strike 
leaders.  Certain  sections  of  the  National  Union  of  Rail- 
waymen,  notably  London  and  Liverpool,  threaten  to 
strike  on  February  9  as  a  protest  against  the  Government's 
alleged  dilatory  method  of  dealing  with  their  national 
programme." 

The  burst-out  over  the  47-hour  week,  with  the  subse- 
quent demands  for  a  44-hour  or  a  40-hour  week  in  some 
trades,  was  only  the  preliminary  to  disturbance  throughout 
the  country,  first  of  one  industry,  and  then  of  another. 
If  the  general  position  is  considered,  it  may  be  deduced  that 
the  War  had  tended  to  equality  in  rationing,  equality  in 
conscription,  and  equality  in  the  general  advances  of 
war  wages  to  different  sections  of  the  community.  The 
War  had  also  tended  towards  big  organisations  in  both 
Capital  and  Labour.  In  the  one  case  big  organisations  had 
been  effected  by  Government  action,  in  the  railways,  mines, 
etc.,  and  by  control  of  shipping,  engineering,  national 
factories,  etc.  They  had  also  been  effected  by  voluntary 
action,  with  a  view  to  economy  of  production  and  greater 
efficiency,  or  by  the  limitations  imposed  through  shortage 
of  managerial  power.  In  the  other  case,  the  equality  of 
wage  demands  had  brought  unions  together,  insurance 
through  approved  societies  and  other  agencies  already 
acting  before  the  War  had  increased  their  strength,  dilution  or 
interchangeability  had  brought  trades  into  close  relation. 

This  was  one  side  of  the  picture.     On  the  other  was  the 


NATURE    OF  THE   DISPUTES  471 

fact  that  many  of  the  older  trade  union  leaders,  largely 
through  their  perpetual  work  in  London,  had  lost  in- 
fluence, and  could  not  control  the  huge  bodies  of  which 
they  were  the  leaders.  Sporadic  strikes  of  sections  were 
apt  to  arise.  The  rank  and  file  would  not  submit  to 
discipline.  In  individual  works  they  aimed  at  power  within 
the  shop  without  reference  to  leaders,  whom  they  seldom 
saw  and  who  were  continually  busy  on  other  matters.  The 
workshop  committees  became  during  the  War  a  real  force 
and  had  to  be  reckoned  with.  Since  the  War  they  have 
become  still  more  powerful,  particularly  as  they  afford  a 
mode  of  expression  to  the  young  men. 

A  disquieting  effect  of  the  strikes  upon  the  country  was 
due  to  the  fact  that  disputes  in  certain  industries — mines, 
transport,  railways — bound  more  or  less  closely  together 
under  the  name  of  the  Triple  Alliance,  particularly  affected 
the  comfort  and  well-being  of  the  community  at  large. 
The  common  factor  noticeable  in  all  of  them  was  the  rest- 
less pressure  and  support  of  the  young  men  in  favour  of  a 
strike  on  almost  any  pretext,  until  it  became  almost  a  farce 
in  the  recent  voting  of  the  Yorkshire  "  nippers  "  in  the 
coal  dispute.  The  stirring  of  the  War,  the  success  of  mass 
effort,  the  insistent  claim  and  proof  by  their  leaders  that 
the  Government  could  be  made  to  yield,  induced  large 
numbers  of  men  in  every  case  to  support  demands  against 
employers  largely  without  regard  to  the  possibilities  of  the 
future  of  industry.  The  lavish  expenditure  and  grandiose 
schemes  of  the  Government  could  only  add  fuel  to  the  flame. 
Men  desired  to  have  a  share  in  the  assumed  millions,  which 
did  not  appear  to  be  used  to  reduce  the  cost  of  living. 

At  the  same  time,  many  of  the  young  men  were  deter- 
mined to  have  a  better  time  and  more  of  the  amenities 
of  life,  as  they  had  been  vaguely  promised,  without  more 
work,  often  with  less  work,  and  without  production  even 
equivalent  to  the  amount  produced  per  head  in  the  years 
previous  to  the  War.  They  desired  more  pay,  less  work, 
a  better  standard,  and  more  openings,  openings  which  were 
crystallised  in  the  phrase  of  more  control,  or  a  share  in  the 
management  of  the  conditions  under  which  they  lived. 

On   these   natural   desires   there   was    built   the    ideal 

by  some  of  their  leaders,   particularly  the  coal-miners' 

leaders,  that  both  material  gain  and  control  could  be  got 

by  service  to  the  State,  and  not  to  private  owners.     The 

31 


472     THE  ARMISTICE  AND   NATIONALIZATION 

private  owner,  as  the  capitalist,  was  to  be  ousted.  The 
advantages  of  the  incentive  of  personal  gain  and  work,  the 
fact  that  Capital  is  generally  the  aggregation  of  a  vast 
number  of  small  savings  entrusted  to  a  few  people,  either 
for  investment  or  speculative  purposes,  were  passed  over 
in  favour  of  a  phrase,  "nationalization,"  which  has  never 
been  clearly  explained.  In  fact,  one  of  the  miners'  leaders 
has  written  that  it  was  not  a  good  word,  and  that  some  word 
like  "  socialisation  "  might  be  more  suitable.  The  damning 
effect  of  bureaucratic  action  was  also  disowned,  but  it  had 
never  been  explained  how  the  State  could  manage  mines 
without  the  employment  of  bureaucracy,  nor  that  any 
enterprise,  development,  or  cessation  from  strikes  would 
be  more  likely  to  be  obtainable  under  the  State  than  when 
the  mines  were  worked  by  an  extended  unification  of  the 
interests  of  coal-owners  and  coal-miners.  The  aim  of 
nationalization  was  and  is  quite  sincerely  held  by  one  of  the 
miners'  leaders,  Mr.  Smillie,  himself  one  of  the  strongest 
individualists  in  the  country,  and  possibly  would  be  claimed 
by  him  as  an  extension  of  liberty,  leading  to  collective 
liberty  in  work  through  self-government,  and  individual 
liberty  outside  work  through  the  shortening  of  hours. 

Another  element  in  Mr.  Smillie' s  opinions  may  have  been 
correctly  described  by  his  lieutenant,  Mr.  Frank  Hodges, 
who  wrote  in  March  1920  : 

"  The  end  he  (Mr.  Smillie)  had  in  view  was  service  to  the 
bottom  dog,  and  the  great  thing  that  he  wished  to  see 
accomplished  was  the  nationalization  of  the  mining  in- 
dustry, not  so  much  because  he  felt,  as  the  younger  school 
of  advocates  feel,  that  it  would  bring  increased  freedom 
and  status  to  the  workmen  engaged  in  the  industry,  but 
because  of  the  very  concrete  issue  of  increased  safety  to  life 
and  limb,  improved  housing  in  mining  villages,  pit-head 
baths,  and  other  amenities  in  the  life  of  a  miner.  It  is  a 
source  of  great  pain  to  him  now  that  the  work  of  the  Coal 
Industry  Commission  has  not  resulted  in  a  single  additional 
working-class  home  being  erected  in  a  mining  village,  or 
a  pit-head  bath  being  constructed,  and  that  the  accident 
rate  in  mines  has  not  been  diminished." 

For  the  time  being,  at  a  time  when  the  consumption  of 
coal  had  had  to  be  restricted,  and  when  the  recruitment  of 


NECESSITY  FOR  EXPLANATION  473 

miners  after  the  German  advance  in  1918,  the  necessity 
of  export  to  France  owing  to  the  loss  of  output  from  the 
French  mines  in  the  Pas  de  Calais,  and  influenza  epidemics, 
heavily  reduced  the  available  supply  from  British  mines, 
the  movement  of  the  miners,  with  claims  for  nationaliza- 
tion, wages,  and  shorter  hours,  was  very  serious.  Mr. 
Smillie  was  too  able  a  tactician  not  to  realise  that 
force,  if  it  is  to  be  effectual,  must  be  used  in  a  manner 
which  will  ultimately  persuade,  not  in  a  manner  which 
will  alienate,  the  ordinary  citizen.  He  consented  to  Mr. 
Lloyd  George's  proposal  for  a  Commission,  of  which  he 
became  a  member,  under  the  chairmanship  of  Mr.  Justice 
Sankey,  and  that  the  strike  should  be  called  off.  The  re- 
ports of  the  Sankey  Commission  are  well  known,  but  the 
manner  of  appointment  of  this  Commission,  its  constituent 
parts,  its  method  of  business,  and  the  subsequent  working 
of  the  mines,  failed  to  convert  the  ordinary  citizen,  or  all  the 
miners,  or  to  convince  the  Government  of  the  necessity  of 
accepting  the  majority  report. 

To  the  ordinary  man  nationalization  was  nothing  more 
than  a  word,  or  a  cry.  It  was  not  understood.  Its  results 
had  not  been  explained.  Its  method  of  working  was  not 
shown.  Without  any  clear  facts  upon  which  judgement 
might  be  exercised,  the  people  were  faced  with  a  demand 
when  their  burdens  were  very  heavy,  and  when  they  did  not 
wish  to  be  hustled  into  another  huge  national  undertaking. 

The  miners  brought  up  the  question  before  the  Trade 
Union  Congress  in  September,  which  endorsed  previous 
annual  resolutions  in  favour  of  nationalization,  but  shelved 
the  main  question  of  direct  action,  and  deferred  the  subject 
for  a  special  congress  in  December.  It  has  again  been 
alleged  to  have  come  to  the  front,  after  a  declaration  by 
the  Government  against  it,  under  the  guise  of  a  demand 
for  increased  wages  and  the  reduction  of  the  price  of  coal 
to  the  home  consumer,  which  would  absorb  the  Govern- 
ment profits  on  export  coal,  and  in  fact,  if  not  in  theory, 
go  far  to  hand  over  the  mines  to  the  miners. 

It  appeared  to  me  that,  whatever  the  proposed  scheme 
might  be,  the  nation  must  receive  education  on  the  subject 
and  be  prepared  to  exercise  judgement  with  some  knowledge, 
a  view  which  the  miners  seemed  themselves  to  take,  as  they 
started  an  educational  campaign.  With  this  view  in  my 
mind,  I  wrote,  in  the  interval  between  September  and 


474     THE  ARMISTICE  AND   NATIONALIZATION 

December,  some  remarks  in  The  Times  upon  the  position, 
from  which  the  following  passages  may  be  taken  : 

"  Resolutions  upon  nationalization  of  industries  had 
become  recurrent  at  Trade  Union  Congresses  in  the  past, 
but  little  result  had  been  attempted  or  achieved.  Owing 
to  circumstances  known  to  the  whole  country,  a  call  this 
year  has  been  made  upon  their  colleagues  by  the  powerful 
mining  unions,  to  put  an  opinion  into  force  and  make  it 
a  tangible  reality.  Their  claim  is  backed  by  an  argument 
which  they  know  must  appeal  to  many.  They  allege  that 
they  have  been  let  in  by  the  Prime  Minister,  that  at  least 
an  implied  pledge  should  oblige  the  Government  to  support 
the  findings  of  the  majority  of  a  Government  Committee. 
"  The  Trade  Union  Congress  could  hardly  take  any  other 
course  than  that  of  support  to  its  previous  abstract  views. 
Nobody  suggested  it  should  oppose  either  its  own  expressed 
opinion  or  the  demand  made  by  its  most  powerful  section. 
It  may  seem  futile,  under  such  conditions,  to  appeal  for 
further  consideration  before  a  bitter  campaign  is  launched, 
or  to  suggest  that  a  war  between  nationalizes  and  anti- 
nationalizers  is  unwise,  and  perhaps  unnecessary. 

"  But  there  are  strong  reasons  why  further  consideration 
should  be  given  to  an  issue  so  vitally  important  to  the 
country  as  a  whole,  and  why  the  subject  should  be  ap- 
proached without  temper  or  recrimination.  .  .  . 

"  There  are  two  points  which  beset  the  minds  of  ordinary 
men  on  this  subject  of  coal.  The  first  is  a  strong  desire 
for  a  cheap,  plentiful,  and  regular  supply  of  coal.  A  man 
desires  warmth  and  comfort  in  his  home,  and  facility  for 
maintaining,  improving,  and  enlarging  the  business  or  in- 
dustry in  which  he  is  engaged.  The  second  is  growing 
annoyance,  even  anger,  at  the  perpetual  quarrels  reported 
in  one  or  other  coal-field,  culminating  from  time  to  time  in 
national  quarrels  which  upset  the  plans  and  livelihood  of 
everyone  in  the  country.  The  public,  if  convinced,  would 
accept  any  reasonable  scheme  which  would  relieve  their 
minds  of  anxiety  upon  these  two  points.  Other  points 
are  subsidiary. 

"  The  miners'  leaders  appear  to  say  that  the  course 
which  they  are  proposing  will  satisfy  these  two  points, 
and  that  in  addition  the  system  will  ensure  the  best  con- 
ditions for  the  coal- workers.  Obviously,  unless  the  country 


OBJECTIONS   TO  THE  MINERS'   PLAN         475 

is  prosperous,  no  system  will  ensure  to  the  miners  or  any 
other  workers  good  and  improving  conditions. 

"  I  have  been  present  at  the  Trade  Union  Congress  and 
have  heard  the  speeches  made  upon  the  subject.  The 
strong  impression  left  upon  my  mind  by  the  speeches,  and 
by  the  opinions  everywhere  expressed  by  members  of  the 
public,  is  that  the  miners,  although  they  claim  to  advocate 
a  plan  which  will  suit  the  public,  have  not  taken  nearly 
enough  trouble  to  prove  the  value  of  their  plan,  and  have 
not  convinced  the  public  either  of  the  value  of  their  plan 
or  that  they  mean  well  by  the  community.  Consequently 
the  issue  is  serious.  .  .  .  There  will  be  worse  friction  than 
was  even  known  in  the  past  if  nationalization  is  carried 
through  by  the  force  of  one  section  of  the  community.  A 
retrocession  from  the  step,  once  taken,  is  likely  to  be  im- 
practicable. A  reasonable  majority  of  the  people  ought 
to  be  convinced,  and  those  who  advocate  so  far-reaching 
a  plan  ought  to  be  able  to  convince  them.  There  should  be 
time  for  the  nation  to  examine,  criticise,  and  understand  so 
large  a  movement.  At  present  little  beyond  a  word  is 
placed  before  it. 

"  The  miners  may  contend  that  resolutions  have  already 
been  passed  by  Labour,  and  that  a  Government  Committee 
has  reported  in  favour  of  nationalization  and  produced  a 
scheme.  I  sympathise  with  the  miners.  A  Government 
Commission  should  have  great  weight  in  guiding  statesmen 
towards  a  correct  course  in  legislation,  but  for  that  pur- 
pose it  must  be  a  Commission  in  which  the  country  has 
complete  confidence,  particularly  on  questions  vital  to 
the  whole  community.  Rightly  or  wrongly,  the  nation 
has  not  been  convinced  by  the  report  of  the  Coal  Com- 
mission. .  .  . 

"  I  do  not  seriously  blame  the  miners  for  this  develop- 
ment, but,  remembering  their  frequent  expression  of  lack 
of  confidence  in  the  Government,  they  might  wisely  have 
taken  great  care  that  any  inquiry  affecting  their  industry 
should  have  been  conducted  with  the  aim  of  convincing 
the  public  that  their  views  are  sound,  their  claims  just, 
that  there  is  no  packed  jury,  nor  any  feeling  that  immense 
power  is  being  used  to  rush  a  position  for  selfish  ends. 
If  there  is  intention  to  rush  the  position  and  press  the 
vague  report  of  this  Commission  at  all  costs,  if  a  campaign 
such  as  is  foreshadowed  prior  to  further  consideration  is 


476      THE  ARMISTICE  AND  NATIONALIZATION 

going  to  be  started,  it  will  be  taken  as  an  attempt  to 
stampede  the  people,  it  will  be  contrary  to  the  principles 
of  intelligent  democracy,  and  it  will  create  a  bitterness 
absolutely  inimical  to  any  co-operation,  any  unity,  or  that 
rest  which  the  majority  of  the  nation  so  much  desire.  .  .  . 
"  Among  other  matters,  the  question  of  the  workers 
having  '  a  voice  in  the  management '  looms  large  in  the 
present  controversy.  It  is  quite  obvious  what  the  extreme 
labour  men  intend  by  this  '  voice  in  the  management.' 
They  mean  the  whole  voice.  It  is  equally  clear  what 
the  mine-owners  mean  when  they  object  to  any  interference 
with  management.  It  is  not  clear  what  the  Coal  Com- 
mission Report  means  or  the  Whitley  Councils  mean  by 
the  same  phrase.  Management  is  a  highly  specialised 
business  ;  it  is,  in  fact,  the  most  highly  specialised  part 
of  any  business.  Consider  the  resentment  of  a  skilled 
miner  or  mechanic  if  he  was  informed  of  a  proposal  that 
someone  who  knew  nothing  of  the  intricacy  of  his  business 
was  to  be  appointed  to  have  a  say  as  to  how  the  coal  was 
to  be  got,  or  how  the  mechanism  of  a  machine  was  to  be 
assembled.  A  skilled  workman  is  supposed  to  know  his 
business,  and  no  such  workman  worthy  of  the  name 
would  stand  interference.  Similarly  a  manager  should 
know  his  business,  part  of  which  is  to  keep  in  close  touch 
with  the  desires  of  his  workmen  and  do  his  best  to  make 
their  work  as  attractive  as  possible.  If  he  fails  in  this, 
he  fails  as  a  manager.  He  is,  in  fact,  the  connecting-link 
between  the  workmen  and  the  employer,  a  leg  of  the 
three-legged  stool,  and,  if  he  is  worthy  of  the  position, 
would,  like  his  best  workmen,  resent  any  interference 
with  his  duties.  The  best  managers,  while  alive  to  the 
desires  of  both  employers  and  men,  are  as  little  inclined 
to  submit  to  officious  interference  of  their  directors  as  to 
factious  interference  of  the  employees.  I  have  in  mind 
many  such  managers  whose  success  in  municipal  under- 
takings or  private  concerns  has  been  due  as  much  to 
confidence  in  their  power  to  prevent  such  interference 
as  to  technical  knowledge  of  their  business.  Imagine 
the  position  of  such  managers  when  called  upon  to  consult 
a  workman  or  a  committee  of  their  own  workmen  elected, 
not  because  of  the  ability  he  or  they  have  shown  in  the 
expert  business  of  management,  but  because  a  man  has 
succeeded  in  securing  election  by  his  fellows.  Popular 


ILL-CONSIDERED   SCHEMES   VALUELESS       477 

election  is  the  worst  type  of  recommendation  for  such  a 
position.  A  delegate  so  elected  will  sooner  or  later  find 
himself  in  the  position  of  losing  the  confidence  of  his 
fellows  or  supporting  proposals  for  the  management  of 
the  business  which  he  knows  to  be  wrong.  Ill-considered 
schemes  which  can  lead  to  such  a  result  are  valueless. 
They  are  harmful — very  pleasing  to  the  theorist,  but  not 
practical  in  their  working. 

"  In  order  to  avoid  such  schemes  and  to  convince  the 
country  as  to  the  best  course  to  be  followed,  it  is  necessary 
that  the  country  should  understand  the  question.  The 
issue  is  wide  and  national,  the  Commission  was  largely 
partisan.  It  is  a  plain  necessity  that  the  country  should 
have  far  more  information  upon  the  subject  and  proof 
in  support  of  assertion." 


CHAPTER   XLII 

GOVERNMENT  METHODS  AND  CONCLUSIONS 

THE  coal-miners  were  not  alone  in  pressing  forward 
demands.  Once  again  the  system  of  sectional  settlement, 
without  any  co-ordination,  by  different  Ministers,  had 
full  sway.  On  the  railways,  in  answer  to  large  claims, 
the  locomotive  men  and  firemen  obtained  advances  which 
only  served  as  an  inducement  to  the  other  grades  to  press 
forward  demands  for  themselves  on  the  same  principles, 
although  the  locomotive  men  had  pressed  for  special 
treatment  on  the  ground  of  skill.  The  unrest  grew, 
section  after  section  in  different  trades  demanding  more 
wages  and  new  conditions  :  and  as  each  section  advanced, 
a  patchwork  settlement  was  effected,  first  by  one  Depart- 
ment, then  by  another,  with  the  chance,  in  every  case,  of 
carrying  an  appeal  from  one  Department  to  another 
Department,  from  one  Minister  to  another  Minister,  and 
when  the  union  was  powerful  enough  to  cause  much 
trouble,  from  minor  Ministers  to  the  Prime  Minister. 
Co-ordination  and  system  were  ignored  at  a  time  when 
peace  and  rest  was  of  the  utmost  importance  to  the  welfare 
of  the  country.  Finally,  a  petty  strike  led  by  one  man 
who  could  not  or  would  not  follow  the  general,  though 
temporary,  settlement  in  the  coal  trade,  led  to  a  supreme 
instance  of  the  result  of  these  methods,  and  illustrated 
the  state  of  turmoil  into  which  the  country  was  drifting. 
The  whole  condition  of  affairs  and  the  policy  which  was 
being  followed  so  moved  me  that  I  could  not  refrain  from 
writing  a  letter,  published  by  The  Times  on  July  30,  in 
heartfelt  denunciation  of  a  system,  not,  as  some  chose 
to  think,  for  any  political  purpose  against  a  party  or  an 
individual.  A  portion  of  this  letter  stated  : 

"  Strikes  have  arisen  from  the  ill-defined  recommenda- 

478 


THE   COAL  COMMISSION  479 

tions  of  an  opportunist  Commission.  As  a  result,  the 
spectacle  is  afforded  of  the  Prime  Minister  of  the  United 
Kingdom  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland  coming  back,  from 
acting  as  the  representative  of  the  greatest  Empire  known 
in  history  at  Conferences  designed  to  settle  the  most  awful 
war  of  all  known  wars  and  the  whole  future  of  the  world, 
to  sit  surrounded  by  subordinate  Ministers  and  high 
officials  from  many  Departments  in  the  famous  Cabinet- 
room  of  Downing  Street  for  the  purpose  of  arranging  the 
meaning  of  a  report  and  the  piecework  rates  of  one  of  the 
Yorkshire  coal-fields.  It  is  a  spectacle  analogous  to  that 
of  five  Cabinet  Ministers,  with  the  same  man  as  their 
leader,  wrangling  unsuccessfully  in  1912  between  the 
parties  in  a  London  dock  strike.  Verily  '  a  degradation 
of  Government.'  And  there  are  many  disputes  equally 
big  going  on,  or  just  coming  on,  and  many  far  bigger 
disputes  looming  in  the  future.  Are  there  to  be  more 
opportunist  Commissions  and  more  and  more  contentious 
matters  drifting  to  Downing  Street,  with  the  chance  of  an 
opportunist  settlement  dictated  by  the  supposed  need  of 
the  moment  and  the  sturdiness  of  '  audacious  '  demands  ? 
Why  is  it  ?  Is  there  no  policy  ?  Has  there  ever  been 
any  industrial  policy  ? 

"  Meanwhile  the  burden  of  the  long  War  is  upon  us, 
and  with  huge  debts,  restricted  exports,  swingeing  taxation, 
and  continued  borrowing,  we  listen  to  speeches  urging 
production  on  those  who  will  not  hearken,  and  work  on 
those  who  either  cannot  get  it  or  do  as  little  and  spend  as 
much  as  they  can.  Demands  are  made  more  and  more, 
prices  rise  as  the  supplies  decrease,  efforts  to  maintain  or 
increase  supplies  are  half-hearted,  futile,  or  purposely  not 
intended,  and  an  orgy  of  expenditure  is  the  fashion.  In 
this  whirl  of  insecurity  and  uncertainty  profiteering  stands 
out  with  ugly  insistence  ;  there  is  restlessness  and  dis- 
content ;  beneath  the  surface  those  with  small  or  fixed 
incomes  form  a  body  filled  with  ominous  and  growing 
anger.  The  cry  is  ever,  '  Give  !  give  ! '  to  which  the  Gov- 
ernment replies,  not  by  economy  or  urging  restriction  of 
wasteful  outlays,  but  by  borrowing  more  money,  ladling 
out  more  doles,  proposing  more  place-men,  continuing 
vast  subsidies,  not  even  making  a  pronouncement  against 
profiteering.  There  is  a  continuous  scramble  for  money, 
and  more  money,  at  any  cost  to  the  nation.  The  inevitable 


480    GOVERNMENT  METHODS  AND   CONCLUSIONS 

disturbance  results  and  grows  from  the  least  hitch,  after  a 
vague  settlement  of  the  recent  industrial  trouble.  Is  it 
remarkable  that  the  Prime  Minister  has  to  settle  piece- 
work rates  of  Yorkshire  mines  at  10  Downing  Street  ? 

"  The  Prime  Minister  has  brought  it  on  himself  by  a 
system  of  opportunism  and  political  interference  in 
industrial  business.  He  is  the  victim  of  his  own  method. 
From  the  time  when  he  entered  the  Board  of  Trade, 
through  the  time  when  he  established  and  carried  on  the 
most  lavishly  run  Department  the  world  has  ever  seen, 
down  to  the  present  moment,  he  has  been  a  spending 
Minister,  utterly  regardless  of  economy,  guided  only  by 
opportunism,  and  with  no  Labour  policy  except  political 
interference  for  political  aggrandisement  at  the  expense 
of  the  country.  Opportunism  has  been  coupled  with 
spectacular  displays,  such  as  the  supersession  of  the 
responsible  Minister  in  the  South  Wales  mining  difficulty 
of  1915.  In  that  case  he  left  Mr.  Runciman  to  wipe  up  a 
maze  of  vague  clauses,  and  impressed  every  trade,  some- 
times employers  and  more  often  the  employed,  with  the 
belief  that  they  had  only  to  push  hard  enough  to  receive 
their  demands  from  the  bottomless  purse  of  the  nation. 
Now  the  nation  is  reaping  the  results. 

"  Again  and  again  the  Government  was  warned, 
verbally  and  in  writing,  that  the  splendid  response  of 
Labour  to  the  War,  the  abnegation  of  self,  the  sacrifice  of 
war,  would  be  swamped  if  profiteering  was  not  denounced 
and  a  lead  given  which  would  make  those  who  were  living 
more  or  less  safely  at  home  realise  the  supreme  sacrifice 
which  the  flower  and  youth  of  the  nation  were  daily 
incurring  for  others.  They  were  told,  in  a  report  submitted 
early  in  the  War  by  the  Committee  on  Production,  '  that 
the  needs  of  the  nation  in  time  of  war  must  not  be  made 
the  means  of  undue  private  gain.'  That  was  the  only 
report  which  was  suppressed.  That  principle  has  never 
been  adequately  acted  upon,  is  not  acted  upon  now,  and  is 
flouted  by  most  men  who  have  a  chance  of  flouting  it.  I 
venture  to  say  this  flouting  is  loathsome  to  all  the  best 
men  and  women  in  the  nation,  and  particularly  to  those 
who  have  risked  or  lost  in  the  War  those  who  are  nearest 
and  dearest  to  them,  even  though  some  in  self-protection 
have  had  to  join  in  the  rush  for  profits. 

"  As  for    Labour,  they  see   the  profits,   they  see  the 


NO  UNITY  OF  PURPOSE  481 

extravagance.  They  ask  for  more.  Taking  any  one  of 
the  numerous  demands  now  being  made,  the  employers 
in  one  district  might  be  able  to  meet  it  out  of  Government 
contract  prices.  If  they  did,  they  know  that  it  would 
spread  to  every  district  in  the  country  ;  and  if  given  in 
one  trade,  leap  like  a  prairie  fire  from  trade  to  trade. 
They  refuse,  and  a  strike  results.  One  Department,  out 
of  the  many  overlapping  Departments  which  have  been 
established  by  the  Prime  Minister,  comes  in.  Their 
official  says,  '  Give  it ' — regardless  of  the  efforts  of  arbi- 
tration tribunals,  ignorant  of  the  interlocking  of  trade 
with  trade,  ignorant  of  the  ABC  of  the  question,  or, 
if  not  ignorant,  careless.  .  .  .  Hundreds  of  millions  of 
pounds  have  been  thrown  away  in  this  manner,  the  worst 
instances  being  the  12^  per  cent,  and  various  efforts  of 
the  Ministry  of  Munitions  and  the  Air  Ministry,  and,  in 
addition,  the  seeds  of  future  trouble  have  been  continu- 
ously laid.  Another  official  in  a  similar  case  says  :  '  No. 
This  involves  issues  too  serious.  You  cannot  give  it.' 
The  men's  leader  says  :  '  We  see  the  profits  ;  they  can 
pay,  and  they  shall  pay.  They  get  it  from  the  Government. 
We  insist  upon  our  share.  It  does  not  matter  to  us  if 
the  rise  spreads  to  other  places.  So  much  the  better  for 
our  men  there.  We  want  our  bit,  and  the  cost  of  living 
justifies  us.  If  the  employers  take  big  profits,  we  will  too.' 

"  The  Civil  servant  who  takes  a  wide  outlook  and  is 
more  anxious  to  maintain  a  sound  policy  in  the  matter  of 
advances  than  to  secure  temporary  peace  by  opportunist 
concessions,  risks  and  frequently  receives  blame.  He  is 
discredited  by  his  opportunist  political  chief.  The  old 
Civil  Service  and  its  great  traditions  have  been  nearly 
swamped  by  the  influx  of  new  Departments  and  politicians 
holding  office  for  a  few  months,  during  which  they  can 
gain  no  knowledge  of  their  business,  but,  following  the 
example  of  others,  see  that  grandiose  plans,  vast  expendi- 
ture, and  an  army  of  new  men  commend  them  for  pro- 
motion. The  new  men  imitate  their  chiefs  ;  the  Civil 
servants,  both  new  and  old,  find  themselves  at  the  mercy 
of  transitory  leaders  ;  claims  for  salaries  are  based  on  the 
size  of  Departments  ;  the  pursuance  of  any  considered 
plan  or  policy  is  rendered  abortive  ;  if  a  line  of  patience  or 
considered  work  is  attempted,  it  is  ridiculed.  .  .  . 

"  It  is  time  that  some  sane  lead  should  be  given  to  the 


482    GOVERNMENT  METHODS   AND   CONCLUSIONS 

country.  Patience  has  been  preached,  but  nothing  has 
been  done.  There  is  no  unity  of  purpose,  no  real  lead,  no 
thrift  in  administration  or  private  expenditure,  no  hin- 
drance to  the  scramble  for  money  and  the  continuance  of 
profiteering.  War  is  a  time  of  sacrifice.  Many  have  made 
it  a  source  of  gain,  and  flaunt  their  ill-gotten  wealth  before 
the  eyes  of  those  who  risked  life  on  their  behalf. 

"  I  have  accused  the  Prime  Minister  of  opportunist 
prodigality,  with  which  principle  he  has  imbued  the  colossal 
staffs  surrounding  himself  and  his  Ministers  ;  of  interfering 
with  good  government  in  the  country,  and  particularly 
with  the  moral  of  the  Civil  Service  ;  of  entering  into  and 
supporting  a  systematic  interference  of  the  politician  in 
industrial  disputes,  and  thereby  achieving  the  double 
result  of  fomenting  trouble  and  degrading  Government ; 
and  of  promoting  and  condoning  lavish  waste  and  ex- 
penditure. A  system  of  doles  and  political  bribery  for 
the  maintenance  of  political  power  can  never  last,  but  it 
may  irretrievably  injure  this  country  before  it  comes  to  a 
dishonourable  end.  The  Prime  Minister  has  been  neces- 
sarily absent.  He  has  been  weighted  with  many  cares  ; 
but  the  task  of  pulling  the  country  together  and  changing 
the  system  will  brook  no  delay.  Let  him  tell  the  people 
the  real  situation  and  preach  to  them  the  necessity  of 
economy  and  thrift,  and,  above  all,  act  upon  it  himself. 
Let  him  put  the  settlement  of  industrial  disputes  on  a  sound 
basis,  to  be  dealt  with  between  employers  and  employed, 
only  lending,  if  necessary,  outside  aid  in  the  event  of  a  dead- 
lock. Let  that  aid  be  the  one  authority  whose  action  shall 
be  final,  without  interference  by  politicians  and  Downing 
Street,  and  continuous  and  uncertain  cutting  across  of  its 
actions.  Let  him  denounce  the  profiteer,  whether  he  be 
employer,  middleman,  or  employee,  and  take  steps  to  stop 
their  profits  and  nefarious  methods.  Let  him  insist  on 
an  example  being  set  by  all  Government  Departments, 
ruthlessly  cut  down  unnecessary  place-men,  and  demand 
on  every  side  a  cessation  of  extravagance  and  waste.  The 
country  is  looking  for  a  lead,  craving  a  lead  ;  and  there  is 
yet  time  to  give  it  a  lead.  All  sane  men  will  wish  him 
God-speed  if  he  will  take  his  chance  and  act  quickly. 
Failing  that !  " 

My  theory  was  and  is  in  favour  of  an   avoidance  of 


CRITICISM  OF  METHODS  483 

disputes  by  all  honourable  means,  and  a  just  and  equitable 
composing  of  difficulties  when  they  arise,  a  policy  entirely 
contrary  to  the  use  of  the  political  machine  in  industrial 
matters,  where  its  interference  has  continually  wrought 
harm. 

The  letter  only  anticipated  the  storm  by  a  few  hours. 
During  the  early  days  of  August  the  pent-up  anger  of  many 
men  broke  out.  The  Press  reflected  the  opinion  of  thinking 
men  and  cried  loudly  against  extravagance  and  waste.  An 
official  announcement  was  made  that  the  Ministry  of  Labour 
would  return  to  the  pre-war  method  of  settling  disputes, 
an  announcement  which  has  not  been  followed.  The  Presi- 
dent of  the  Board  of  Trade  (Sir  Auckland  Geddes)  intro- 
duced an  ineffective  Profiteering  Bill,  which  the  Government 
stated  to  be  urgent  and  necessary  to  carry  through  at  once. 
The  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  (Mr.  Austen  Chamber- 
lain) painted  in  a  gloomy  speech  the  state  of  debt,  and 
called  loudly  for  economy,  hinting  that  the  country  was  on 
the  straight  road  to  bankruptcy.  The  Government  De- 
partments were  told  by  the  Prime  Minister  that  staffs  must 
be  cut  down  immediately.  A  storm  of  criticism  on  ex- 
penditure and  waste  ran  through  the  country,  but  criticism 
had  never  come  from  the  Government,  or  any  important 
Member  of  it.  The  feeling  was  reflected  in  the  Trade  Union 
Congress.  Although  "  direct "  action  as  a  means  of 
forcing  political  ends  was  shelved,  at  least  for  the  time,  the 
mere  fact  that  resolutions  in  the  country  had  caused  it  to 
be  discussed  formally  at  the  Congress  indicated  discontent, 
and  the  Congress  also  passed  strong  economic  resolutions 
on  such  subjects  as  a  levy  on  capital,  as  well  as  for  national- 
ization of  mines.  Then  there  was  a  lull,  broken  only  by  a 
"  Foreword  "  by  the  Prime  Minister  to  a  new  paper  called 
Future,  which  led  me  to  write  again  to  The  Times  a  series 
of  letters  about  this  hypothetical  "  New  World." 

It  seemed  so  absurd  to  speak  of  the  "  new  world  "  when 
storms  were  actually  gathering,  almost  immediately  to 
burst  out  into  the  railway  strike,  a  case  of  "  direct  action  " 
to  force  the  Government  to  yield  to  a  section  of  the  com- 
munity, though  the  Government  were  the  real  employers, 
and  a  curious  comment  upon  the  claims  of  the  miners  that 
service  to  a  Government  would  be  more  respected  than 
service  to  other  employers. 

The  same  procedure  which  had  now  become  so  common 


484    GOVERNMENT  METHODS   AND   CONCLUSIONS 

was  carried  out,  squeezing  the  railway  executive  to  get 
near  an  agreement,  and  then  standing  out  for  more ; 
squeezing  the  Minister,  this  time  the  new  Minister  of  Trans- 
port (Sir  Eric  Geddes),  on  the  first  day  of  his  entry  into 
office,  and  then  in  this  case  striking ;  and  eventually  squeez- 
ing the  Prime  Minister  to  yield  still  more.  The  same  pro- 
cess, without  the  strike,  was  followed  on  the  subject  of 
standard  rates  in  the  following  December.  Whether  the 
claims  were  good  or  bad,  such  a  system  of  settlement  seems 
to  me  to  be  thoroughly  bad,  and  brings  Ministers,  and  par- 
ticularly the  Prime  Minister,  continuously  into  a  false 
position. 

This  railway  strike,  coming  quite  unexpectedly  after  the 
public  had  been  told  all  was  going  well,  in  answer  to  a 
promise  of  a  considerable  advance,  and  apparently  largely 
out  of  pique  with  a  particular  Minister,  annoyed  the  public. 
It  was  the  beginning  of  winter,  when  people  generally  de- 
sired some  peace  in  the  industrial  world.  The  public  did 
what  they  could  to  assist  themselves,  and  the  Government 
obtained  their  support.  It  was  a  very  unpopular  strike. 
It  was  an  unwise  strike,  if  the  Labour  Party,  as  it  was  said, 
desired  to  achieve  political  success,  because  it  threw  them 
back  for  the  time  being.  It  did  not  lead  the  people  to  be- 
lieve in  their  sense  of  responsibility.  The  object  lesson  was 
not  thrown  away  upon  the  transport  workers,  who  agreed 
to  refer  their  claims  to  a  court  of  inquiry,  or  upon  the  miners, 
who  started  the  campaign  of  education  which  has  been  men- 
tioned. 

In  addition,  during  the  autumn,  a  sectional  strike  of  iron- 
moulders,  refusing  to  work  on  piece-work,  demanding  more 
for  time-work  than  any  allied  sections,  turning  deaf  ears  to 
the  interests  and  advice  of  the  many  trades  dependent  upon 
castings,  hindered  then,  and  as  an  aftermath  for  many 
months,  that  production  in  the  engineering  trades  which 
was  so  necessary  to  the  welfare  of  the  nation.  Thus  closed 
the  year  1919,  with  a  general  feeling  that  some  trade  unions 
were  being  worked  for  political  rather  than  industrial  ends, 
and  despair  at  the  absence  of  stability  and  security  in 
obtaining  production  or  the  establishment  of  efficiency 
in  production  when  employers  and  employed  were  not 
adequately  united  in  the  same  object. 

In  this  present  year  of  1920  it  may  be  noted  that  an 
international  sense,  in  a  mild  form,  has  been  cultivated  by 


DIRECT  ACTION  485 

the  meetings  and  advisory  decisions  reached  at  Washing- 
ton by  delegates  united  under  the  fiat  of  the  Treaty  of 
Versailles.  This  movement  may  acquire  force  in  the  future. 
At  present,  so  far  as  this  country  is  concerned,  the  efforts 
bring  forward  no  points  of  great  novelty.  Great  Britain, 
comparatively  speaking,  takes  the  lead,  but  the  importance 
and  success  of  the  proposals  depend  in  other  countries 
entirely  upon  administration,  the  most  necessary  require- 
ment to  give  effect  to  paper  promises.  It  is  also  to  be  hoped 
that,  under  the  system  of  voting,  the  immense  maritime 
interests  of  Great  Britain  will  not  be  hazarded  by  equality 
of  voting  power  being  given  to  countries  like  Switzerland, 
Czecho-Slovakia,  and  Poland,  whose  interests  do  not  lie 
in  the  possession  of  ships.  Equality  of  power  seems  to  have 
been  allowed  at  the  recent  international  conference  at 
Genoa. 

International  sense  has,  however,  been  followed  up  in  a 
far  more  extreme  form  by  the  renewal  of  threats  of  "  direct 
action  "  for  political  ends,  and  claims  that  the  Government 
in  international  politics  should  follow  the  decisions  of  a 
few  Labour  leaders.  The  future  of  such  action  it  is  not 
possible  to  predict,  but  up  to  the  present  all  the  claims  for 
direct  action  have  been  characterised  by  speeches  and  action 
so  astonishing  in  the  sum  of  ignorance  which  they  display 
that  Ministers  have  had  small  difficulty  in  meeting  the 
criticism.  Understanding  of  foreign  affairs  does  not  come 
from  the  mere  fact  that  a  man  is  a  successful  Labour  leader, 
or  thinks  that  he  can  stop  transport,  or  has  influence  to 
hinder  by  strikes  international  undertakings  of  which  he 
has  the  most  rudimentary  knowledge.  It  is,  nevertheless, 
important  to  recognise  that  the  real  measure  of  support 
given  to  such  claims  is  the  firm  desire  on  the  part  of  the 
whole  nation  to  have  peace,  and  not  to  be  embroiled  in  war, 
unless  the  nation  has  full  cognisance  and  an  opportunity 
of  judging  the  reasons  which  may  lead  to  war.  With  that 
ideal  put  before  the  people,  much  might  happen. 

In  conclusion,  the  few  months  since  the  Armistice,  a  brief 
period  in  the  history  of  a  nation,  have  been  undoubtedly 
marked  by  reaction  after  the  War,  the  desire  to  have  a 
good  time,  to  relax  the  tension  and  the  continuity  of  work. 
There  has  been  the  high  price  of  food  and  all  necessaries 
of  life,  continuously  rising,  with  wages  not  covering  in  all 
cases  the  demands  made  by  increasing  costs.  There  has 


486    GOVERNMENT  METHODS   AND   CONCLUSIONS 

been  the  fear  of  higher  prices,  the  fear  of  unemployment, 
and  the  fear  of  competition  by  the  influx  of  more  workers 
and  the  effects  of  demobilisation.  The  better  feeling  among 
employers  generally  was  not  recognised  sufficiently,  while, 
on  the  other  hand,  strong  dislike  of  profiteers  continued  to 
exist,  and  the  belief  that  Capital  would  dominate,  with 
resentment  against  such  a  possibility.  New  men  had  arisen 
in  the  course  of  the  years,  who  threw  over  old  methods  and 
thought  that,  by  combination  of  demands  and  organisation 
of  workers  and  by  strikes,  they  could  force  from  employers, 
or  if  not  from  them,  from  the  Government,  the  chief  con- 
trolling employer,  a  concession  of  their  demands.  Propa- 
ganda ceaselessly  pressed  for  a  change  of  social  life,  a  better 
position  for  the  workers,  and  more  control.  Behind  all 
these  causes  writers  and  speakers  have  revived  or  pressed 
idealistic  views,  which  now  or  never  it  seemed  possible  to 
obtain,  and  which  were  often  held  without  realisation  of 
the  tragedy  of  the  times,  the  ravages  of  the  War,  or  the 
grim  results  and  further  strife  which  might  follow  by  push- 
ing forward  doctrines  the  results  of  which  they  could  not 
control.  It  is  easy  to  be  a  revolutionist ;  it  is  not  easy 
to  be  a  revolutionist  who  sees  where  he  is  drifting  or 
being  led.  The  freedom  not  to  exercise  toleration  may  be 
a  defensible  theory,  but  may  also  become  selfish  indi- 
vidualism. 

In  some  districts  of  the  country,  particularly  large  cities, 
the  housing  difficulty  aided  discontent.  Men  cannot 
work  properly  if  their  homes  are  thoroughly  uncomfortable 
or  crowded,  and  yet  if  they  go  farther  away  from  their 
work,  every  increase  of  tramway  or  railway  fares  diminishes 
earnings,  and  may  even  cancel  the  gain  of  their  own  ad- 
vances in  wages.  Instead  of  more  amenities  in  life  or  the 
hopes  of  home  which  might  have  been  cherished,  the 
fruition,  in  spite  of  lavish  promise,  continued  and  con- 
tinues to  be  lamentably  meagre. 

The  sense  of  proportion  must  be  exercised  when  dealing 
with  the  views  and  opinions  of  large  masses  of  people. 
Elements  of  discontent  are  cumulative.  One  man  is  chiefly 
guided  by  one  reason,  another  by  a  different  reason,  but 
the  result  may  be  the  same.  The  absence  of  logical  reasons 
is  generally  more  noticeable  than  their  presence.  It  is 
probable  that  the  majority  of  people  want  to  be  left  alone, 
and  not  to  have  their  lives  interfered  with,  particularly 


PRESENT  POSITION  487 

by  officials  :  people  want  to  do  things  on  their  own,  and 
not  in  manner  prescribed  by  agents,  however  benevolent 
their  views  of  uplifting  and  improvement  may  appear  to 
be.  In  the  case  of  lockouts  and  strikes,  it  must  always  be 
remembered  that  the  percentage  of  persons  in  dispute  at 
any  particular  time  is  very  small  relatively  to  the  large 
numbers  of  people  steadily  working,  and  not  interested  in 
the  least  in  the  dispute  unless  it  happens  to  impinge  on 
their  own  interests,  work,  or  enjoyment.  It  is,  however, 
disconcerting  to  the  majority  of  people,  who  desire  to  settle 
down  and  live  in  peace,  when  an  epidemic  of  strikes,  or 
"  a  strike  fever,"  as  one  politician  complacently  called  it, 
is  reported  in  the  Press,  and  fuel,  travel,  or  supplies  of  food 
and  articles  required  in  every  household  are  gravely  inter- 
fered with.  Before  settling  down  again  into  complacency, 
the  public,  of  whom  the  majority  are  other  working  men 
and  women,  want  to  know  the  reason,  and  may  feel  the 
direct  effects.  There  are  also  serious  after-effects  in  re- 
striction of  trade  and  export,  increased  taxation  and 
increased  cost,  which  they  do  not  fully  realise,  though  they 
are  there,  and  must  affect  the  wealth  of  the  nation  available 
for  distribution  among  the  people,  generally  out  of  all 
proportion  to  the  value  obtained  by  the  immediate  protago- 
nists in  the  dispute.  The  effect,  too,  on  the  mental  and 
moral  nature  of  men  is  bad.  All  this  hatred,  bitterness, 
and  jealousy  cannot  be  good.  Divergent  interests  and 
suspicion  and  intent  almost  always  arise  or  remain  after 
these  struggles,  even  though  men  may  shake  hands  over 
the  particular  dispute.  It  would  be  better  if  they  did 
not  arise. 

Then  how  is  that  result  to  be  obtained  ?  It  would  be  use- 
less to  say  that  the  waves  of  the  sea  are  always  to  be  still,  or 
that  the  movements  of  ambition,  greed,  and  interests  will  not 
lead  to  clashing  from  which  struggles  of  strength  will  arise. 
The  small  minority  actively  engaged  in  promoting  complete 
changes  of  society,  followed  all  the  more  easily  by  the 
masses  as  organisations  are  enlarged  or  more  closely  knit 
in  discipline,  would  alone  be  sufficient  to  prevent  such  a 
millennium.  The  example  of  other  nations,  either  in 
political,  industrial,  or  revolutionary  movements,  is  not 
to  be  left  out  of  account,  although  often  magnified  into 
undue  importance,  and  although  unity  at  home  is  surely 
of  more  value  than  a  vague  alliance  with  contemptuous 
32 


488    GOVERNMENT  METHODS   AND   CONCLUSIONS 

and  foreign  dictators  of  illegal  violence.  The  preachings 
of  publicists,  and  one-sided  propaganda  by  enthusiasts 
urging  what  they  would  destroy  but  not  thinking  what  they 
would  retain,  the  very  workings  of  the  minds  of  men,  must 
prevent  placid  contentment.  It  is  vain  to  think  that  peace 
can  be  got  by  Acts  of  Parliament,  however  orderly  the  ar- 
rangements they  propose  or  the  benevolence  they  breathe, 
or  by  pensions,  insurance,  maximum  prices,  town-planning, 
public  works,  or  multifarious  devices  resulting  in  heavy 
and  ever-increasing  taxation.  I  find  no  answer  in  the 
interference  of  the  politician  in  the  struggles  arising  in 
industry,  and  in  my  opinion  such  interference  should  be 
rigidly  curtailed. 

Let  me  return  to  the  first  pages  of  this  book.  If  the 
orderly  advance  of  peaceful  development  is  to  be  obtained, 
in  place  of  the  surging  storms  of  hatred  and  strife,  there 
must  be  more  knowledge,  so  that  men  should  not  blindly 
follow  guides  who  may  be  blind.  There  must  be  simple 
and  plain  modes  of  bringing  forward  grievances  and  avoid- 
ing disputes  by  all  honourable  means,  and  of  composing 
difficulties  when  they  arise,  justly  and  equitably.  There 
must  be  efforts  to  improve  the  comfort  of  the  workshop 
and  its  surroundings,  reduce  the  monotony  of  work,  and 
by  all  possible  means  obviate  the  fear  of  unemployment. 
There  ought  to  be  a  strong  effort  by  each  industry  to  deal 
with  the  question  of  unemployment  within  that  industry, 
a  difficult  but  vital  task.  There  must  be  an  attempt  at 
better  personal  understanding,  and  chances  given  to  the 
young  to  make  use  of  their  education,  and  by  means  of  their 
brains  and  energy  to  have  opportunity  of  service  to  others 
and  to  themselves.  There  must  be  desire  of  common 
interest,  and  if  possible  of  unifying  common  interest, 
partly  by  the  touch  of  human  and  personal  sympathy, 
partly  by  the  joint  interest  of  material  gain,  with  the  ideal 
of  joint  service.  It  is  the  spirit,  not  paper  systems,  which 
alone  can  prevent  war  and  reduce  the  reasons  for  industrial 
strife. 

My  work  and  the  work  of  a  zealous  Department,  fighting 
through  times  of  sporadic  disputes,  times  of  revolution 
in  1911  and  1912,  and  times  of  war,  will  have  been  mainly 
thrown  away  if  it  has  not  shown  that  bitter  disputes  can 
be  settled  by  understanding,  that  employers  and  employed 
can  work  together,  that  united  effort  produces  great 


THE  AIM  OF  CONCILIATION  489 

results  and  lays  the  seeds  of  greater  results,  and  that 
the  peace  of  the  kingdom  as  a  whole  is  of  greater  value 
than  success  in  a  petty  squabble  or  the  encouragement 
of  hatred  between  man  and  man.  Peace  and  good-will 
among  men  may  have  been  too  high  an  ideal  to  obtain, 
but  in  the  seeking  of  it  it  has  been  possible,  sometimes, 
to  lay  the  seeds  of  future  understanding  and  a  living  growth 
of  unity  and  unified  effort  between  man  and  man,  beyond 
the  material  settlement,  important  though  that  be,  of  the 
wages  between  employer  and  employed .  "  I  see  two  classes, ' ' 
says  Margaret  Hale,  in  Mrs.  Gaskell's  North  and  South, 
"  dependent  on  each  other  in  every  possible  way,  yet  each 
evidently  regarding  the  interests  of  the  other  as  opposed  to 
their  own."  That  is  the  position  of  the  two  camps.  The 
unity  of  the  camps  is  the  aim  of  conciliation. 


INDEX 


Abnormal  places,  204 

Agreements,  referred  to  Industrial 
Council,  chap,  xxiii 

Ainsworth,  Mr.  G.,  185 

Aircraft  disputes,  362 

Air  Ministry,  418,  447 

Amalgamated  Society  of  Engineers, 
370,  375,  382,  417 

Amalgamated  Society  of  Railway 
Servants,  115,  119 

Anarchism,  323,  325 

Arbitration,  formerly  refused,  72  ; 
suggestions  by  Committee  on  pro- 
duction, 369 ;  points  of,  405 ; 
difference  from  conciliation,  405 

Arbitrators,  panels  of,  127 

Army  boots,  chap,  x 

Ashton,  Mr.  T.,  185 

Asquith,  Bt.  Hon.  H.  H.,  163,  168, 
204,  209,  211,  215,  377,  391,  399, 
413 

Associated  Society  of  Locomotive 
Engineers,  122 

Atkin,  Lord  Justice,  454 

Barnes,  Rt.  Hon.  George,  357,  431, 
435,  439,  442 

Barring  clauses,  106 

Beasley,  Mr.  A.,  88,  115 

Bell,  Mr.  Richard,  78,  89,  90,  115, 
119 

Bell,  Sir  Hugh,  185 

Beveridge,  Sir  William,  273 

Bieberstein,  Baron  Marschall  von, 
357 

Birmingham,  30,  32,  119,  252,  261 

Blind  alley  work,  8 

Board  of  Trade,  Railway  Depart- 
ment, 110, 116 

Boilermakers,  37,  141,  262,  358,  396, 
413,  469 

Bolshevism,  295 

Bonar  Law,  Rt.  Hon.  A.,  216,  399, 
440 

Bookbinding,  48,  97 

Boot  and  shoe  trade,  130,  133,  395 


490 


Botha,  General,  258 
Bowerman,  Rt.  Hon.  C.  W.,  186 
Brace,  Rt.  Hon.  W.,  393 
Brooklands   Agreement,    137,    138, 

139,  362 

Buckmaster,  Lord,  350 
Building  trade,  branches  of,  47,  301, 

310,  311,  347,  358,  384,  400,419, 

chap,  xl 

Burhtred,  King,  98 
Burnett,  Mr.  John,  80 
Burns,  Rt.  Hon.  John,  73,  75,  155, 

230,  307 

Burt,  Rt.  Hon.  Thomas,  185 
Butt,  Sir  Alfred,  108 
Buxton,   Viscount,    141,    161,    179, 

182,  209,  229,  230,  231,  351 

"  Ca'  canny,"  chap,  xxix 

Cambrian  strike,  143 

Canada,  chap,  xxiv 

Capita]  and  Labour,  chap,  vi ;  effect 

of  dock  strike  on,  74 
Cardboard-box  trade,  287 
Cardroom  operatives,  137,  188,  362, 

409,  413 

Carson,  Rt.  Hon.  Sir  E.,  437 
Carters,  at  Manchester,   152,   170, 

173  ;   in  London,  223 
Casual  labour,  73,  307 
Cavendish  Club,  348 
Cecil,  Lord  R.,  313 
Central  Unemployed  Body,  308 
Certificate,  abolition  of  leaving,  426, 

430 

Chamberlain,  Rt.  Hon.  A.,  483 
Chandler,  Mr.  F.,  186 
Charting  boys,  33 
China  clay  dispute,  258 
Churchill,  Rt.  Hon.  Winston,  127, 

131, 155,  162,  272,  277,  427,  428, 

434,  453,  454 
Clarke,  Sir  Edward,  222 
Claughton,  Sir  G.,  166,  185 
Clemart,  Mr.,  108 
Clowes,  Mr.  W.  A.,  185 


INDEX 


491 


Clyde  strikers,  letter  to,  374 
Clyde  wages,  comparison  with  Tyne, 

374,  376 
Clynes,  Rt.  Hon.  J.  R.,   186,  262, 

357,  466,  468 
Coal  Controller,  428 
Coal  Mines  (Minimum  Wage)  Act, 

215,  355 

Coal  Mines  Regulation  Act,  135 
Coal,  Northumberland,  134 
Coal,  South  Wales,  84,  134 
Coal  trade,  effects  of  strike,  217  ; 

at  beginning  of  war,  358 
Cohen,  Mr.  Arthur,  94 
Cole,  Mr.  G.,  338 
Colliery  engineers,  429 
Committee  on  Production,  366,  375, 

376,  377,  383,  384,  420,  480 
Communism,  chap,  xxxii,  323 
Communist  manifesto,  330 
Compositors,  London,  85 
Conciliation  Act,  chap,  viii ;   terms 

of,  77 
Conciliator,  points  of  a,  129,  405 ; 

anxieties  of,  159 
Connolly,  Mr.  J.,  109,  315 
Co-operative  societies,  450 
Co-ordination,  lack   of,   363,   434; 

attempts  at,  416,  423 
Co-partnership,  313 
Cost  of  living,  at  beginning  of  War, 

356 
Cotton,  cost  of  cotton  strike,  192 ; 

non-unionist  dispute  in,  chap,  xx ; 

not  in  Treasury  Agreement,  360  ; 

agreement    in,    362 ;  not  under 

Munitions  Acts,  390 ;  piecers  in, 

361  ;    arbitration  in,  409,   460  ; 

cardroom     dispute     proclaimed, 

413 

Coventry,  advance  at,  410 
Crockett,  Mr.  J.  H.  C.,  185 
Cummings,  Mr.  D.  C.,  253,  445 
Cutlers'  feast,  Sheffield,  175 


Daily  News,  283 
Davis,  Mr.  F.  L.,  185 
Devitt,  Sir  T.,  185 
Devonport,  Lord,  227,  228 
Dilke,  Sir  Charles,  283,  293,  352 
Direct  action,  219,  339 
Distributive    trades,   branches    of, 

51 

Dockers'  dispute,  1889,  chap,  vii 
Dockers,  Glasgow,  193,  411 
Dock  labourers,  at  beginning  of  War, 

358 
Dockyards,  384 


Doles,  308,  310,  311 
Dublin,  119,  260,  261,  274,  449 
Dudley,  girls  of,  73 
Dundee,  strike  at,  149,  193 
Dunedin,  Lord,  94 
Dunraven,  Lord,  290 

Education,  chap,  iv ;    progress  of, 

18;  difference  of  school  and  trade, 

19  ;   methods  in  a  good  firm,  20  ; 

completion  of,  21  ;   tests  of,  39 
Eight-hour  day,  claim  suspended, 

358  ;  granted,  465 
Electricians,  at  beginning  of  War, 

358;    12£  per  cent.,    431,    437, 

440,  470 

Ellis,  Sir  T.  R.,  185,  261 
Ely  pit,  143 

Employers,  opposition  to,  11  ;  posi- 
tion of,  chap,  iii ;  aims  of,  14  ; 

ties  surrounding,  15  ;   specialised 

work  required,  21 
Engels,  330 
Engineering,  diagram  of  work,  57  ; 

ways  of  entering,  59  ;  mechanical 

engineering,  61,  358 
Engineering  Employers'  Federation, 

375,  417,  423 
Engineers,  Amalgamated  Society  of, 

370,  375,  382 
Excess  Profits  Duty,  380 

Farwell,  Mr.  Justice,  93 

Federated  Shipyards,  lockout,  252 

Federation  of  Master  Cotton  Spin- 
ners, 137 

Federation  ticket,  221 

Fern  Mill,  137,  140 

Firebrick  trade,  253,  265 

Firemen's  dispute,  451 

Fisher  Education  Act,  28,  39 

Flax  disputes,  449 

Forster,  Mr.  Arnold,  97 

Foundry  trade,  301 ;  12£  per  cent., 
419,  420,  428,  431 

Fox,  Arthur  Wilson,  79,  128,  389 

Fry,  Sir  Edward,  84 

Furniture  makers,  347 

Fur-pulling  trade,  287 

Garston,  strike  at,  172 

Geddes,  Rt.  Hon.  Sir  A.,  435,  483 

Geddes,  Rt.  Hon.  Sir  E.,  484 

Gee,  Mr.  Alderman,  109 

General  Railway  Workers'  Union, 

122 

George,  Henry,  295 
Gibb,  Sir  George,  78,  366,  421 


492 


INDEX 


Gibbins,  Mr.  F.  W.,  185 

Glasgow,  119,  132,  193,  290 

Glasgow  dockers,  193 

Glassmakers,  362 

Gompers,  Mr.,  243 

Goole,  strike  at,  148 

Gosling,  Mr.  H.,  186 

Government  Labour  Committee, 
435,  437 

Granet,  Sir  G.,  166 

Great  Northern  Railway  carters, 
153 

Grey,  Sir  E.,  209,  215 

Gribble,  Mr.,  98 

Grocery  trade,  branches,  53  ;  ad- 
vantages, 54 

Guelph,  Trade  Union  congress  at, 
243 

Guild  Socialism,  chap,  xxxii 

Haldane,  Lord,  222 
Harcourt,  Rt.  Hon.  L.,  230,  410 
Harrel,  Rt.  Hon.  Sir  D.,  395,  421 
Healy,  Mr.  T.,  262,  266 
Henderson,  Rt.  Hon.  A.,  186,  198, 

393,  412 

Hill,  Mr.  John,  376 
Hodge,  Rt.  Hon.  J.,  186,  413,  414, 

422 

Hodges,  Mr.  Frank,  472 
Holmes,  Mr.,  90 
Hopwood,  Rt.  Hon.  Sir  F.,  90,  366, 

395 

Howe,  George,  137,  138,  139,  140 
Huddersfield,  disputes  at,  137,  302 
Hull,  strike  at,  148,  149,  151 

Independent  workers  of  the  world, 

177,  243,  338 

Industrial  agreements,  chap,  xxiii 
Industrial  commissions,  426,  427 
Industrial  Council,  chap,  xix,  226 
Industrial     Council     of     building 

trade,  311,  456 
Industrial  Courts  Act,  447 
Industrial  training,  5,  9 
Insurance  office,  methods  of  enter- 
ing, 62  ;    diagrams  of,  63  ;    ex- 
aminations for,  64 
Ireland,    labour    exchanges,    275; 
Belfast,  109,  113,  437  ;    Larkin, 
chap,  xxvi 

Jacobs,  Messrs.,  260 

James  of  Hereford,  Lord,   78,   79, 

133 

Joint  etock  companies,  effect  of,  16 
Jute  strike,  chap,  xviii,  381,  398 


Keir  Hardie,  Mr.  J.,  215 
King's  message,  359 
Kitchener,  Earl,  360,  361,  362,  366, 
366,  370,  379 

Labour  exchanges,  chap,  xxvii 

Lace  trade,  chap,  x,  288,  347 

Lads,  chap,  v  ;  early  ambitions,  1  ; 
anxieties  of  parents,  2  ;  ignorance 
of  careers,  3  ;  importance  of 
knowledge  of  careers,  4  ;  occupa- 
tions for,  4  ;  questions  for,  5  ;  in 
employment,  chap,  v ;  disillu- 
sionment, 8  ;  trade  teaching,  9  ; 
trade  chances,  10  ;  later  educa- 
tion, 13  ;  expectations  of,  25  ; 
classes  of  aid  to,  29  ;  careers  for, 
42 

Larkin,  Mr.  James,  chap,  xxvi,  109, 
110,  111,  112,  113,  164,  259 

Leather  trades,  315,  360,  384 

Leeds,  strike  at,  154 

Lemieux  Act,  242,  244,  246 

Letchworth,  dispute  at,  252 

Lever  Bros.,  314 

Lewis,  Sir  W.  T.,  91,  94 

Lichnowsky,  Prince,  357 

Lightermen,  221,  385 

Lindsay,  Mr.  R.  W.,  376 

Liverpool,  transport  workers,  160  ; 
tramwaymen,  170,  261  ;  build- 
ing, 448 

Livesey,  Sir  G.,  313 

Llewellyn,  Mr.  D.,  144 

Llewellyn  Smith,  Sir  H.,  122,  161, 
352,  377 

Lloyd  George,  Rt.  Hon.  D.,  110, 
119,  126,  138,  164,  209,  224,  234, 
272,  371,  379,  381,  382,  393,  394, 
401,  413,  414,  460,  463,  473,  480 

London  and  North-Western  Rail- 
way, 88,  437 

London,  boys  in,  35 

London  County  Council,  130,  419 

Longuet,  Mons.,  133 

Lords,  Committee  on  trade  boards, 
282 

Lushington,  Sir  G.,  94 

"  Mabon,"  131 

Macara,  Sir  Charles,  161,  178,  182, 

185 

Macarthur,  Miss  M.,  283 
Macassey,  Sir  L.,  302,  410,  431 
McCosh,  Mr.,  133 
Macdonald,  Mr.  Ramsay,  165,  288, 

299 
Macdonnell,  Lord,  110 


INDEX 


493 


McDowell,  Mr.  A.,  Ill 

Mackenzie-King,  Rt.  Hon.,  W.,  244 

McKinley  Tariff,  87 

Maclay,  Sir  J.,  196 

Macnamara,  Rt.  Hon.  T.,  293 

Manchester,  strikes  at,  152,  170 

Mann,  Mr.  Tom,  73 

Marine  Engineers'  Union,  388 

Marx,  318,  327  et  aeq. 

Marxism,  chap,  xxxii 

Master  cotton-spinners,  agreement 

by,  362 

Master  lightermen,  221 
Maugham,  Mr.  S.,  104 
Mersey  Dock  and  Harbour  Board, 

358 

Mersey,  Viscount,  198 
Mersey,  boys'  club  on  the,  34,  37 
Metropolitan  Police,  449,  450 
Metternich,  Prince,  356 
Midland     Employers'     Federation , 

253 

Midlands,  strikes  in,  chap,  xxv 
Milner,  Viscount,  431 
Miners'  Federation,  135,  143,  381 
Miners'  strike,  1912,  chap,  xxi 
Mines,  at  beginning  of  War,  358 
Mines  Regulation  Act,  355 
Minister  of  Munitions,  appeal  from, 

390 
Ministry  of  Labour,  beginning  of, 

413,  414 
Mitchell,  Mr.  I.  Haig,  109,  110,  135, 

149,  193,  242,  244,  251,  262,  373, 

410,  429 

Morley,  strike  at,  252 
Mosses,  Mr.  W.,  186 
Moulders,  301,  384 
Mullin,  Mr.  W.,  186 
Munitions  of  War  Acts,  effect  of, 

298  ;  object  of,  386,  427  ;  limita- 
tions of,  389 
Munro,  Sir  T.,  410 
Murphy,  Mr.  W.,  259,  262,  269 
Music  halls,  chap,  xi,  252 

National  Building  Code,  Scotland, 

411 
National  Federation  of  Transport 

Workers,  221,  261 
Nationalization,  chap,  xli 
National  Maritime  Board,  436 
Newport,  disputes  at,  136,  181 
New   Zealand,   arbitration   courts, 

285 
Non-union  disputes,  in  coal,  407  ; 

in  cotton,  chap,  xx,  188;  decisions 

on,  192,  396 
North-Eastern  Railway,  145,  167 


Northumberland  coal,  134 
Nottingham  lace  trade,  chap,  x 

Occupations     of     the     world,     5 ; 

questions  on,  6 
O'Connor,  Mr.  T.  P.,  170 
Osborne  judgment,  354 
Oxford,  Conference  at,  35 

Page,  Dr.  W.  H.,  363 

Panels  of  arbitrators,  127 

Pankhurst,  Mrs.,  401 

"  Panther,"  incident  of,  166 

Parents,  anxieties  of,  2  ;    influence 

in  trade  selection,  24 
Paupers,  number  of,  30,  309 
Payment  by  results,  422 
Peaceful  persuasion,  295 
Penrhyn  quarry  dispute,  80,  81 
Pieceworkers  and  12 A  per  cent.,  436, 

443 

Pink  list,  158 

Poor  Law  Commission,  308 
Port  of  London,  220,  227 
Position    before    the    War,    chap. 

xxxiii         ' 
Pottery  industry,  456 
Poulton,  Mr.  E.  L.,  186 
Prefect  system  in  boys'  clubs,  32 
Printing  trade,  branches,  49,  362 
Profiteers,  dislike  of,  372,  378 
Propaganda,  chap,  xxix,  399 

Railways,  1907,  chap,  xiii ;  con- 
ciliation scheme,  123;  1911,  all 
grades  programme,  117;  agree 
ment,  122  ;  ultimatum  of,  160  : 
effect  of  coal  strike  on,  218 ; 
sympathetic  strikes,  261  ;  12A%, 
437 

Recognition,  question  on  railways, 
121 

Reports  of  Committee  on  Produc- 
tion, chap,  xxxv 

Restrictions,  proposed  removal  of, 
379  ;  Munitions  of  War  Act  on, 
391 

Ritchie,  Rt.  Hon.  C.  T.,  80,  81 

Riveters,  clubs  for,  37 

Roberts,  Mr.  Arthur,  106 

Roberts,  Rt.  Hon.  J.,  393,  429,  444, 
466 

Roberts,  Judge  W.,  445 

Rosebery,  Lord,  74 

Royal  Proclamations,  388,  390 ; 
coal,  394  ;  cotton,  413  ;  flax,  449 

Runciman,  Rt.  Hon.  W.,  230,  379, 
392,  394,  479 

Ryle,  Mr.  Herbert,  411 


494 


INDEX 


Sabotage,  340 

Sailing  barges,  158 

St.  Aldwyn,  Lord,  392 

Sankey,  Mr.  Justice,  473 

Schloss,  Mr.  D.,  273 

Scotland,  National  Building  Code  of, 
411 

Scottish  miners,  chap,  xiv 

Seamen  and  firemen,  national  pro- 
gramme, 148 

Sexton,  Mr.  James,  109,  112 

Shaughnessy,  Lord,  243 

Sheffield,  speech  at,  175 ;  sheet 
metal  workers,  261,  435 ;  con- 
ference, 365,  368 

Shells  and  fuses  agreement,  370, 
382 

Shipbuilding,  at  beginning  of  War, 
358 

Shipbuilding  Employers'  Federa- 
tion, 368,  423 

Ship-repairing,  384 

Shop  assistants,  60 

Siemens,  Mr.  Alexander,  185 

Smillie,  Mr.  R.,  131,  132,  133,  135, 
270,  355,  415,  472 

Smith,  Mr.  Frank,  376 

Smith,  Mr.  Thomas,  98 

Smith,  Sir  Allan,  365 

Snowden,  Mr.  P.,  145,  260 

Socialism,  chap,  xxxi 

Sorel,  336,  337 

Southampton,  transport  strike,  148; 
boilermakers,  396 

South  Metropolitan  Gas  Company, 
313,  314 

Southport,  miners'  meeting,  206 

South  Wales  coal  strike,  136 

South  Wales,  297  ;  non-union 
question,  407  ;  15  per  cent, 
advance,  408  ;  report  of  Com- 
mission on, 426 

Special  arbitration  tribunals,  402 

Stoll,  Sir  Oswald,  108 

Sumner,  Lord,  434 

Sweating,  282 

Sykes,  Sir  Mark,  150 

Syndicalism,  chap,  xxxii 


Taff  Vale  Railway,  88,  115 
The  lad ;  see  Lad 


Theatres  of  varieties,  chap,  xi 
Thomas,  Mr.  D.  A.  (Lord  Rhondda), 

144 

Thomas,  Rt.  Hon.  J.  H.,  453 
Thompson,  Mr.  Robert,  185 
Tillett,  Mr.  Ben,  222,  232 
Tinplate  Industry,  87,  217,  284 
Trade  Boards,  chap,  xxviii 
Trade  Disputes  Act,  95,  115 
Tramways,      London,      130,    449 ; 

Leeds,  154  ;  Liverpool,  171  ;  not 

in  Treasury  Agreement,  381 
Transport  workers,  at  beginning  of 

War,  358  ;  in  1911,  chap,  xvi  ;  in 

1912,  chap,  xxii,  379,  381,  383 
Twelve  and  a  half  per  cent.,  chap. 

xxxix,     481  ;   in   railways,   437 ; 

for  electricians,  439,  440 
Treasury  Agreement,  371 
Tuckwell,  Miss  Gertrude,  283 

Unemployment,  chap,  xxx 

Vancouver,  243 
Vocation,  guidance  to,  24 

Wage  advances,  second  cycle,  399, 

409 
Wages  (Temporary  Regulation) Act, 

463 

War  Cabinet,  439,  443 
Webb,  Mr.  S  94 
Webb,  Mr.,  439,  440 
White,  Mr.  J.  W.,  185 
Whitley  Committee,  250,  455 
Whittaker,  Sir  Thomas,  289 
Wilkie,    Mr.    Alexander,    186,    376 
Williams,  Mr.  J.  E.,  186 
Williams,  Mr.  S.  A.,  38 
Wills,  Mr.  Justice,  94 
Wilson,  Mr.  H.  J.,   186,  262,  366, 

455 

Women,  wages  of,  289,  401 
Wool,  piecers  in,  361 ;   arbitrations, 

409,  422 
Woolwich,    strike    at,    356,     384; 

electricians,  439 
Workers'  Union,  355 

York,  conference  at,  374,  434 
Y.M.C.A.  Red  Triangle  clubs,  29 


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